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The efforts on creating, at EU level, a functional mechanism to support the operational commitments got materialised by the establishment, in February 2004, of a new instrument. Much better known as ATHENA Mechanism, it was dedicated to the overall administration of common costs associated with military crisis management operations. This article puts forward a comprehensive picture of the main evolutions meant to lead to the development of this instrument, while analysing the implications for the operational domain, generated by augmenting the procedures for financial management of certain costs under the auspices of Common Security and Defence Policy.

Book review: LAWRENCE, Mark, Nineteenth-century Spain. A new history. Londres, Routledge, 2021, 206 pp. ISBN 9780367786045. ; Reseña: LAWRENCE, Mark, Nineteenth-century Spain. A new history. Londres, Routledge, 2021, 206 pp. ISBN 9780367786045.

The diversity of the European Union which is one of their characteristic features, acquires a dimension of inequality when considering the achievements of cohesion. Although the distances between member states have shortened, the citizens do not have the same access to the welfare state. The so-called European social model has also diversified looking not only at the historical performance of each country, but how different they are dealt with old and new problems in the EU society: aging, immigration, globalization, environment, etc. ; La diversidad de la Unión Europea, que constituye uno de sus rasgos característicos, adquiere una dimensión de desigualdad cuando se analizan los logros de la cohesión. A pesar de que las distancias entre los Estados Miembros se han acortado, los ciudadanos no tienen el mismo acceso al Estado de Bienestar. El denominado modelo social europeo también se ha diversificado atendiendo no sólo a la trayectoria histórica de cada país, sino a la forma distinta en que se abordan los problemas viejos y nuevos de la sociedad comunitaria: envejecimiento, inmigración, globalización, medio ambiente, etc.

Nations and Europe in the 20th century : from a Negative Form of the Sacred to a Positive Form of the Secular, by Paul Thibaud
The nation is said to be in décline because it is being engulfed by globalization. Is this the main reason ? Is it not that the nation is being disavowed at the end of a process that lasted from 1914 to the collapse of communism ? Post-nationalism is primarily a rejection that "deconstructs" the political subject without replacing it, giving rise to much disappointment. This waste of our heritage stems from an ignorance of what it meant to our continent to have invented such a particular concept, actively open as it is to universal values - an ignorance that is preventing us from recognizing its resources.

The NEOBIOTA conferences initiated by the European Group on Biological Invasions represents a forum for exchange of ideas and discussion of topics related to biological invasions as well as an interface between science, application and policies (Kowarik and Starfinger 2009). The 7th NEOBIOTA conference (http://neobiota2012.blogspot.com.es/), held in Pontevedra (Spain) from 12–14 September 2012, brought together 288 participants (ecologists, conservationists, representatives of governmental agencies and stake-holders), from 24 European countries and 9 non-European ones (namely, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, New Zealand, South Africa, United States and Venezuela).

AbstractA large literature within the field of international relations has now explored both how emotions can shape political perceptions and behavior and how international actors may seek to manipulate, harness, or deploy emotions and emotional displays for political ends. Less attention, however, has been paid to how political struggles can also center upon issues of who can or should feel what emotion and whose feelings matter. Precisely, we theorize a distributive politics of emotion that can manifest in three general forms, all of which have their own properties and logics of contestation. The first centers on emotional obligations, understood as an actor's duties to feel and express specific emotions. The second concerns emotional entitlements, or the rights an actor enjoys to either feel or not feel certain emotions. And the third involves hierarchies of emotional deference, that is, the varying degrees of priority accorded to different actors' feelings. We illustrate how the politics of emotions can unfold on the international stage by looking at developments in the so-called history problem within Sino-Japanese relations.

The right to freedom of expression and the irremovability and appointment of judges - democratic standards of the Council of EuropeThe right expressed in Article 10 of the Convention stresses the importance of the freedom of expression and the freedom of information as the cornerstones of ademocratic and pluralistic society. The main issue in this article is defining the limits of the freedom of expression enjoyed by judges in those circumstances when they are the authors of critical statements, not only when the critical opinions are addressed at judges and courts. The apolitical nature of judges means that their participation in apublic debate on current political issues should be subject to special rules. The parent value of participation in apublic debate is the special restraint. However, that does not change the fact that judges should comment on the current problems of the judicial system and the system of common courts. Judicial freedom of expression cannot be limited by asanction threat violating the principles of the irremovability and appointment of judges. ; Przepis art. 10 Konwencji oOchronie Praw Człowieka iPodstawowych Wolności podkreśla znaczenie wolności ekspresji wypowiedzi oraz wolności informacji jako kamieni węgielnych demokratycznego ipluralistycznego społeczeństwa. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wskazanie granic korzystania przez sędziów ze swobody wypowiedzi wtej sytuacji, gdy to oni są autorami wypowiedzi krytycznych dotyczących aktualnych problemów demokratycznego ustroju państwowego, nie zaś tylko wówczas, gdy wypowiedzi krytyczne kierowane są pod adresem sędziów isądów. Apolityczność sędziów powoduje, iż ich udział wdebacie publicznej poświęconej aktualnym problemom politycznym powinien zostać poddany szczególnym zasadom. Wartością nadrzędną nadającą ramy udziału sędziów wdebacie publicznej jest powściągliwość. Nie zmienia to faktu, iż sędziowie powinni zabierać głos wsytuacji, gdy publiczna debata dotyczy funkcjonowania wymiaru sprawiedliwości czy ustroju sądów powszechnych. Wolność wypowiedzi sędziego nie może być jednak ograniczana przez groźbę sankcji przyjmującą postać naruszenia zasad nieusuwalności oraz powoływania sędziów.