Suchergebnisse

El autor argumenta que, aunque los derechos históricos de Argentina sobre Malvinas son levemente superiores a los de Gran Bretaña. El tma no es tan obvio como usualmente se supone en la Argentina. Por el contrario, constituye una disputa, extremadamente compleja, plena de ambiguedades que Argentina no puede estar segura de ganar ni aunque esta fuera presentada ante la corte de arbitraje más neutral y justa: este hecho ha sido ensombrecido por la adoctrinación jinoísta de los ciudadanos argentinos han sufrido durante décadas en lo que se refiere a la disputa por Malvinas. A su vez, la información así generada en la opinión pública argentina hacen muy difícil adoptar a nivel nacional, las políticas realistas y racionales que el interés nacional argentino requiere. esta es una trama político cultural de la cual resulta muy difícil escapar. ; The author points out that, despite the loss of strategic interest Malvinas have suffered after the Fall on the Wall, British military presence on the Islands will persist, at leastin the short and middle run. Within this context, the Argentinian-British agreement on the explotation of petroleum is reasonable for Argentinian interest provided we take into account, as well, the greater economic significance of bilateral relations between both countries as regards the conflict on this Islands. ; Dossier: Malvinas ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

The author demonstrates that the envisaged solutions for the conflict between the liberal concept of freedom & the common good differ greatly. Also presented is a miscellany of possible solutions as well as the related contentious issues. However, the analysis has shown that almost all the mentioned authors see the need for some common good, for a "measure of freedom," but their proposed ways for solving the issue vary: while some think that the universal common good is necessary for regulating procedures conducive to the achievement of freely chosen individual aims, others think that the tolerance of cultural & value differences is a sufficient condition for solving the said problem. For example, J. Raz emphasizes moral pluralism as the basis of autonomy, while S. Nathanson thinks that pluralist aims can exist, but not morally varied ways of their achievement. These different concepts of the relationships between freedom & common good can have different effects on the concepts & the practice of public politics in contemporary societies. That is why the need for looking into the conflict between freedom & common good, differences & unity, private & public interest, is highly topical & represents a true challenge for all those who want to contribute to solving the problems of modern age & liberal democracies. Adapted from the source document.

Carhuamayo is an Andean town in Peru, near a mmmg center from which it has suffered such negative impacts as land loss, government neglect, and emigration. The author has found several plays, created or recreated by emigrants from the town in this century, in which well-known historical events and literary themes (conquest by the Inca or the Spanish, rebellions in the colonial period, etc.) are used in response to present day concerns. The dates and history of these texts, as well as the study of their real acceptance by the public, allows him to identify this manipulation of events of the past to meet local needs of the present. ; Carhuamayo es un poblado andino del Perú, cercano a un centro minero, del que ha sufrido una gran influencia (pérdida de tierras, olvido del gobierno, migraciones, etc.). El autor ha localizado varias obras dramáticas, creadas o re-creadas por migrantes del pueblo en este siglo, que han querido usar acontecimientos históricos o teatrales conocidos (conquista incaica o española, rebeliones coloniales, etc.) para fines presentes. La prueba histórica hallada del origen de estos textos -así como el estudio de su repercusión popular real- es la que permite «reconocer» mejor la evidente manipulación de acontecimientos generales del pasado con fines locales presentes.

Islamic fundamentalism is growing at such a rapid rate that many believe it threatens to take over the Middle East. To prevent this, enormous resources have been summoned, not only from within the region, but in the West as well. Yet, for all the efforts to contain, if not turn back the fundamentalists, the movement appears likely to pose a security challenge well into the next century. Dr. Stephen Pelletiere points out that containment of fundamentalism depends first and foremost on accurate information about the nature of the movement. He examines the origins of the various fundamentalist groups that are challenging the area's governments, and explains why they were able to grow in the face of official repression by some of the most sophisticated and well-equipped security services in the world. The author concludes by building a theory about fundamentalism, which implies a need to redirect policy for coping with it. Dr. Pelletiere maintains that the solution is not to try to crush the movement—that has been attempted numerous times and consistently has failed. Rather, the way to proceed is to locate and act on the basic split within the movement between its socially constructive and other more violent elements. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1229/thumbnail.jpg

THE AUTHOR DISCUSSES HOW THE FRENCH PARLIAMENT HAS ADAPTED ITS INTERNAL STRUCTURES AND, TO A LESSER EXTENT, ITS PROCEDURES IN ORDER TO PLAY A MORE IMPORTANT ROLE IN EUROPEAN COMMUNITY MATTERS. IN RECENT YEARS, THREE DEVELOPMENTS HAVE ENHANCED THE FRENCH PARLIAMENT'S PARTICIPATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION. FIRST, A NUMBER OF FRENCH PARLIAMENTARIANS FELT THAT SOMETHING HAD TO BE DONE TO IMPEDE THE GATHERING PACE OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION WITH THE CONCOMITANT DECISIONAL DRIFT AWAY FROM PARIS TOWARDS BRUSSELS AND STRASBOURG, WHICH THEY FELT WOULD TURN THE FRENCH PARLIAMENT INTO LITTLE MORE THAN A RUBBER STAMP. SECONDLY, THE STRIKING QUANTITATIVE INCREASE IN EUROPEAN COMMUNITY LEGISLATION (MAINLY DUE TO THE ENACTMENT OF THE SINGLE EUROPEAN ACT), THE NEED TO INCORPORATE MUCH OF IT INTO DOMESTIC LAW, AND THE REQUIREMENT THAT EXISTING AND FUTURE DOMESTIC LAW BE CONSISTENT WITH COMMUNITY LAW HIGHLIGHTED THE BASIC FAILURES OF THE 1979 LAW AND GAVE RISE TO THE 1990 LAW STRENGTHENING THE ROLE OF PARLIAMENTARY DELEGATIONS. THIRDLY, ONE OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE DEBATE OVER THE MAASTRICHT TREATY WAS THE AMENDMENT OF ARTICLE 88 OF THE FRENCH CONSTITUTION, WHICH NOW OBLIGES THE GOVERNMENT TO SEND ALL PROPOSED EUROPEAN COMMUNITY LEGISLATION TO PARLIAMENT AT THE SAME TIME THAT IT IS SENT TO THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY COUNCIL OF MINISTERS.

In den USA ist kürzlich ein Buch unter dem Titel "The Bell Curve" erschienen, das mit der Behauptung Aufsehen erregt, soziale Unterschiede, Kriminalität und Arbeitslosigkeit ließen sich durch verschiedene und niedrige Intelligenzquotienten erklären. Dabei sei Intelligenz weitgehend angeboren, und Schwarze seien nachweislich weniger intelligent als Weiße und Ostasiaten. Diese Renaissance eines psychometrisch begründeten Rassismus ist von den Autoren des Buches politisch beabsichtigt, was quellenkritisch nachgewiesen wird. In diesem Zuammenhang wird auf die Problematik interessengeleiteter finanzieller Wissenschaftsförderung aufmerksam gemacht. Die von den Autoren Herrnstein und Murray geforderten bildungspolitischen Maßnahmen werden ebenfalls geprüft. Es zeigt sich, daß eine Sozial- und Bildungspolitik, die auf fragwürdigen psychometrischen Daten aufbaut, sich wissenschaftlich nicht legitimieren läßt, und politische Interessen im Vordergrund stehen. (DIPF/Orig.) ; The US recently saw the publication of a book entitled "The Bell Curve" which made a great stir due to the authors' statement that social differences, criminality, and unemployment could be explained by differing and low intelligence quotients. Intelligence was largely inborn and blacks were demonstrably less intelligent than whites or East Asians. This renaissance of a psychometrically substantiated racism was politically calculated by the authors, as a critical study of the book's sources proves. In this context, the author draws attention to the problem of interest-guided financial sponsoring of science. Furthermore, the educational policy measures demanded by the book's authors, Herrnstein and Murray, are examined; it becomes apparent that their social and educational policy is based on questionable psychometric data, and can thus not be legitimized scientifically, and that political interests play a major role. (DIPF/Orig.)

William F. "Bill" Schulz is a Unitarian Universalist minister who is most known for his role as the Executive Director of Amnesty International USA, the U.S. division of Amnesty International, from March 1994 to 2006. He is a prominent spokesperson, activist, and author focusing primarily on the issue of Human Rights and United States' Government role in promoting or disregarding them. In addition to his many public appearances, he has been affiliated with numerous non-profit organizations and universities. William Schulz was born 14 November 1949 to Prof William F. and Jean Schulz in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He attended Oberlin College for his undergraduate degree, completed in 1971. He earned a masters from University of Chicago in 1974, and completed his Doctorate of Ministry at Meadville Lombard Theological School in 1975. Schulz most noted role is his time as the Executive Director for AmnestyInternational USA, an NGO focused on human rights, from 1994 to 2006. During this time he made numerous appearances as a guest on national radio and television programs, and testified before congress concerning humans rights issues. During his tenure, Amnesty International was seen to become increasingly interventionist in its policies, advocating that states take a more active role in secure human rights protections, encouraging collaboration with law enforcement and even military force.

Carhuamayo is an Andean town in Peru, near a mmmg center from which it has suffered such negative impacts as land loss, government neglect, and emigration. The author has found several plays, created or recreated by emigrants from the town in this century, in which well-known historical events and literary themes (conquest by the Inca or the Spanish, rebellions in the colonial period, etc.) are used in response to present day concerns. The dates and history of these texts, as well as the study of their real acceptance by the public, allows him to identify this manipulation of events of the past to meet local needs of the present. ; Carhuamayo es un poblado andino del Perú, cercano a un centro minero, del que ha sufrido una gran influencia (pérdida de tierras, olvido del gobierno, migraciones, etc.). El autor ha localizado varias obras dramáticas, creadas o re-creadas por migrantes del pueblo en este siglo, que han querido usar acontecimientos históricos o teatrales conocidos (conquista incaica o española, rebeliones coloniales, etc.) para fines presentes. La prueba histórica hallada del origen de estos textos -así como el estudio de su repercusión popular real- es la que permite «reconocer» mejor la evidente manipulación de acontecimientos generales del pasado con fines locales presentes.

This paper addresses a `paradigmatic gap' between current thinking on the nature of behaviour in organizations and the introductory organization behaviour textbook. It is argued that recent academic discourses, influenced by postmodernism and feminism, present organizations as fragile, unpredictable and discontinuous. However, the traditional organizational behaviour textbook continues to present an image of a solid, ordered and predictable organizational world. Rhetoric theory offers a powerful framework for examining the epistemological, stylistic and discursive assumptions and devices which make written text persuasive. It is used here to explore the persuasive strategies adopted by introductory textbook authors. In particular, it examines the style, content, structure and author—reader relationship of established textbooks. These are then contrasted to the rhetorical formats of the few `alternative' text-books, which attempt to bridge the paradigmatic gap. It is concluded that traditional textbooks are unable to portray organizations in line with current thinking because of their inherent assumptions about what a textbook should be and do. The alternative textbooks are faced with the challenge of not only presenting different theories but of developing a radical new rhetoric of the `textbook' itself. This is evident in how the authors address the reader, the move away from facts and theories to stories, in celebrating ambiguity, and in their accent on serendipitous learning.

The argument in this essay can be reduced to the following form: the better a planning system is in terms of central planning techniques, the less likely it is to depart from central planning. The author proposes an information approach to explain why China launched economic reforms at a relatively earlier stage of development than did the Soviet Union. The claim is twofold regarding the connections between initiation of reform and information flows in China and in the Soviet Union. First, all else being equal, a bureaucracy better informed about economic conditions is more likely to pursue realistic economic objectives and its policies are less likely to induce macroeconomic instability. To the extent that macroeconomic instability activates a search for alternatives to the status quo, including reforms, a bureaucracy with better information-collection capabilities is less likely to initiate such a search and therefore less likely to initiate reforms.Second, policymakers choose between reforms and the strengthening of central planning as alternative solutions to the status quo. The choice of one solution over another depends on their relative costs. Again, all else being equal, the higher the costs of strengthening central planning (or reform), the more likely is reform (or strengthening of central planning) to be chosen. This essay focuses on one aspect of these costs—the costs of information provision.

This paper is an examination of the critical role the assignment of expenditure responsibilities must play in building the Russian Federation. The fiscal federalism system and the expenditure assignments inherited from the Soviet Union were not truly decentralized. All the real decisions were made back in Moscow. Although subnational governments now have authority to create their own budgets, past processes and institutions still undermine local autonomy. However, the most serious threat to the Russian Federation comes from the lack of a stable assignment of responsibilities. Primarily for budgetary convenience, the federal government has jettisoned certain expenditure responsibilities onto oblast and rayon governments in the past two years, putting Russian intergovernmental relations on a perilous path. So far, the Parliament and the Executive have failed to recognize that a stable expenditure assignment is the first and necessary step in the design of a lasting system of intergovernmental fiscal relations. Instead, the political system has concentrated entirely on revenue assignments which have not endured. The author analyzes several sets of issues that must be addressed in the design of a stable assignment of expenditure responsibilities in the Russian Federation, including the reassignment of social expenditures and social safety-net responsibilities, the reassignment of capital spending responsibilities, and the divestiture of public services by state enterprises.

Partant de la constatation que les chercheurs et autres spécialistes associés aux courants post‐modernes et critiques tendent à privilégier les théories et les modéles transnationaux, l'auteure de cette communication affirme que toute recherche environnementale doit reposer au préalable sur une compréhension du caractére unique, chez l'objet de l'étude, du sentiment d'être‐dans‐le‐monde ou de la place occupée. Elle suit l'exemple des nouveaux ethnographes partisans d'une écriture qui laisse une large place à la réflexion et à la subjectivité en cherchant à concrétiser (et non pas simplement à décrire) cette notion au travers d'une suite d'idées imbriquées les unes dans les autres sur des sujets aussi variés que la spatialité, la représentation et la spécificité canadienne.Noting the tendency among postmodern and critical scholars not merely to employ but to privilege transnational theory and models, the author of this essay suggests that a prerequisite for environmental research of any kind should be an understanding of the site‐specificity of the sense of being‐in‐the‐world, or 'place.' Following the new ethnographers with their validation of reflexive/subjective modes of writing, she attempts here to perform (rather than simply describing) this sense through an interlocking series of ruminations on such topics as spatiality, representation, and Canadian difference.