Suchergebnisse

Studies on the (non-)compliance with CFSP norms often misinterpret the legal nature of those norms. Classifying CFSP norms as 'non-binding' may help in distinguishing this policy area from other European Union's (EU) policies, but does not do justice to the committing nature of the norms. Irrespective of the limited role Court's may play in relation to CFSP, the norms often intend to bind the Member States. This has been the case from the outset, but seems strengthened now, as the Lisbon Treaty streamlined procedures and consolidated the EU's external action. In studying resistance to CFSP norms, it is worthwhile to take their legal nature into account. In that sense, the broad definition of soft law used in the introduction to this special issue is helpful as it includes binding norms without enforcement mechanisms. Yet, the question remains whether one can still hold that judicial enforcement and the principles of primacy and direct effect are completely alien to the area of CFSP. Adapted from the source document.

In this introduction to the collected edition of critical globalization studies, the editors bring together works inspired by the "Towards a Critical Globalization Studies: Continued Debates, New Directions, Neglected Topics" conference (2003), to establish the themes of the emergence of new globalization studies, the relationship to the global justice movement, & to establish the dual objectives of understanding globalization. The authors argue that engaging global social activism is best expressed in the idea of a critical globalization studies. The volume is a blend of work by leading scholars & activists gathered to take a systematic look at debates regarding globalization & to identify the novel types of inquiry & activism that both communities are concerned with. Globalization is a contested topic in the arenas of the temporal dimension, the question of unprecedented interdependency, & political conflict. Subsequent articles are organized into four thematic sections addressing competing approaches, the nature of power and confidence, new research directions, & the links to global resistance movements. References. J. Harwell

The thesis is about the Civil Resistance Movement "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo", from Chiapas, Mexico. It was born in the first years of the 2000s and the majority of its activists are peasant and indigenous. Though, it can't be defined as a "peasant movement", nor as an "indigenous movement. At the core of its mission there is electricity, indeed, which the Movement considers as a basic right, whose access – it claims - should be universal and nondiscriminatory. Accordingly, in the territories controlled by its activists, the Movement performs a direct access to the power grid and an autonomous management of it. Yet, at the same time, it makes use of electricity as a means of wider political struggle aimed to autonomy and social justice. In this sense, Luz y Fuerza case may be revealing of a more general trend potentially informing social mobilizations in the Age of Anthropocene. The work is organized in three parts. The first part introduces contemporary Mexico, by means of the main categories local actors mobilized to describe their living conditions: poverty, liberal policies, structural violence, and socioeconomic and political exclusion. The second part defines the state of the art in the anthropology of social movements and the main theoretical references inspiring the study. Specifically, the historical and epistemological process leading to the emergence of autonomy as a theoretical and political paradigm is retraced. And it is shown how this latter has progressively informed Latin-American peasant struggles since the last decades of the 1900s. The third part is completely devoted to the ethnography of Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo. This provides an in-depth representation of the Movement and of its history. Which is followed by an analysis of the motivations for the activists to militate in such a movement. Its political agenda is therefore investigated. The experiences, the forms and the imaginaries of the civil resistance performed by the Movement are eventually observed. In the conclusions, the work proposes ...

This thesis proposes to study decentralization in Haiti, formally described as a model of governance in the post Duvalier Constitution adopted of 1987. However, regarding the reality observed throughout this thesis and considering the analyzes carried out from sources many bibliographical materials, and survey composed of semi-structured interviews, decentralization is not effective in Haiti. As a result, this doctoral research is particularly interested in the problem of appropriation and blocking of the decentralization model in Haiti. In other words, the interest is to study the nonimplementation of decentralization itself. To do that, our research work consider a perspective the mixed relationship, both vertical and horizontal, between the Haitian State and Local government. But we also observe the same reality between local entities and the other actors (e.g.: NGO and associations) concerned and involved in the decentralization process. To better understand the non-operationalization of decentralization, this work seeks to analyze the reasons, in the light of the history of the Haitian State by considering a contemporary perspective considerations, the motivations for the blocking of the decentralization. Thus, we propose to answer three main questions. Firstly, what explains the blockage of decentralization in Haiti, despite the decentralizing provisions of the 1987 Constitution? Secondly, is this blockage due to financial, economic, political, cultural, historical reasons or all of them together? Finally, in a socio-political dimension, can we consider the blocking of decentralization to local and national Haitian actors only, or on the contrary should we analyze this problem, while considering the responsibilities of international actors intervening in Haiti in the failure of this process? To address these questions, we defend two main hypotheses. On the one hand, the monopolization of the resources and the concentration of power by the Haitian State at the expense of local communities within the ...

This thesis proposes to study decentralization in Haiti, formally described as a model of governance in the post Duvalier Constitution adopted of 1987. However, regarding the reality observed throughout this thesis and considering the analyzes carried out from sources many bibliographical materials, and survey composed of semi-structured interviews, decentralization is not effective in Haiti. As a result, this doctoral research is particularly interested in the problem of appropriation and blocking of the decentralization model in Haiti. In other words, the interest is to study the nonimplementation of decentralization itself. To do that, our research work consider a perspective the mixed relationship, both vertical and horizontal, between the Haitian State and Local government. But we also observe the same reality between local entities and the other actors (e.g.: NGO and associations) concerned and involved in the decentralization process. To better understand the non-operationalization of decentralization, this work seeks to analyze the reasons, in the light of the history of the Haitian State by considering a contemporary perspective considerations, the motivations for the blocking of the decentralization. Thus, we propose to answer three main questions. Firstly, what explains the blockage of decentralization in Haiti, despite the decentralizing provisions of the 1987 Constitution? Secondly, is this blockage due to financial, economic, political, cultural, historical reasons or all of them together? Finally, in a socio-political dimension, can we consider the blocking of decentralization to local and national Haitian actors only, or on the contrary should we analyze this problem, while considering the responsibilities of international actors intervening in Haiti in the failure of this process? To address these questions, we defend two main hypotheses. On the one hand, the monopolization of the resources and the concentration of power by the Haitian State at the expense of local communities within the ...