Suchergebnisse

The minimum wage is usually associated with a variety of factors, mainly it is related to the country´s economy, being the components of the basic basket the prominent one (food, transportation, clothing, housing, basic medicines, energy, water and services). Therefore; it is expected that the minimum wage allows to a more socially unprotected family lives with the necessary and basic, this is to pay, their basic needs but without luxury. Despite the great economic development of Chile, and giving emphasis to different public polices, the democratic governments (after the dictatorship) are still insufficient in terms of social policies such, as to, guarantee a basic access to health, education, equal rights for all citizens and to have a minimum income according to the real needs of workers their families and society as a whole. ; El salario o sueldo mínimo generalmente está asociado a una serie de factores relacionados principalmente con la economía de un país, siendo uno de los principales los componentes de la canasta básica (alimentos, transporte, ropa, vivienda, medicamentos, energía, agua y servicios); por lo tanto, se espera que el salario o sueldo mínimo permita a un núcleo familiar más desprotegido socialmente vivir con lo necesario, es decir cubrir sin lujos pero lo suficientemente bien sus necesidades básicas. A pesar del gran desarrollo económico de Chile, y dando énfasis a diferentes políticas públicas, los gobiernos democráticos (post dictadura) aún están al debe en diferentes políticas sociales, como lo son por ejemplo, garantizar accesos básicos a salud, educación, derechos igualitarios para todos los ciudadanos y además contar con un ingreso mínimo que esté acorde a las reales necesidades que presentan los trabajadores, sus familias y la sociedad en su conjunto.

Within the framework of this seminar, it has been my responsibility to address the constitutional recognition of indigenous peoples (with special reference to the consequences that this can generate in terms of government and internal administration). This theme is, today, the obligatory content of future projects of constitutional reform or of a new Fundamental Charter. ; En el marco de este seminario me ha correspondido abordar el reconocimiento constitucional de los pueblos indígenas (con especial referencia a las consecuencias que ello puede generar en cuanto al gobierno y administración interior). Esta temática es, hoy por hoy, contenido obligado de futuros proyectos de reforma constitucional o de una nueva Carta Fundamental.

This paper analyzes the impact of two anti‐crime programs adopted in Chile in the late 1990s. The first (the so‐called Quadrant Plan) is aimed at enhancing the quality of police work and the second (the Secure County Plan), at encouraging the involvement of the community in designing specific projects aimed at reducing the crime rate. It is found that only the Quadrant Plan has been successful in terms of reducing crime rates and has caused an impact through the effect of arrests in deterring crime. The Secure County program does not appear to have had any incidence on crime rates. It is also found that crime is associated with unemployment and that there is persistence in crime rates.

Efforts to persuade the military dictatorship to return power to a civilian, elected government; based in part on symposium presentation. U.S. ideological and military-strategic interests.

The New Right in Chile, 1973-97, by Marcelo Pollack is reviewed.

As a rapidly developing economy based on natural resource exploitation, Chile embodies many of the themes so often discussed about the impact of economic growth on the environment. Economists typically hold Chile up as a model of progress, while environmentalists libel the wisdom of its development strat egy. Both are, in some respect, correct. Hence, given Chile's current economic necessities, it would be unwise for it to abandon pro-growth initiatives. How ever, it cannot continue its current model of development indefinitely if it hopes to provide a livable environment for its people. Chile must continue to strengthen its incipient environmental programs and diversify its economy with an eye to relative environmental cleanliness. These objectives are well within reach, and both economists and envircnmentalists would do well to rec ognize and encourage the moderate, sensible middle course that is still avail able to make Chile an example of sustainable development.

El diseño como actividad proyectual profesional no se ha posicionado totalmente en Chile. Esto ha producido que la profesión de diseñador sea percibida como un oficio menor y susceptible de ser realizado por cualquiera que tenga una cierta inclinación al buen gusto y algún conocimiento básico de cómo se produce. La industria y las condiciones de producción no han colaborado en el posicionamiento del diseño. Es en ese sentido que el diseño en Chile se transforma en una trampa. Para ello se expondrá el desarrollo de lo que el diseño ha sido en chile desde la segunda mitad del siglo XX a la fecha.

Chile verfügt neben seinem Kupfer über große Vorkommen eines Rohstoffes, dem perspektivisch eine stark zunehmende Wichtigkeit zugesprochen wird. Dabei handelt es sich um das neue "weiße Gold", Lithium. Besonders in Zusammenhang mit der Elektromobilität wird großes Potential für den Rohstoff Lithium gesehen. Doch wie wichtig wird dieser Rohstoff wirklich und wie kann das Land Chile, besonders die Region Antofagasta, wo sich das Lithium in einem Salar befindet, davon nachhaltig profitieren? Die vorliegende Ausarbeitung widmet sich dieser Frage und beleuchtet zudem weitere Aspekte dieses Themas.

ABSTRACTVoters' ideological stances have long been considered one of the most important factors for understanding electoral choices in Chile. In recent years, however, the literature has begun to call this premise into question, due to several changes in the Chilean political landscape: the current crisis of representation, the high programmatic congruence between the two main coalitions, the decline in the political relevance of the dictatorship, and the rise of nonprogrammatic electoral strategies. In addition to these transformations, Chile switched to voluntary voting in 2012. This article studies whether ideology still informs electoral choices in Chile in an era of voluntary voting. It implements a conjoint survey experiment in low-to-middle-income neighborhoods in Santiago, where voters would be expected to be less ideological. It shows that candidates' ideological labels are crucial for understanding the electoral decisions of a large part of the sample, particularly among likely voters.