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International audience ; The economic war extends to the entire sphere of social and societal life. The economy is both a means and an end. The balance of terror has favoured the rise of indirect strategies, especially economic warfare. The pacifying paradigm of the economy in this case is a decoy. The theories of conflict highlight the historically close relationship between war and the economy, including mercantilist, Marxist, German historical school and the theories of international relations, especially the New International Economic Order. The military conception of the economic weapon leads to the control of commercial exchanges, to strategies of rupture, of encroachment, of impoverishment through preparation for war. The economy is also a diplomatic and strategic weapon and a powerful instrument of political action (effects of domination and violence). The economic weapon is used against an enemy, but sometimes against a friendly country that does not obey the dominant state. Sanctions, applied alone, often do not have the expected effects; they are sometimes of the protest type, the results are long and they weigh on all the actors, often in the long term. ; La guerre économique s'étend à toute la sphère de la vie sociale et sociétale. L'économie est à la fois un moyen et une fin. L'équilibre de la terreur a favorisé l'essor des stratégies indirectes, notamment de la guerre économique. Le paradigme pacifiant de l'économie dans ce cas est un leurre. Les théories du conflit mettent en évidence les relations historiquement étroites entre la guerre et l'économie, notamment les analyses mercantilistes, marxistes, l'école historique allemande iu les théories des relations internationales, et notamment le Nouvel Ordre Economique International. La conception militaire de l'arme économique conduit au contrôle des échanges commerciaux, aux stratégies de rupture, de l'enserrement, de l'appauvrissement par la préparation à la guerre. L'économie est aussi une arme diplomatique et stratégique et un instrument ...

International audience ; The economic war extends to the entire sphere of social and societal life. The economy is both a means and an end. The balance of terror has favoured the rise of indirect strategies, especially economic warfare. The pacifying paradigm of the economy in this case is a decoy. The theories of conflict highlight the historically close relationship between war and the economy, including mercantilist, Marxist, German historical school and the theories of international relations, especially the New International Economic Order. The military conception of the economic weapon leads to the control of commercial exchanges, to strategies of rupture, of encroachment, of impoverishment through preparation for war. The economy is also a diplomatic and strategic weapon and a powerful instrument of political action (effects of domination and violence). The economic weapon is used against an enemy, but sometimes against a friendly country that does not obey the dominant state. Sanctions, applied alone, often do not have the expected effects; they are sometimes of the protest type, the results are long and they weigh on all the actors, often in the long term. ; La guerre économique s'étend à toute la sphère de la vie sociale et sociétale. L'économie est à la fois un moyen et une fin. L'équilibre de la terreur a favorisé l'essor des stratégies indirectes, notamment de la guerre économique. Le paradigme pacifiant de l'économie dans ce cas est un leurre. Les théories du conflit mettent en évidence les relations historiquement étroites entre la guerre et l'économie, notamment les analyses mercantilistes, marxistes, l'école historique allemande iu les théories des relations internationales, et notamment le Nouvel Ordre Economique International. La conception militaire de l'arme économique conduit au contrôle des échanges commerciaux, aux stratégies de rupture, de l'enserrement, de l'appauvrissement par la préparation à la guerre. L'économie est aussi une arme diplomatique et stratégique et un instrument ...

International audience ; The economic war extends to the entire sphere of social and societal life. The economy is both a means and an end. The balance of terror has favoured the rise of indirect strategies, especially economic warfare. The pacifying paradigm of the economy in this case is a decoy. The theories of conflict highlight the historically close relationship between war and the economy, including mercantilist, Marxist, German historical school and the theories of international relations, especially the New International Economic Order. The military conception of the economic weapon leads to the control of commercial exchanges, to strategies of rupture, of encroachment, of impoverishment through preparation for war. The economy is also a diplomatic and strategic weapon and a powerful instrument of political action (effects of domination and violence). The economic weapon is used against an enemy, but sometimes against a friendly country that does not obey the dominant state. Sanctions, applied alone, often do not have the expected effects; they are sometimes of the protest type, the results are long and they weigh on all the actors, often in the long term. ; La guerre économique s'étend à toute la sphère de la vie sociale et sociétale. L'économie est à la fois un moyen et une fin. L'équilibre de la terreur a favorisé l'essor des stratégies indirectes, notamment de la guerre économique. Le paradigme pacifiant de l'économie dans ce cas est un leurre. Les théories du conflit mettent en évidence les relations historiquement étroites entre la guerre et l'économie, notamment les analyses mercantilistes, marxistes, l'école historique allemande iu les théories des relations internationales, et notamment le Nouvel Ordre Economique International. La conception militaire de l'arme économique conduit au contrôle des échanges commerciaux, aux stratégies de rupture, de l'enserrement, de l'appauvrissement par la préparation à la guerre. L'économie est aussi une arme diplomatique et stratégique et un instrument ...

Developing a diagnostic and action framework for donor-assisted governance reform in conflict-affected countries and fragile states was the objective of a program implemented by the World Bank's Social Development Department (SDV) and funded by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The first phase of the program developed lessons and outcomes based upon a review of international experience of governance reform in fragile and conflict-affected states. A major objective was to identify specific approaches and activities that will be most effective in strengthening institutions, promoting transparency and accountability, and enhancing capacity at local and national levels. This phase also derived lessons on the utility and shortcomings of governance-related diagnostic tools in designing and evaluating country strategies and programs in fragile states. A key issue concerns methodology. What type of analytical method provides a more useful assessment: country-specific analyses of the political economy, indicators designed for purposes of cross-country comparison, indices that rank state fragility, or some combination of diagnostic tools? The second phase of the program also was in two parts. Cote d'Ivoire's poverty reduction strategy process was used as an entry point for an initiative that facilitated process and method-oriented exercises for local stakeholders on the how rather than the what of policy development in an effort to build governance capacity. One result is a model that may serve for future engagement in other fragile and conflict-affected countries. The second part of this phase is an ongoing effort to work with local partners in the Central African Republic and Chad to identify strategies that could strengthen access to justice at the local level. Activities include assessing the strengths and weaknesses of formal and informal justice systems and mapping community-based practices and informal justice systems, including some under the aegis of NGOs, as well as identifying possible linkages to state justice systems. The paper will first examine the concepts of state fragility and governance in terms of donor engagement. Part two will discuss the lessons (opportunities and constraints), diagnostic tools and entry points for governance reform. Part three will offer conclusions.

Cover; Half title; Series information; Title page; Copyright information; Table of contents; List of contributors; Acknowledgments; List of abbreviations; Introduction; I; II; III; 1 Fichte's Foundations of Natural Right and its Relation to Kant; Fichte's Doctrine of Right and the Idea of the "Practical"; The "Deduction" of the Concept of Right and the Individuality of Self-Consciousness; Kant's Practical Philosophy: Transcendental Foundation and Metaphysical Application; The Universal Law of Right and the Highest Principle of Morality; 2 Fichte's Separation of Right from Morality.

Abstrak - Kota Sorong merupakan satu dari sekian banyak daerah yang memiliki keberagaman, baik kebiasaan, adat istiadat, maupun agama. Keberagaman tersebut dapat dilihat dari banyaknya kehadiran masyarakat dari wilayah Indonesia lainnya yang berbaur dengan masyarakat lokal. Namun nampaknya keadaan tersebut menyisihkan potensi konflik yang besar terutama dengan masyarakat lokal. Terjadinya konflik seringkali dipicu oleh maraknya aksi sepele yang mengganggu ketertiban masyarakat seperti aksi kejahatan yang diakibatkan oleh pengkonsumsian minuman keras yang tidak terkendali. Hal ini menarik untuk diteliti ketika permasalahan individu dibelokkan menjadi masalah antarkelompok. Berdasarkan fakta-fakta tersebut, maka penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis bagaimana kebijakan penanganan konflik dilaksanakan oleh para pemangku kepentingan, yang mencakup pencegahan, penghentian, dan pemulihan pascakonflik. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dan proses analisis permasalahan menggunakan teori identitas sosial (Tajfel,1979), teori hubungan masyarakat (Frazer & Fitzduff, 1994), teori transformasi konflik (Miall, 2004) dan teori kebijakan (Lasswell & Kaplan,1970), yang dipadukan dengan konsep penanganan konflik sosial sesuai dengan UU N0.7 tahun 2012. Dari penelitian ini ditemukan faktor-faktor yang menjadi penyebab terjadinya konflik etnis adalah faktor ketertiban masyarakat, faktor sosial budaya, kondisi perekonomian yang tidak merata, isu politik, serta tumbuhnya paham-paham separatisme. Dalam rangka menangani permasalahan tersebut, Pemkot Sorong disarankan untuk memberdayakan wadah-wadah seperti FKUB, FPK, FKDM, dan Kominda sebagai langkah pencegahan konflik, selain daripada pembuatan kebijakan dalam rangka menanggulangi konflik etnis di wilayahnya. Selain itu, di sarankan untuk mengadakan penelitian lanjutan terkait konflik etnis di Kota Sorong mengingat kondisi sosial Kota Sorong yang heterogen, sehingga potensi ancaman perpecahan akan selalu ada di antara masyarakat.Kata Kunci : Konflik etnis, Kebijakan, Hubungan Masyarakat, Penanganan Konflik SosialAbstract - Sorong city is one of the many areas in Indonesia that have diverse habits, customs, and religion. This diversity can be seen from the number of immigrants from across Indonesia who are blending in with the locals. But this condition can become a great potential for conflicts, especially with the local community. The source of conflict in Sorong is often triggered by of small actions that can disrupt public order, such as criminal acts caused by uncontrolled consumption of alcohol. Therefore, it is interesting to know how individual problems can be deflected into problem between groups. Based on these facts, this research aims to analyze how conflict management policies were implemented by the stakeholders, including the prevention, cessation, and post-conflict recovery. Research method being used is qualitative, and to analyze the issues, theories of social identity (Tajfel, 1979), community relations (Frazer & Fitzduff, 1994), conflict transformation (Miall, 2004) and policy theory (Lasswell & Kaplan, 1970), combined with the Indonesian Law no. 7 2012 on handling of social conflicts, were utilized. The result of the research showed that the causes of ethnic conflict in Sorong were public order factors, social and cultural factors, imbalances in the economic conditions, political issues, and the growth of separatist ideologies. In order to address these problems, the municipal government of Sorong is advised to empower local forums such as: FKUB, FPK, FKDM, and Kominda as conflict prevention measures, apart from policy-making instruments to overcome ethnic conflict in the region. Further research related to the ethnic conflict in Sorong should also be conducted considering the heterogeneous social conditions which can cause future social conflict.Keywords: ethnic conflict, policy, community relations, Social Conflict Handling

Introduction. 1. Trade Monitoring - A Global Perspective on Trade Policy Trends 2. Transformation of the Russian trade policy facing the geopolitical challenges 3. States and Dirigisme versus Markets: Hydrocarbons, Agriculture, and Russia's Trade Policy, 1991-2017 4. The theory and practice of economic sanctions 5. Impact of the WTO accession on acceding countries: analysis of key macroeconomic indicators 6. Eurasian Economic Union: the First Successful Russian Regional Trade Agreement? 7. The European Context of Russian Trade Policy 8. Adaptation of Finnish Food Exporters to Russia's Food Import Restrictions 9. Russia's trade with China: in the face of sanctions a search for new market opportunities 10. Trade cooperation between Russia and Korea during the period of sanctions 2014-2017. Implications for trade policy 11. Contemporary Russian-Brazilian Trade Relations 12. Russian Automotive Industry: Beyond Import Substitution and Export-Led Industrialisation 13. GATS Mode 4 in Russia's Migration Policy: Liberalization and its Limitation 14. Russian Federation in the WTO dispute settlement: first steps 15. Conclusion

Maria Paola Bertone - orcid:0000-0001-8890-583X ; Sophie Witter - orcid:0000-0002-7656-6188 orcid:0000-0002-7656-6188 ; Over the last few years, there has been growing attention to health systems research in fragile and conflict-affected setting (FCAS) from both researchers and donors. In 2012, an exploratory literature review was conducted to analyse the main themes and findings of recent literature focusing on health financing in FCAS. Seven years later, this paper presents an update of that review, reflecting on what has changed in terms of the knowledge base, and what are the on-going gaps and new challenges in our understanding of health financing in FCAS. A total of 115 documents were reviewed following a purposeful, non-systematic search of grey and published literature. Data were analysed according to key health financing themes, ensuring comparability with the 2012 review. Bibliometric analysis suggests that the field has continued to grow, and is skewed towards countries with a large donor presence (such as Afghanistan). Aid coordination remains the largest single topic within the themes, likely reflecting the dominance of external players, not just substantively but also in relation to research. Many studies are commissioned by external agencies and in addition to concerns about independence of findings there is also likely a neglect of smaller, more home-grown reforms. In addition, we find that despite efforts to coordinate approaches across humanitarian and developmental settings, the literature remains distinct between them. We highlight research gaps, including empirical analysis of domestic and external financing trends across FCAS and non-FCAS over time, to understand better common health financing trajectories, what drives them and their implications. We highlight a dearth of evidence in relation to health financing goals and objectives for UHC (such as equity, efficiency, financial access), which is significant given the relevance of UHC, and the importance of the social and political values ...

El presente trabajo examina dos de los principales modelos de exposición del pensamiento político de Tomás de Aquino vigentes en el siglo XX. Uno, en cuya representación se ha escogido la obra de Eschmann, mira a la relación de la obra del Aquinate con sus predecesores; el otro, adecuadamente representado por Ullmann, mira a la relación de dicha obra con el pensamiento que se proyecta a partir de él hacia la Modernidad. Al determinar tanto las virtudes cuanto limitaciones propias de estos modelos hermenéuticos, se hace posible advertir las virtualidades presentes en los mismos, abriendo nuevos caminos de investigación que superen la tensión concebida entre el poder eclesiástico y el civil, así como el temor por reanimar un concepto que, si bien embrionario en la obra del autor medieval, es imprescindible para comprender cabalmente su reactivación del republicanismo aristotélico. Tal es el concepto de nación. ; The present paper deals with two of the main 20th Century hermeneutic models that explain the political thought of Thomas Aquinas. One, well represented by the work of I. Th. Eschmann, regards the relation between Aquinas and his predecessors. The other, well represented by W. Ullmann, looks at the relation between Aquinas and modern thought. In demarcating the virtues as well the limitations of these two hermeneutic models, it is possible to understand the potentialities present in them and to discover new ways for overcoming, on the one hand, the imagined strain between the power of ecclesiastical and the civil authorities, and, on the other hand, fears regarding the concept of nation. This last concept, although embryonic in Aquinas' works, is essential to not misunderstanding his Aristotelian republicanism. ; Fil: Argüello, Santiago Ildefonso. Universidad de Mendoza; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Mendoza. Instituto de Ciencias Humanas, Sociales y Ambientales; Argentina

The article presents the legal and scientific rationale for the interaction of individual and public authority in decision-making and the influence of this interaction on the state of national security. The attempt of construction of the proper case public processes frame is done from the side of public authorities, in the conditions of possible threat to safety of person.It should be noted that the results of further integration of Ukraine into the European community depends on an effective mechanism of the constitutionally-legal providing, corresponding direction of legal politics not only in external state, but also inwardly to the state law and order. Thus, the problem is a fundamental constitutional provision and system, in terms of constitutionality, becomes systemic and functional significance.Thus, in accordance with аrticle 3 of the Basic Law of Ukraine a person's life and health, honor and dignity, inviolability and security are recognized in Ukraine as the highest social value. Human rights and freedoms and their guarantees determine the essence and orientation of the state. The state is responsible to the people for their activities. The promotion and protection of rights and freedoms is the main duty of the state.Given the above, the level of security of the individual, non-infringement and guarantee of rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of the person depends on the level of the national security. ; . ; У статті наведено нормативно-правове та наукове обґрунтування необхідності взаємодії особи й органу державної влади при прийнятті управлінських рішень та визначено вплив такої взаємодії на стан національної безпеки держави. Зроблено спробу побудови належної моделі управління суспільними процесами з боку органів державної влади, в умовах можливої загрози безпеці особи.Варто зазначити, що подальші результати інтеграції України до європейських співтовариств безпосередньо залежить від ефективного механізму конституційно-правового забезпечення, відповідного напряму правової політики не тільки в ...

As the old adage goes: never let a good crisis go to waste. Many policy-makers across the world - representing individual countries and international organisations - deserve credit for having launched a serious debate about reforming the WTO, in light of the many serious challenges the system faces today. This reform debate has been a long time coming. But in its current state, the conversation remains largely inward-looking, and thus fundamentally inadequate. The problems confronting trade multilateralism have deep roots; technocratic fixes within the WTO, while important, can play only a small part in resolving them. A fundamental rethinking and renegotiation on the narratives that underpin globalisation is necessary if we are to address the crisis trade multilateralism faces today. This article offers some concrete recommendations to facilitate this.

The article expresses the author's attempt to outline the process of organizational and institutional design of the Reformed Church District within Subcarpathian Rus. It is noted that the Hungarian Reformed communities of the region found themselves isolated from the Reformed Church leaders after the First World War. That uncertainty negatively affected the overall tone of the Hungarian population, despite its religious affiliation. Two camps originated among the Reformed Church activists who remained on the territory of the newly formed Czechoslovakia concerning the future of the Reformed dioceses of Subcarpathian Rus. Some, including the newly elected Bishop Zinke, considered the possible alignment of the Transcarpathian dioceses to the Slovak Prytysyn Church District. Others argued for the separation and formation of an independent church district within Subcarpathian Rus. The Government circles "encouraged" that suggestion. The process of arranging the Reformed Church District within Subcarpathian Rus began almost after Saint-Germain and Trianon and ended only in 1923. As noted by the author, the relationship between the Reformed Church and the state remained complex and tense. The state did not openly restrict the autonomous rights of the church. However, several problems remained unsolved and caused conflicts: the issues of church officials' and teachers' citizenship, payment of congrues and promised state subventions, church school status, the language of instruction in church schools, national and religious affiliation of church school students, etc. The government was also dissatisfied with the candidacy of B. Bertok, the elected bishop of the Reformed Church of Subcarpathian Rus. For almost a decade (1932), the authorities de jure recognized the status of the Reformed Church District of Subcarpathian Rus but failed to admit Bertok's status as the elected church head. ; Угорські реформатські громади Закарпаття після Першої світової війни та державно-адміністративних змін опинилися у ситуації повної відірваності від керівництва Реформатської церкви. Ситуація невизначеності негативно впливала на загальні настрої угорського населення, незважаючи на конфесійну належність. У середовищі активістів реформатської церкви, які залишилися на території новоствореної Чехословаччини, сформувалося два табори щодо майбутнього реформатських єпархій Підкарпатської Русі. Одні, серед них новообраний єпископ Цінке, розглядали можливість приєднання закарпатських єпархій до Словацького Притисянського церковного округу. Інші – висловлювалися за відокремлення й утворення самостійного церковного округу в межах Підкарпатської Русі. Урядові кола «заохочували» саме цей варіант. Процес організаційного та інституційного оформлення Реформатського церковного округу Підкарпатської Русі розпочався практично після Сен-Жермена і Тріанона та завершився тільки у 1923 році. Взаємовідносини реформатської церкви з державою залишалися складними і напруженими. Держава відкрито не обмежувала автономні права церкви. Втім, залишалося ряд проблем, які стали причиною конфліктів: питання громадянства церковних урядників та вчителів, виплата конгруа та обіцяних державних субвенцій, статус церковних шкіл, мова навчання у церковних школах, національно-конфесійна належність учнів церковних шкіл тощо. Не влаштовувала владу і кандидатура обраного єпископа Реформатської церкви Підкарпатської Русі Б. Бертока. Впродовж майже цілого десятиліття влада де-юре визнавала статус Реформатського церковного округу Підкарпатської Русі, але не визнавала статус Бертока як обраного голови церкви.

The article expresses the author's attempt to outline the process of organizational and institutional design of the Reformed Church District within Subcarpathian Rus. It is noted that the Hungarian Reformed communities of the region found themselves isolated from the Reformed Church leaders after the First World War. That uncertainty negatively affected the overall tone of the Hungarian population, despite its religious affiliation. Two camps originated among the Reformed Church activists who remained on the territory of the newly formed Czechoslovakia concerning the future of the Reformed dioceses of Subcarpathian Rus. Some, including the newly elected Bishop Zinke, considered the possible alignment of the Transcarpathian dioceses to the Slovak Prytysyn Church District. Others argued for the separation and formation of an independent church district within Subcarpathian Rus. The Government circles "encouraged" that suggestion. The process of arranging the Reformed Church District within Subcarpathian Rus began almost after Saint-Germain and Trianon and ended only in 1923. As noted by the author, the relationship between the Reformed Church and the state remained complex and tense. The state did not openly restrict the autonomous rights of the church. However, several problems remained unsolved and caused conflicts: the issues of church officials' and teachers' citizenship, payment of congrues and promised state subventions, church school status, the language of instruction in church schools, national and religious affiliation of church school students, etc. The government was also dissatisfied with the candidacy of B. Bertok, the elected bishop of the Reformed Church of Subcarpathian Rus. For almost a decade (1932), the authorities de jure recognized the status of the Reformed Church District of Subcarpathian Rus but failed to admit Bertok's status as the elected church head. ; Угорські реформатські громади Закарпаття після Першої світової війни та державно-адміністративних змін опинилися у ситуації повної відірваності від керівництва Реформатської церкви. Ситуація невизначеності негативно впливала на загальні настрої угорського населення, незважаючи на конфесійну належність. У середовищі активістів реформатської церкви, які залишилися на території новоствореної Чехословаччини, сформувалося два табори щодо майбутнього реформатських єпархій Підкарпатської Русі. Одні, серед них новообраний єпископ Цінке, розглядали можливість приєднання закарпатських єпархій до Словацького Притисянського церковного округу. Інші – висловлювалися за відокремлення й утворення самостійного церковного округу в межах Підкарпатської Русі. Урядові кола «заохочували» саме цей варіант. Процес організаційного та інституційного оформлення Реформатського церковного округу Підкарпатської Русі розпочався практично після Сен-Жермена і Тріанона та завершився тільки у 1923 році. Взаємовідносини реформатської церкви з державою залишалися складними і напруженими. Держава відкрито не обмежувала автономні права церкви. Втім, залишалося ряд проблем, які стали причиною конфліктів: питання громадянства церковних урядників та вчителів, виплата конгруа та обіцяних державних субвенцій, статус церковних шкіл, мова навчання у церковних школах, національно-конфесійна належність учнів церковних шкіл тощо. Не влаштовувала владу і кандидатура обраного єпископа Реформатської церкви Підкарпатської Русі Б. Бертока. Впродовж майже цілого десятиліття влада де-юре визнавала статус Реформатського церковного округу Підкарпатської Русі, але не визнавала статус Бертока як обраного голови церкви.

FULL TITLE PATRIMONIAL CONTRIBUTION FROM THE CANARY IMMIGRATION PROCESS IN VENEZUELA AND THE LARA STATE FROM 1961 TO 1981 RESUMEN El presente articulo tiene como objetivo reconocer el aporte patrimonial a partir del proceso inmigratorio canario en Venezuela y el Estado Lara, durante el periodo 1961 hasta 1981, periodo que abarca una amplitud de beneficios y desarrollo como resultado de acciones de canarios dentro del espacio geográfico venezolano. Metodológicamente se aplican los fundamentos de la Historia Social de Annales y se aplica el Método histórico. Durante el desarrollo resalta el interés de los canarios en cambiar su fortuna y mejorar su calidad de vida, así como el interés del estado venezolano en poblar sus campos y atraer mano de obra campesina. Por lo que resulta la inserción y participación canaria, así como el sincretismo cultural canario-venezolano y en lo empresarial; la construcción de algunas empresas de influencia local, regional y nacional, de igual manera se reconoce la participación social, religiosa, deportiva y humana dentro de la sociedad venezolana. De igual manera, se concluye que el proceso migratorio canario hacia Venezuela ha sido contante y de gran importancia para la sociedad venezolana, desde el punto de vista político, gastronómico, religioso, económico, social y cultural y puede fácilmente verificarse a partir de sus aportes y/o legado visible en el territorio nacional, pero el más resaltante ha sido dentro del ámbito rural, específicamente lo concerniente a las actividades del campo, siendo la agricultura la de mayor influencia para la colonia canaria, esto debido a sus raíces y acostumbradas acciones campesinas en su tierra natal. PALABRAS CLAVE: Patrimonio; Inmigración canaria; Venezuela. ABSTRACT This article aims to recognize the patrimonial contribution from the canary immigration process in Venezuela and the Lara State, during the period 1961 to 1981, a period that includes a range of benefits and development as a result of actions of canaries within the Venezuelan geographical space. Methodologically apply the foundations of the Social History of Annales and apply the Historical Method. During development, the Canarians' interest in changing their fortunes and improving their quality of life, as well as the interest of the Venezuelan state in populating their fields and attracting peasant labor, is highlighted. As a result, the Canarian insertion and participation, as well as the Canary-Venezuelan cultural syncretism and in the business; the construction of some companies of local, regional and national influence, and social, religious, sports and human participation in Venezuelan society. In the same way, it is concluded that the canary migratory process towards Venezuela has been constant and of great importance for the Venezuelan society, from the political, gastronomic, religious, economic, social and cultural point of view and can easily be verified from its contributions and / or legacy visible in the national territory, but the most prominent has been in the rural area, specifically concerning the activities of the field, with agriculture being the most influential for the Canarian colony, due to its roots and customary actions peasants in their native land KEYWORDS: Heritage; Canary Island Immigration; Venezuela.

THE RESEARCH ON THE THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE DISCOURSE OF LOVE IN 15TH CENTURY SPAIN IMPLIES THREE DIFFERENT GROUNDS OF STUDY : SACRED LOVE, LOVE AMONG KIN, AND POLITICAL LOVE ; THE HORIZONTAL RELATIONS OF EQUALITY (FRIENDSHIP) AND HETEROGENE RELATIONS (INTERSEXUAL LOVE). SACRED LOVE KNOWS THE PROGRESSIVE ABANDONMENT OF INDIVIDUAL MYSTICISM IN FAVOR OF A SOCIAL VISION OF RELIGIOUS LOVE. THE DISCOURSE OF LOVE AMONG KIN PROVIDES A THEORETICAL JUSTIFICATION OF THE HIERARCHIC REPRESENTATION OF SOCIETY. THE XVTH. CENTURY BRINGS ABOUT AN EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL MODELS : THE FEUDAL IDEA OF LOVE AS THE MOST IMPORTANT POLITICAL BOND LOSES ITS FORCE EITHER TO SOLELY REPRESENT A KNIGHTLY IDEAL OR TO BECOME ONE OF THE SAFEGUARDS OF THE NEW MONARCHIC MODELS. PRIOR TO THE 15TH CENTURY THE IDEA OF FRIEDSHIP WAS DEVELOPED BY THE DIDACTIC AND JUDICIALS DOMAINS. THIS NOTIONS IS PERCEIVED IN DIDACTICISM AS DANGEROUS IMPLYING MISTRUST. IN THE JUDICIAL REALM TWO DIFFERENT NOTIONS OF FRIENDSHIP COME FACE TO FACE (COMMON LAW AND NATURAL LAW). IN THE 15TH CENTURY THE DISCOURSE ON FRIENDSHIP REPRODUCES THE MODELS OF ANTIQUITY INORDER TO DEVELOP A HUMANISTIC CONCEPTION OF FRIENDSHIP BASED ON VIRTUE. AS CONCERNS INTERSEXUAL LOVE, THE 15TH CENTURY DEVELOPS, THROUGH SCHOLARLY KNOWLEDGE, THE NATURALISTIC IDEAS OF LOVE, CLAIMED BY A. MADRIGAL WHO THROUGH THE EROTIZATION OF SUCH ARGUMENTS COMES TO ESTABLISH THE SPECIFICITY OF HUMAN LOVE, WHICH IS ESSENTIALLY AESTHETIC. THE THEORY OF LOVE ALSO SIGNIFIES THE SYSTEMATIZATION OF THE KNOWLEDGE OF LOVE : ASTROLOGY, PHILOSOPHY OF MANKIND, MAGIC. LIKEWISE, MEDECINE IS CAPABLE OF SCIENTIFICALLY ISOLATING THE PHENOMNON OF LOVE AND OF TRANSMITTING AN EROTIC KNOWLEDGE WITH IMPUNITY. ALL THESE INFLUENCES ALLOW TO ESTABLISH THE DIFFERENT LITERARY TENDENCIES ABOUT LOVE ; La recherche sur les fondements théoriques du discours amoureux dans l'Espagne du XVe siècle implique trois axes d'étude : les relations verticales d'inégalité (amour parental et amour politique), les relations horizontales d'égalité (amitié) et les relations hétérogènes (amour inter-sexuel). l'amour sacré connaît un progressif abandon du mysticisme individuel au profit d'une vision sociale de l'amour religieux. les discours sur l'amour parental apportent une justification théorique à la représentation hiérarchique de la société. le XVe siècle marque une évolution des modèles politiques : l'idée féodale de l'amour comme lien politique premier perd de sa vigueur soit pour incarner un idéal chevaleresque soit pour devenir une garantie des nouveaux modèles monarchiques. avant le XVe siècle le concept d'amitié est exploité par le domaine didactique et juridique. Cette notion est perçue par le didactisme comme un danger impliquant méfiance. Sur le plan juridique, deux conceptions de l'amitié s'affrontent (celle du droit coutumier et celle du droit naturel). au XVe siècle, les discours sur l'amitié reproduisent les modèles de l'Antiquité pour mettre en place une conception humaniste de l'amitié, fondée sur la vertu. En ce qui concerne l'amour inter-sexuel, le XVe siècle déploie, par le biais de la culture universitaire, les idées naturalistes sur l'amour, revendiquées par A. de madrigal qui part d'une érotisation de tels arguments pour arriver à établir la spécificité de l'amour humain, foncièrement esthétique. La théorie amoureuse signifie aussi la systématisation du savoir sur l'amour : astrologie, philosophie de l'homme, magie. De même, la médecine est susceptible d'isoler scientifiquement le phénomène amoureux et transmettre impunément un savoir érotique. Au XVe siècle, la culture universitaire pénètre les milieux laïcs de la cour et modifie sensiblement les conceptions de l'amour. Ainsi peuvent être déterminées les différentes tendances littéraires au sujet de l'amour.