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This is a post-peer-review, pre-copyedit version of a book review published in the journal, Contemporary Political Theory. The definitive publisher-authenticated version CHERNILO, D., 2016. Book review: The sacredness of the person: a new genealogy of human rights. Contemporary Political Theory, 15 (3), pp. e41 - e44, DOI:10.1057/cpt.2015.48 is available online at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2015.48

Desperate and vulnerable people, who take enormous risks to migrate to Europe in rickety boats or concealed in the containers of articulated lorries, are familiar images portrayed in the media of "irregular migrants". Irregular migration has become a major political concern both at the European level and in the wider international context. In the European Union, politicians have identified irregular migration as a "problem" and have given priority to preventing this phenomenon in the development of the common asylum and immigration policy. This collection of essays is the outcome of an international conference on Irregular Migration and Human Rights, which gathered together prominent scholars, policy-makers and practitioners working in the migration and human rights field. The objective of the book, in contrast to the prevailing political approach which focuses almost solely on prevention, is to discuss the human rights dimensions of irregular migration from theoretical, European and international perspectives. The book is divided into five substantive parts: the complex question of who is an irregular migrant and the difficulties in assessing the size of irregular movements: official and popular perceptions of irregular migrants, a debate which is frequently considered in terms of security concerns, asylum, and human trafficking and smuggling; the myriad strands of the developing EU law and policy on irregular migration, such as the adoption of readmission agreements, and the relationship of this law and policy to external border controls in the context of EU enlargement and other non-legal means of EU decision-making; the contributions of international and non-governmental actors to charting a rights-based approach to irregular migration; and the problems these vulnerable persons face while resident in host countries, such as discrimination and denial of access to social rights and public services, which is inextricably bound up with their irregular status

Twenty years in the making, this book is the definitive study of the political cultures that reigned in the three Alabama cities central to the development of the civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s. With this bold offering, J. Mills Thornton III presents a landmark publication on the struggle for racial equality in America. After two decades of pain-staking research, he tells the story of the civil rights movement from the perspective of community-municipal history--at the grassroots level. Thornton demonstrates that the movement had powerful local sources in its three birth cities--

"In the complex landscape of educational philosophy and policy, a difficult challenge arises -- the entwined issues of racism and other demographic differences, and evolving education policies. Traditional historical accounts fall short of addressing the broader historical patterns that underscore these challenges, particularly their colonial legacy. The need for a fresh perspective becomes evident, one that transcends chronology and delves into the intricate dynamics shaping contemporary educational thought.History and Educational Philosophy for Social Justice and Human Rights emerges as a groundbreaking solution to this conundrum. Through a broad developmental and historical lens, the book provides a fresh perspective on the role of differences as the core, content, and subject of education. It advocates for cultural resistance and a permanent political struggle by political-cultural minorities and social movements, while also challenging public institutions, especially schools, to actively embrace and utilize differences in their foundational work. By engaging with the tensions and struggles around differences, the book contends that institutions can transform, becoming agents of positive change, and contributing to the foundation of an inclusive and participatory democracy. This book invites scholars and educators to not only understand the challenges but to actively participate in shaping a future where differences are not merely acknowledged but celebrated within the realms of education and society at large."--

In many European countries and in the US, populist right-wing parties are gaining ground. The political agenda of these parties is dominated by their reluctant or even out-right hostile position against migration and foreigners and a strong emphasis on nationalist values in combination with an anti-globalisation economic agenda. In most cases, the social agenda of the radical right parties and politicians are more ambiguous and less clearly explicated. These parties rely on working class 'insiders' and therefore may be expected to oppose austerity measures, but at that same time have firm opinions about deservingness and conditionality that may sometimes harm the interests of their voters. This article sets out to explore the social policy agenda of radical right parties in six different countries: the US, Sweden, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany and France. The article uses content analysis of speeches and party manifestos as its main method of data analysis.

In the first decade after the collapse of communism, Russia became notorious for conflicts around corporate property & corporate governance. In Poland, such conflicts were far less frequent. This distinction, I argue, reflects the form of privatization in each country. In Poland, negotiation among potential shareholders & current enterprise stakeholders preceded privatization, whereas in Russia, privatization procedures pitted these same groups against one another. The legacy of privatization in Russia expressed itself in long-running legal conflicts over the security of property rights. These developments highlight the importance of situational incentives to challenge or respect property rights, undermining various new-institutionalist arguments that link security of property rights primarily to the commitment & capacity of state bodies to enforce them, to the normative legitimacy of the law, or to coordination equilibria in a game-theoretic framework. The argument also enables a clarification of the political trajectory now leading to stronger corporate property rights in Russia. 2 Figures, 84 References. Adapted from the source document.

As the Republican Party has moved to the Right, conservative politicians have become more comfortable viewing policy as a means of demobilizing their political adversaries. In this article, I show how conservative activists within the Republican Party have leveraged cutbacks to union rights to weaken their political opponents. This case study thus reveals the role of policy feedback strategies in asymmetric partisan polarization. It also illustrates lessons about the conditions under which policy feedback can durably shift the distribution of power in America's fragmented polity. These insights underscore how the success of policy feedback effects depends not just on the initial passage of policies in one city or state, but on the ability of political actors to organize in multiple venues simultaneously. In particular, they highlight the importance of organizing at the cross-state level given the substantial political authority of states.

This article advances the argument that there is a distinct ideology of Human Rights embedded in the International Bill of Rights (IBR). Instead of contrasting ideologies in terms of their stance on equality and liberty, it suggests employing three dimensions of power-political, economic, and social that are defined in relation to the positions taken on the state, property, and discrimination, respectively-in assessing the extent to which ideologies oppose the concentration of power and promise emancipation. It then analyzes the three documents that constitute the IBR as the textual sources of a distinct Human Rights Ideology on these three dimensions to reveal its radical and emancipatory characteristics, which tend to be missed or deliberately undermined. It questions the aptness of liberal democracy, the welfare state, and the capitalist economy for fulfilling the main premise of this ideology-equality in dignity. Adapted from the source document.

In June 2002, the Israeli cabinet approved a plan to construct a continuous "security fence" separating much of the occupied West Bank of the Jordan River from Israel proper. The stated purpose of the barrier was to prevent Palestinian terrorists from entering Israel and killing Israeli civilians. Construction began in 2002, and a significant portion of the structure had been completed by early 2004. The current route of the wall deviates significantly from the "Green Line"—the 1949 armistice line that separates the West Bank from Israel. The fence frequently enters and traverses the West Bank, encircling Jewish settlements there. Eventually, about 15 percent of the territory of the West Bank, home to several hundred thousand Palestinians, will lie between the wall and the Green Line.