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In recent times, policy makers, scientists, academics and commentators have become increasingly nervous about the US economic downturn. Discussions have centred around the range and magnitude of the country's socio-economic problems, its vexing production decline and its unsatisfactory macroeconomic performance, which give rise to the following questions: what are the sources of this recent downfall? And can this situation be reversed by pursuing the same orthodox and neoliberal policies? This new edited volume, from a top international set of contributors, seeks to answer these questions and to offer alternative, realistic and feasible strategies and policy recommendations towards reversing this situation. In particular, the volume seeks to challenge US neoliberalism on theoretical and political grounds, and to offer alternative strategies and policies towards addressing the country's recent challenges and multi-dimensional problems. The volume is structured around three main themes: The return of government: Philosophical issues and ethics Economic policies for sustainable growth and prosperity Financial fragility and alternative monetary policy proposals This unique and highly topical, multidisciplinary volume, will be of great interest to students and researchers in the areas of economics, political economy and contemporary US politics.

1. Contextualising Feminisms in the Nordic Region: Neoliberalism, Nationalism and Decolonial Critique (Pauline Stoltz, Diana Mulinari and Suvi Keskinen) -- 2. Co-Optation and Feminisms in the Nordic Region: 'Gender-Friendly' Welfare States, 'Nordic Exceptionalism' and Intersectionality (Pauline Stoltz) -- Part I Feminist struggles over gender equality, welfare and solidarity -- 3. Gender, Citizenship and Intersectionality: Contending with Nationalisms in the Nordic Region (Birte Siim) -- 4. Changing Feminist Politics in a 'Strategic State' (Anna Elomäki, Johanna Kantola, Anu Koivunen and Hanna Ylöstalo) -- 5. 'Danishness', Repressive Immigration Policies and Exclusionary Framings of Gender Equality (Christel Stormhøj) -- Part II Decolonising feminisms in the Nordic region -- 6. Nordic Academic Feminism and Whiteness as an Epistemic Habit (Ulrika Dahl) -- 7. Indigenising Nordic Feminism: A Sámi Decolonial Critique (Astri Dankertsen) -- 8. Samieh Women at the Threshold of Disappearance: Elsa Laula Renberg (1877-1931) and Karin Stenberg's (1884-1969) Challenges to Nordic Feminism (Stine H. Bang Svendsen) -- Part III Antiracism and speaking the truth to power -- 9. "And They Cannot Teach Us How to Cycle". The Category of Migrant Women and Antiracist Feminism in Sweden (Diana Mulinari) -- 10. Antiracist Feminism and the Politics of Solidarity in Neoliberal Times (Suvi Keskinen) -- 11. Rethinking Design: A Dialogue on Anti-racism and Art Activism from a Decolonial Perspective (Faith Mkwesha and Sasha Huber) -- 12. Epilogue: We should all be dreaming vol. 3 (Maryan Abdulkarim and Sonya Lindfors).

A provocative analysis of market-based interventions into public problems and the consequences.Market-based interventions have been used in attempts to solve numerous public problems, from education to healthcare and from climate change to privacy. Scholars have responded persuasively through critiques of neoliberalism. In Can Markets Solve Problems? Daniel Neyland, Véra Ehrenstein, and Sveta Milyaeva propose a different route forward. There is no single entity knowable as "the market," the authors argue. Instead, they examine in detail the devices, relations, and practices that underpin these market-based interventions. Drawing on recent work in science and technology studies (STS), each chapter focuses on a different intervention and critically explores the market sensibility around which it is organized. Trade and exchange, competition, property and ownership, and investment and return all become the focus of a thorough exploration of what it means to intervene in public problems, how problems are composed, and how solutions are continually reworked. Can Markets Solve Problems? offers the first book-length STS enquiry into markets and public problems. Weaving together rich empirical descriptions and conceptual discussions, the book provides in-depth insights into the workings of these markets, their continuous evolution, and the consequences. The result is a new avenue of critical inquiry that moves between the details of specific policies and the always-emerging, collective features of this landscape of intervention.

In the last decade light rail transit systems have become a popular mode of public transport in many cities around the world to upgrade the existing public transportation network, but also, and perhaps more importantly, to support neoliberal urban development strategies. The paper takes its starting point in the growing critical literature discussing the politics of light rail and related transport infrastructure projects in the context of neoliberalism. The paper uses the case of Aalborg, Denmark, to demonstrate how light rail projects are embedded in particular infrastructure imaginaries, which reflect wider political agendas of promoting urban development and economic growth. In the case of Aalborg, the city's spatial strategies have played an important role in constructing an imaginary of the city as the region's 'growth dynamo', which in turn have led to a growth-fixated conceptualisation of the city's spatiality, and contributed to rationalising the need for investments in light rail. The paper argues that light rail projects are first and foremost politically rationalised as important investments for facilitating urban development and supporting entrepreneurial city strategies of urban and economic growth, whilst their social objectives of providing affordable public transportation play a less prominent role in the contemporary imaginary of the city.

This article explores 'the political' of political economy through an analysis of neoliberalised care. Borrowing Glyn Daly's metaphor of the political economy as a disorganised household, where the 'political' disrupts the neat order of the oikonomia, we argue that in neoliberalism care is a central site of the political. Through Foucauldian biopolitics we define commodification as a central logic in the governance of care, and situate it in the wider context of neoliberal governmentality. Conceptualising care as a corporeal relation, and following Annemarie Mol's logic of care, we show how, despite the constant attempts to domesticate it, the hegemonic discourse fails to fully subsume care within the 'order of the household'. Examining the ruptures produced when care resists its governance, the article demonstrates how the corporeal relatedness of care continues to open up spaces for the political, hence ensuring that the economy remains political. Adapted from the source document.

Closed access ; Background: This paper represents the Discussant's response to the variety of papers presented to the AIESEP-ICSEMIS symposium entitled: School Physical Education Curricula for Future Generations: Global Patterns? Global Lessons? Glasgow, Glasgow 19–24 July 2012. Purpose: With reference to the symposium papers, this paper identifies some of the key features of neoliberalism and reflects on the very many challenges they present to Physical Education (PE) in schools and Initial Teacher Education in many countries across the globe. Findings: The paper highlights the overbearing attention given in government policies in many countries to sport and performance-based curriculum and the reductive distortions it effects in teachers' and pupils' thinking and their pedagogical transactions. Conclusions: Overgeneralised observations with regard to the practices described in the papers of this edition are unhelpful, while crystal ball gazing, questionable, even in our turbulent, socio-economic circumstances and proffering 'one-size-fits-all solution' to them across the globe, might be regarded as particular anathemas. Notwithstanding, this paper suggests that together the perspectives represented in this journal invite serious discussion as to the potential future, and future potential, of PE wherever it occurs. The final analyses call for the protection and celebration of Education in PE and pursuit of culturally sensitive socio-educative principles, eschewing neoliberalism's reductive ideals.

Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Presentation of Chapters -- References -- 2 Development, Political Economy, and Neoliberalism -- 2.1 Development in Context: Historical Processes and Contested Categories -- 2.2 The Late Eighteenth Century Rise of Industrial Capitalism -- 2.3 The 1944 Bretton Woods Conference and the End of WWII -- 2.4 The Breakdown of the Bretton Woods Control in Early 1970s: Capital Movements and Beyond -- 2.5 International Development -- References -- 3 Neoliberalism, Class Structures and Politics of Development in Bangladesh -- 3.1 Contemporary Bangladesh and Class Structures -- 3.2 Dual Hegemony and Expanding Inequality -- 3.3 The Construction of Poverty -- References -- 4 Neoliberalism, Infrastructure and Philosophical Poverty -- 4.1 Contemporary Bangladesh, BRTA and the World Bank -- 4.2 Bangladesh Road and Transport Authority (BRTA) -- 4.3 Neoliberal Directives in Post-Secondary Education -- 4.4 Free Market Induced Short Term Outcomes in Bangladeshi Higher Education -- 4.5 Euphemisms and Marketing Globalization -- 4.6 Rickshaw Faculty -- 4.7 "McDonaldization" of Culture -- 4.8 Zombie Graduates -- 4.9 Betrayal by the Neo-Elites and Intellectuals -- References -- 5 Neoliberalism, Islam and Intolerance -- 5.1 Theoretical Influence -- 5.2 Islam-Neoliberalism in Contemporary Turkey, Egypt, and Indonesia -- 5.3 Islam in Neoliberal Bangladesh: Analysis and Discussion -- Notes -- References -- 6 Neoliberalism and the Political Economy of Bangladesh Military -- 6.1 Theoretical Influence -- 6.2 Key Findings -- References -- 7 Conclusion -- 7.1 Bangladesh's Divisive and Fractured Middle-Class -- 7.2 Dual-Hegemony of State and Aid Agencies Operating in Bangladesh -- 7.3 Bangladesh's Import Dependency.

This paper is aimed at discussing the influence of liberalism dan neo-liberalism in Islamic Education in Indonesia. The existence of Islamic education is always dealing with and grappling with the reality surrounding them. The struggle between Islamic education to meet socio-cultural reality are two possibilities: a. Islamic education gives impact on socio-cultural environment; b. Islamic education is influenced by the reality of social change, by socio-cultural environment. The ideology of liberalism and neo-liberalism, rationalism, freedom, responsibility, fairness, and tolerance are ideals struggled by liberalism, despite the fact that some ideal values fail to realize. While neoliberalism is actually understood the existence of liberal capitalism is the ideology of liberalism that has led to the economic sector. The influence of not only the political, social, and economic, but in education as well which is a view that emphasizes the development of capabilities, to protect the rights and freedoms as well as identify problems and social change efforts in order to maintain stability for a long time. Central ideas of education revolves around the application of the concept of rationality, freedom, and equality. Education is a democratic distribution of rationality with a balanced treatment, between freedom and equality of rights and obligations, students. Teachers function as facilitators and change the learning process. Philosophycally running constructivism learning including the development of capitalization of education in the form of education commercialization. The fact also has affected in the world of Islamic education.

About the Authors; Figures and Tables; Figures; Tables; Abbreviations; Acknowledgements; Map; Introduction; 1 Drug Trafficking in Mexico -- History and Background; Trafficking in the Early Twentieth Century; The Impact of Economic Integration, Capitalist Expansion and Changes in Land Ownership; The Post-Revolutionary Government and Smuggling; The Cold War Period; 2 Cold War Expansion of the Trade and the Repression of Dissent; The Other Operation Condor; 3 The Political Economy of the 'War on Drugs'; Traffickers and the PRI; Consumption in Mexico.

Ethnicity, Development and the 'Good Life': Critical Reflections within a Historical PerspectiveThe objective of this article is to reflect on the binomial ethnicity-development within a historical perspective and from the vantage point of the Andean world. It seeks to visualize the ambivalences and contradictions around which the discourses on development have circulated, including those of conventional applications regarding Buen Vivir or Sumak Kawsay. The text also addresses four remarkable aspects of this process: a) the period in which cultural difference or 'otherness' was conceptualized as an obstacle to so-called 'modernization'; b) the establishment, under neoliberalism, of discernible standards regarding the perceived potentialities of ethnicity in view of generating processes of endogenous or internal development; c) the difficulty of being able to precisely define what is referred to as Buen Vivir or Good Life, depending upon the viewpoint taken from positions of the government or of the opposition; and d) to what extent does Sumak Kawsay constitute (or does not constitute) a form of alternative paradigm that could potentially lead to a scenario of empowerment for subaltern groups in whose name they are said to be acting.Resumen:El propósito del artículo es reflexionar sobre el binomio etnicidad-desarrollo en perspectiva histórica y desde la atalaya del mundo andino. Pretende visibilizar las ambivalencias y contradicciones por las que han circulado los discursos sobre el desarrollo, tanto los de corte convencional como los del Buen Vivir o Sumak Kawsay. El texto aborda cuatro aspectos remarcables de ese proceso: a) el tiempo en el que la alteridad cultural fue conceptualizada como un obstáculo a la llamada 'modernización'; b) el establecimiento, bajo el neoliberalismo, de lineamientos sensibles a las potencialidades percibidas en la etnicidad de cara a generar procesos de desarrollo endógenos; c) la dificultad de definir con precisión a qué se refiere el Buen Vivir según se ubique el punto de mira desde posiciones de gobierno o de oposición; y d) en qué medida el del Sumak Kawsay constituye o no una suerte de paradigma alternativo potencialmente conducente a un escenario empoderativo de los grupos subalternos en nombre de quienes se dice actuar.

Because literature always depends on evoking a sense of community between writers and their readers, there can be no flourishing of literature without society. Indicative of this axiomatic is the novel's contribution to how any specific 'social imaginary' or 'structure of feeling' comes to crystallize in the first place. Complementing Raymond Williams' influential encapsulation of 'structure of feeling' as each new generation's response to 'the unique world it is inheriting, taking up many continuities [.] yet feeling its whole life in certain ways differently', Manfred Steger defines social imaginaries as the ways in which '"we" – the members of a particular community – fit together, how things go on between us, the expectations we have of each other, and the deeper normative notions and images that underlie those expectations'. The final two decades of the twentieth century are no exception in this regard, as they too constitute a singular slice of history with its own particular set of common understandings, expressions and practices of culture and community. Importantly, the perceived distinctiveness and newness of the period was the result not so much of a gentle generational shift as a wholescale political revolution, the enormity of which would jolt society into a hitherto inconceivable direction of socio-economic change and cultural transmutation. As Colin Hutchinson puts it, the inception of Thatcherite neoliberalism in Britain is best understood as a violent 'assault […] on the public realm [leading to] the erosion of civic sensibilities and collective allegiances'. Another point of interest for us is the formative implication of 'The Individual' in the symbiosis of society and the novel. Nancy Armstrong describes individualism as 'the ideological core' of the novel; in her view, 'novels think like individuals about the difficulties of fulfilling oneself […] under specific cultural historical conditions'. Armstrong's proposition assumes special significance in the light of Margaret Thatcher's announcement in 1987 that 'there is no such thing [as society]! There are individual men and women and there are families and no government can do anything except through people and people look to themselves first.' Thatcher's eradication of society and her hyperbolic championing of the individual instigated a fundamental ideological recasting of late twentieth-century Britain's social imaginary, which in turn significantly influenced the development of the British novel.

This thesis contributes to sociological accounts of critique and, more broadly, to accounts of the relationship between knowledge and the social conditions of its production. It begins with a theoretical exploration of the tension between Bourdieu's concept of sociological reflexivity and Boltanski's sociology of critique, including the epistemic and political position from which knowledge claims in social sciences can be made and justified. This question becomes particularly important when the authority of such claims rests on the possibility of a conceptual distinction between the subject of knowledge (the 'knower') and their object (the 'social'). The empirical part of the thesis provides an analysis of this process through the case of the critique of neoliberalism in UK higher education and research between 1997 and 2017. Intellectual interventions (books, articles, and other public statements) offering critical accounts of the transformation of universities are interpreted as forms of intellectual positioning, speech-acts that assign properties to objects and actors in the social realm. Through a qualitative analysis of interventions and interviews, the thesis reconstructs ontological assumptions entailed in forms of positioning, particularly those pertaining to the justification of epistemic authority of academics in the political and historical context of post-WWII Britain. The thesis uses these findings to situate the questions of knowledge, critique, and the role of social sciences within the longer discussion about the relationship between 'thinking' and 'doing'. Focusing on the relationship between positionality and positioning, the thesis shows how subject-object relationships form a fundamental part of the production of both critique and knowledge about its object. ; Cambridge Commonwealth, European, and International Trust, PhD scholarship, 2015-2018

Since the early 1980s Australian public policy has undergone the most major transformation since Federation. This transformation has been underwritten by two key principles: liberalism – the view that citizens are autonomous individual actors whose interests are best served when they are free from coercive government interventions into individual action; and marketisation – the belief that free markets are arenas which best enable individual autonomy and produce efficient economic outcomes. These principles define 'neoliberalism' or 'hard liberalism'. After summarising the major policy changes identified with neoliberalism in Australia, the paper introduces a new research project that examines its impact on socioeconomic inequality, gender inequality and politics and culture. Inspection of relevant data indicates that there are important trends in inequality, public opinion and political behaviour that warrant this investigation.