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The "communication manifesto" is a timely book that calls for more public scholarship in communication and media studies. It aims to develop ideas that further stimulate conversation about our contribution to society and, most importantly, action that strengthens "scholars' engagement with publics beyond academia" (p. 9). This means not only to communicate and discuss scientific knowledge in and with various publics but also to do research with practical implications and learn from the public. The author, Silvio Waisbord, is a professor at the George Washington University and published many pertinent articles and books in the fields of journalism, media policy, participatory and democratic communication, populism, human rights, and health communication. Over the years, he has gained profound insights in the development and diversity of communication scholarship by working and lecturing across the world. With his book, Waisbord addresses a long-standing discussion in our discipline. Over the last decades, many researchers have criticized that communication research does not contribute sufficiently to public discourses on media and communication and thereby misses opportunities to contribute its knowledge and demonstrate its social relevance (see Altmeppen,2012, pp. 37–38; Brantner & Huber, 2013, p. 250; Craig, 2008; Docherty, Morrison, & Tracey, 1993; Fengler & Eberwein, 2012; Ruß-Mohl, 2006, p. 203; Wartella, 1993). Most recently, this discussion has gained renewed momentum.

Die Arbeit untersucht die Unionsgrundrechtsbindung operativer Einsätze im Rahmen der GASP und Frontex auf Basis einer strukturellen Analyse des Zusammenspiels von Mitgliedstaaten und Unionsebene. Während die unionsrechtliche Ebene gemäß Art. 51 Abs. 1 S. 1 Alt. 1 GRCh an die Unionsgrundrechte gebunden ist, stellt sich hinsichtlich der Mitgliedstaaten die Frage, ob diese Unionsrecht im Sinne des Art. 51 Abs. 1 S. 1 Alt. 2 GRCh durchführen. Diesbezüglich wird die grundsätzliche Frage erörtert, wie der notwendige Zusammenhang zwischen Unionsrecht und mitgliedstaatlichem Handeln beschaffen sein muss, damit noch von einer Durchführung des Unionsrechts gesprochen werden kann. Auf Grundlage der diesbezüglich entwickelten Kriterien lehnt Conrad W. Fritz im Kontext des unionskoordinierten operativen Handelns im Rahmen der GASP und Frontex im Ergebnis eine Unionsgrundrechtsbindung der Mitgliedstaaten ab. Das gefundene Ergebnis wird abschließend in das grundrechtliche Mehrebenensystem eingeordnet. / »The Obligation to Respect the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union in Operational Missions under the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the European Border and Coast Guard Agency Frontex – A Comparative Analysis of Union-coordinated Operational Action« -- Based on a structural analysis of the interaction between Member States and European Union within the framework of the CFSP and Frontex, the binding of both areas to the fundamental rights of the EU is examined. The author concludes that the European Union is bound by EU fundamental rights, while Member States do not implement Union law within the meaning of Article 51 (1) CFR due to the merely coordinating character of the EU. The finding is finally embedded in the multi-level system of fundamental rights.

"This book is the first detailed treatment of the approaches taken to enforce competition laws against cross-border cartels (CBCs) from the perspective of young and small competition authorities (more than 70% of the total number of authorities worldwide). No other legal or inter-disciplinary scholarship exists in the market that deals with the issue of a taxonomy of CBCs combined with young/small competition authorities' problems. The book looks at the extent of the harms caused by CBCs and issues associated with tackling them at a transnational level. It explains why past solutions to problems with cooperation have failed and proposes novel ideas on how to improve cooperation and coordination in certain types of CBC investigations (transnational and regional CBCs). The proposals are based on primary-source information and observations made by the author as part of his work in the UN, and interviews with leading enforcers from young, small, old and large jurisdictions. Young/small competition authorities, competition lawyers and economists, scholars and students within the fields of competition law and international law, and those interested in international cooperation and coordination in the area of cartel enforcement in emerging markets will greatly benefit from this book. It is clearly structured and extensively referenced, providing a valuable guide to the topic"--

The aim of the article is to give arguments against the presence of three stereotypes in political science concerning leftism, centrism and rightism. The first one involves the classification of political entities by indicating their place on the left-centre-right axis. The second is based on the belief that leftism, centrism and rightism can be narrowed down to specific levels of competition (e.g. views on the economy or religion). The third stereotype is "dogma" that the conflict over political values was initiated during the French Revolution. The author explains his position with reference to the psychological theory of Shalom H. Schwartz and the circular matrix of meta-value. ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie argumentów na rzecz rezygnacji z utrwalania w nauce o polityce trzech stereotypów dotyczących lewicowości, centrowości i prawicowości. Pierwszy z nich polega na klasyfikowaniu podmiotów politycznych przez wskazywanie na ich miejsce na osi lewica–centrum–prawica. Podstawą drugiego jest przekonanie, że lewicowość, centrowość i prawicowość można zawęzić do określonych płaszczyzn rywalizacji (na przykład do poglądów na gospodarkę, kształt państwa, religię). Trzecim stereotypem jest "dogmat", że konflikt o wartości polityczne został zapoczątkowany w okresie rewolucji francuskiej. Autor uzasadnia swoje stanowisko w odniesieniu do psychologicznej teorii Shaloma H. Schwartza oraz kołowej struktury wartości politycznych.

W artykule autorka stawia tezę, że w latach pieriestrojki, a następnie pierwszego etapu istnienia Federacji Rosyjskiej, nie zaistniały warunki gospodarcze, społeczne i polityczne dla budowy demokracji. Przyczyny tego stanu rzeczy autorka upatruje w źle przeprowadzonych reformach ekonomicznych, słabości instytucji systemowych, braku konsensusu elit. Istotny, okazał się wysoki poziom inercji społeczeństwa, zwłaszcza po nieudanych reformach pieriestrojki i rozpadzie państwa. Otoczenie międzynarodowe początkowo wspierało, głównie deklaratywnie pieriestrojkę Gorbaczowa, jednakże w wyniku naruszania standardów demokracji przez Jelcyna i jego ekipę, nie sprzyjało w sposób efektywny, procesom demokratyzacyjnym w tym państwie. ; The author of the article puts forward a thesis that the economic, social and political conditions at the time of perestroika and, then, in the first period of the Russian Federation were not conducive to the emergence of democracy. In the author's opinion, this state of affairs is due to poorly carried out economic reforms, weaknesses of systemic institutions, and the lack of consensus among the elites. High levels of public inertia turned out to be essential as well, especially after the failed perestroika reforms and the collapse of the state. The international environment initially supported Gorbachev's perestroika, albeit mainly verbally. However, after Yeltsin and his team violated democratic standards, this support was ineffective in promoting democratization processes in Russia.

ill., 24 cm ; A cemetery of more than 100 barrows is located at Świelubie, near the 9th c. stronghold of Bardy lying south of Kołobrzeg in Western Pomerania. In six of the 36 graves that were explored, containing both male and female burials, the grave goods consisted of typically Scandinavian objects. For a long time the discovery posed a problem that was also political in its nature. Author revisits the Scandinavian finds from Świelubie and discusses their cultural attribution and chronology. A close study of the artifacts identified the burials as of Swedes with ties to the trade emporium of Birka on Mälaren lake in central Sweden; the dating of the finds points to the 2nd half of the 9th c. ; il., 24 cm ; W pobliżu dziewiątowiecznego grodu w Bardach, na południe od Kołobrzegu, na Pomorzu Zachodnim, w miejscowości Świelubie, znajduje się cmentarzysko składające się z ponad stu kurhanów, spośród których zbadano trzydzieści sześć. W sześciu z nich, kobiecych i męskich, były przedmioty typowe dla Skandynawów. Znaleziska te przez długi czas stanowiły problem nie tylko badawczy, ale i polityczny. Artykuł jest poświęcony skandynawskim przedmiotom ze Świelubia, ich przynależności kulturowej i chronologii. Studium pozwoliło ustalić, że pochowani byli Szwedami, mającymi związek z handlowym emporium Birka na jeziorze Mälaren w środkowej Szwecji; datowanie grobów wskazuje na 2 poł. IX w.

The article analyzes the relationships between Russia (later the Russian Empire) and Central Asia countries, in particular with the Kazakh and Mongolian nations in the period of late XVII-XVIII th centuries. The research shows the features of mutual relationships, the purposes and tasks of the Russian policy in this region, and it also reveals the competition for supremacy there between Russia and China ruled by Qing dynasty. The author considers the advantages and drawbacks of the Russian political course developted by Peter I towards the Kazakh and Monogolians. Besides, the article considers the models of the relations between Russia and Central Asia nations, which enable to assess the results of the pursued foreign police of the country in this region. ; В статье анализируются отношения России, а впоследствии Российской империи со странами Центральной Азии, а именно с казахским и монгольским народами в период конца XVII-XVIII вв. Автор исследует особенности взаимоотношений, цели и задачи российского государства в этом регионе, а также соперничество с цинским Китаем за доминирование над местными территориями. Исследование позволяет выделить основные преимущества и недостатки российской дипломатии и политического курса в отношении казахов и монголов, намеченного еще Петром I, которые позволяют судить о результатах проводимой политики и причинах проигрыша Цинскому Китаю в доминировании над регионом.

THE COMMITTEE OF MINISTERS OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE, OF WHICH RUSSIA IS A MEMBER, ADOPTED A STRATEGY OF SAFEGUARDS FOR THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD (2016-2021 YEARS) IN MARCH OF 2016. RUSSIA HAS NOT JOINED THE STRATEGY. THE AUTHOR ANALYZES THE REASONS WHY IT HAS NOT. THE STRATEGY INCLUDES A NUMBER OF UNACCEPTABLE ITEMS FOR RUSSIA, WHICH CONTRADICT THE CURRENT LEGISLATION AND THE CONCEPT OF RUSSIA'S FAMILY POLICY FOR THE PERIOD UP TO 2025. BASED ON THE ANALYSIS OF APPROACHES TO THE UNDERSTANDING OF LOCAL CULTURAL VALUES, REGULATIONS, JUDICIAL PRACTICE, THE AUTHORS CONCLUDE THAT CURRENTLY RUSSIA'S ACCESSION TO THE STRATEGY OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE TO PROMOTE THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD (2016-2021 YEARS) IS NOT ADVISABLE. ; В МАРТЕ 2016 Г. КОМИТЕТ МИНИСТРОВ СОВЕТА ЕВРОПЫ, ЧЛЕНОМ КОТОРОГО ЯВЛЯЕТСЯ РОССИЯ, ПРИНЯЛ СТРАТЕГИЮ СОВЕТА ЕВРОПЫ ПО ОБЕСПЕЧЕНИЮ ПРАВ РЕБЕНКА (2016-2021 ГГ.). РОССИЯ НЕ ПРИСОЕДИНИЛАСЬ К СТРАТЕГИИ. В СТАТЬЕ АВТОРАМИ АНАЛИЗИРУЮТСЯ ПРИЧИНЫ. СТРАТЕГИЯ СОДЕРЖИТ РЯД НЕПРИЕМЛЕМЫХ ДЛЯ РОССИИ ПУНКТОВ, ПРОТИВОРЕЧАЩИХ ДЕЙСТВУЮЩЕМУ ЗАКОНОДАТЕЛЬСТВУ, КОНЦЕПЦИИ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЙ СЕМЕЙНОЙ ПОЛИТИКИ РОССИИ НА ПЕРИОД ДО 2025 Г. НА ОСНОВЕ АНАЛИЗА ПОДХОДОВ К ПОНИМАНИЮ ОТЕЧЕСТВЕННЫХ ДУХОВНЫХ ЦЕННОСТЕЙ, НОРМАТИВНЫХ АКТОВ, СУДЕБНОЙ ПРАКТИКИ АВТОРЫ ДЕЛАЮТ ВЫВОД, ЧТО В НАСТОЯЩЕЕ ВРЕМЯ ПРИСОЕДИНЕНИЕ РОССИИ К СТРАТЕГИИ СОВЕТА ЕВРОПЫ ПО ОБЕСПЕЧЕНИЮ ПРАВ РЕБЕНКА (2016-2021 ГГ.) НЕЦЕЛЕСООБРАЗНО.

The institution of interim measures of protection in the arbitration process cannot be overestimated. However, it should not be forgotten that the use of interim measures of protection can, in turn, lead to a violation of the rights and legitimate interests of other participants in the process and the subsequent occurrence of losses. The article deals with the problematic aspects related to recovery of damages caused by the interim measures of protection and recovery of damages incurred as a result of the provision of property interests prior to the filing of the claim - damages caused by, preliminary interim measures of protection. The author presents a number of proposals for the improvement of the existing arbitration procedural legislation in the field of study, which would allow to avoid abuse of procedural law by the claimant ; Значение института обеспечительных мер в арбитражном процессе сложно переоценить. Однако нельзя забывать, что применение обеспечительных мер может, в свою очередь, привести к нарушению прав и законных интересов других участников процесса и последующему возникновению убытков. В статье рассматриваются проблемные аспекты, связанные с возмещением убытков, причиненных обеспечением иска, и возмещением убытков, возникших в результате обеспечения имущественных интересов до предъявления иска, - убытки, причиненные предварительными обеспечительными мерами. Автор представляет ряд предложений о совершенствовании действующего арбитражного процессуального законодательства в исследуемой области, позволяющих избежать злоупотреблений процессуальным правом со стороны истца

The globalized society in which we live is digital and individualistic. It requiresus to think education as a science which must fit to the society'schanges and which can educate individuals who are able to "extricate themselves"in the society's difficulties. This is meaningful in our global societywhere nothing is certain and everything becomes temporary and liquid (Bauman2006). The role of the school is increasingly central in the education ofthe global citizen who knows how to live in a new society and in a new sociality.In this paper, the author will try, starting from the changes of theglobal society, to outline the task of a democratic school face the challengesof the post-human society. ; La società in cui viviamo globalizzata, digitale e individualistica, ci imponedi ripensare l'educazione come scienza che possa adattarsi ai cambiamentisociali e possa gettare le basi per formare soggetti che sappiano "districarsi"nei meandri di una società, quella attuale, dove nulla è certo e tutto diventaprovvisorio e liquido (Bauman, 2006). Il ruolo della scuola è sempre più centralenella formazione del cittadino globale che sappia vivere in pienezzauna nuova società e una nuova socialità. In questo contributo l'autore cercherà,a partire dai cambiamenti in atto, di delineare il compito di una scuolademocratica capace di affrontare le sfide della società post umana.

Willa Cather lived in Pittsburgh from 1896 to 1906, and returned frequently to write in her study at her friend Isabelle McClung's house until 1915 when Judge McClung died and the house was sold. As an enduring gift to the literary life of Pittsburgh and to honor her 20 years of writing in the city, Oresick has collected Willa Cather's six Pittsburgh short stories for the frst time in one volume. This is the second volume of the Marianna Brown Dietrich Notable Book Series featuringanother female author of national import. Gifford Pinchot may not be a household name today, but this Progressive-era figure would arguably feel comfortable in at a modern political debate. As the first Chief Forester of the Forestry Service, a Progressive Republican, and a two-term Governor of Pennsylvania, Pinchot's exhaustive career spanned many decades and encompassed numerous issues. In Gifford Pinchot: Selected Writings, editor Char Miller has chosen a broad range of the eclectic conservationist and politician's writings and speeches that tap into the mindset of an early 20th-century social, political, and environmental activist. A scholar on both environmental history and Pinchot, Miller rightly argues that Pinchot's writings are worth analyzing today, particularly as climate change and humanity's relationship with the environment continue to be argued.

Over the past 3 decades, indigenous guardian programs (also known as indigenous rangers or watchmen) have emerged as an institution for indigenous governments to engage in collaborative environmental governance. Using a systematic review of peer‐reviewed literature for research conducted in Australia, Canada, Aotearoa‐New Zealand, and the United States, we sought to characterize the emergence of indigenous guardians in the literature and explore whether guardian approaches are representative of Indigenous approaches to environmental governance. Using a multistep relevance‐screening method, we reviewed 83 articles published since 1995, that report on, critique, or comment on Indigenous guardians. Our findings indicated that most articles on the topic were published in the last decade (88%), focused on Australia (65%), and were in a social science discipline (53%). The lead author of the majority of articles was an academic, although only half of the articles included an indigenous scholar or member of an indigenous group or organization as a coauthor. Finally, 11 articles were on research of guardian programs that were locally led and only 5 exemplified indigenous governance, based on 2 well‐known community‐based monitoring typologies. Our findings indicate that more research is required to understand the implications of current guardian programs for indigenous self‐determination, particularly when such programs are embedded in a broader western environmental governance structure.

Although the energy-growth nexus has been widely investigated in the last several decades, there are still vivid debates in the energy economics field. This study evaluates the link between energy consumption and economic growth with the thorough assessment of the roles of institutional quality, government expenditure, financial development and trade openness in 46 Emerging Market and Developing Economies (EMDEs) from 1990 to 2014. By employing appropriate panel econometric techniques, cross-sectional dependence and slope heterogeneity are controlled, which helps explore the unbiased long-run effects of the determinants of economic growth as well as scrutinize the dynamic relationship among variables. The findings demonstrate that energy usage, gross fixed capital formation, government expenditure, financial development and trade openness positively and significantly impact the economic growth in the studied EMDEs. Moreover, Dumitrescu and Hurlin causality tests affirm the occurrence of feedback hypothesis in the connection between energy consumption and other variables including economic growth. Thus, it implies that energy consumption and economic growth are interdependent, which forms a basis for policy-makers to design effective energy and environmental policies. Toward the sustainable development goal, the author recommends the governments of EMDEs to contemplate the importance of finance-governance-trade relationship to economic growth alongside the implementation of energy-efficient policies.

Resumen: En el marco de la crisis sanitaria global que afrontamos, viejas preguntas y viejos problemas vuelven con fuerza. La idea de desarrollo es clave tanto para afrontar las consecuencias inmediatas de esta crisis, como para revertir problemas estructurales de desigualdad en nuestros territorios latinoamericanos. Para ello, la propuesta de Albert Otto Hirschman sigue estando vigente en tanto realiza algunas críticas a las ideas más canónicas de la teoría de desarrollo desde la experiencia de trabajo en los llamados países subdesarrollados. Con la precaución de mantener una mirada crítica, realizaremos un breve recorrido por una selección propia de dos principios y dos mecanismos elaborados por el autor, útiles para pensar la gestión del desarrollo. ; Abstract: In the global health crisis that we face, old questions and old problems return with strength. The development idea is a key to afford immediate consequences and to change inequality structural issues in our Latin Americans' territories. For that, come back to Albert Hirschman´s proposal is still in force because some of his critical ideas about traditional theories of development were made from work experience in socalled underdevelopment countries. Keeping a critical eye, we will make here a brief review of two principles and two mechanisms elaborated by the author, they are useful to think development management.

The Crying of Lot 49 turns around social, historical, cultural and political eventsformulated in the message that evokes the social crisis by the means of symbols.Symbols themselves are not static at all but rather varying depending first oncultural perception, ideology, and second on improvised aspects. Beyond the novel,the author translates the gender relationships interspersed with the detritusof patriarchal ideology derived from the dynamic gender identity of the Americansociety and its culture. The novel tells about some individuals who havelost the traditional use of social norms: it brings about the chaos due to moraldehumanizing and destructive atmosphere of human existence.KEY WORDSCrisis, patriarchy, invisible forces, upheavals, symbols. ; The Crying of Lot 49 met en exergue des évènements sociaux, historiques, culturelset politiques exprimés dans un message qui évoque la crise sociale traduitepar l'usage des symboles. Les symboles ne sont du tout pas statiques mais plutôtvariantes selon d'abord, la perception culturelle, idéologique et ensuite, dépendentdes aspects improvisés. Au delà du roman, l'auteur traduit les relationsdu genre émaillées de débris de l'idéologie patriarcale dérivée de la dynamiquede l'identité du genre de la société américaine et de sa culture. Le roman mentionnecertains individus qui ont perdu l'usage traditionnel des normes sociales:cela engendre le chaos dû à la déshumanisation morale et à l'atmosphère destructivede l'existence humaine.MOTS-CLESCrise, patriarcat, forces invisibles, bouleversements, symboles.