Suchergebnisse

"Juristische Prozesse und politische Entschuldigungen stellen unterschiedliche Wege der Aufarbeitung von Kriegsverbrechen dar. Während Kriegsverbrechertribunale individuelle Täter bestrafen und so stereotype Schuldzuweisungen zwischen den Konfliktparteien durchbrechen, wirken politische Entschuldigungen gerade durch die symbolische Annahme kollektiver Verantwortung für Verbrechen. Doch wie sehen diese theoretischen Annahmen in der Realität aus? Der Artikel analysiert die politische Versöhnungsleistung beider Ansätze anhand der öffentlichen Rezeption der Aufarbeitung zu den serbischen Kriegsverbrechen in Vukovar und Srebrenica. Dabei wird aufgezeigt, dass (1) mithilfe beider Instrumente die kollektive Verantwortung für Verbrechen auf einzelne Personen abgeschoben wird. Zudem (2) werden Unterschiede in der Versöhnungsleistung deutlich: Während die juristische Aufarbeitung die faktische Aufklärung der rechtlich verhandelten Verbrechen fördert, sind serbische Entschuldigungen trotz ihres scheinbar strategischen Einsatzes und ihrer relativierenden sprachlichen Muster dann erfolgreich, wenn die Adressaten der Entschuldigung ein pragmatisches Interesse an einer Annäherung besitzen. Somit zeigt der Artikel sowohl die komplementären als auch die unterschiedlichen Versöhnungseffekte beider Ansätze in ihrer praktischen Umsetzung auf." (Autorenreferat)

This paper analyses UK domestic bribery. The authors argue that in both domestic and international contexts, cases are not numerically significant but that changes in how the UK government approaches bribery in the international context means that, where once domestic bribery was addressed more rigorously than bribery in the international context, this imbalance may be being steadily reversed. The paper concludes by setting out the implications that this identifiable divergence may have for the effective policing of bribery in the domestic context. The paper makes an empirical and theoretical contribution to the literature on corruption in the UK. This paper analyses the UK response to bribery and corruption and provides evidence of a divergent approach, in terms of strategy, policy and enforcement action, to addressing bribery in the domestic and international contexts. This has adverse implications for the prevention, detection, and investigation of bribery. In order to reduce the divergence and reinforce the domestic focus, governments need to ensure better and more detailed data for monitoring of the extent of bribery, the presence of a single lead for the domestic context to ensure consistency and co-ordination, and the availability of training for relevant staff to make certain relevant stakeholders are alert to emerging corruption issues. The empirically informed insights and arguments in this paper are relevant to policy-makers and practitioners working in the area of anti-corruption, as well as non-governmental organizations seeking to scrutinize anti-corruption strategies, policies and practice in the UK. KEYWORDS: Anti-bribery institutions, bribery, criminal prosecution, law enforcement, UK Bribery Act (UKBA)

In the aftermath of the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, the European Union created a strategic vision for its foreign policy. The concept of 'effective multilateralism' emerged and has been at the centre of debate around the EU's role in the multilateral system ever since. What exactly does it mean, and how does the EU go about pursuing it? This book argues that effective multilateralism is a two-way street between the EU and multilateral organizations, and for too long it has been assumed that natural synergies must exist between them. By exploring how the EU promotes its policies and interests in eight multilateral settings (including the UN Security Council, the IMF, the WTO and the UN General Assembly) much is learnt about the EU. Not only can EU policies sometimes do harm to multilateral organizations, but also examples of EU policy failures can, paradoxically, further the overall goal of 'effective multilateralism'.

With governments around the world pushing efforts to negotiate and approve mega-investment treaties, it is important to be clear on just what these investment treaties do and do not mean. One issue that is increasingly apparent is that investment treaties are not merely tools to provide protections against abusive regimes and egregious conduct, but are mechanisms through which a small and typically powerful set of private actors can change the substantive content of the law outside the normal domestic legislative and judicial frameworks.

This is the fifth report on international humanitarian law (IHL) and the challenges of contemporary armed conflicts prepared by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) for the International Conference of the Red Cross and Red Crescent (International Conference). Similar reports were submitted to the International Conferences held in 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015. The aim of all these reports is to provide an overview of some of the challenges posed by contemporary armed conflicts for IHL; generate broader reflection on those challenges; and outline current or prospective ICRC action, positions, and areas of interest.

"July 1999." ; Shipping list no.: 2000-0049-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; "Star print." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Résumé La Grèce a activement essayé d'attacher un caractère international à ses problèmes nationaux au sujet de la délimitation continentale de la mer Égée et de l'indépendance de Chypre, présentant leur résolution comme des moyens de contrer la supériorité militaire turque. L'Organisation des Nations unies (ONU) est un maillon central de cette politique d'internationalisation des conflits grecs, auquel s'est ajoutée l'Union européenne (UE). Mais dans un contexte de crise de l'UE, la Grèce ne peut plus simplement compter sur la poursuite de sa politique d'européanisation pour résoudre ses problèmes politiques. Des relations étroites avec des pays européens, la Russie, les États-Unis, et les pays du Sud de la Méditerranée et la poursuite de contacts politiques avec la Turquie demeurent des éléments indispensables.

The author traces the role of North Caucasian emigrants (Circassians) in the Young Turk movement. For a long time, since the 19th century, Circassian question have maintained high political importance on the international agenda, turning Circassians and their projected North Caucasian state into a proto-subject of international relations. The main support for such subjectivisationwas provided byGreat Britain, but uptothe end ofthe 19th century Circassian issues had lost much of its importance for the British Empire. This context allows us to take a fresh look at the little-studied topic of participation of Circassians in the Young Turk movement, one of the main centres of which was Egypt under British control.