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Frontmatter -- Inhalt -- Abkürzungsverzeichnis -- Entscheidungen des Verfassungsgerichtshofs für das Land Baden-Württemberg -- Entscheidungen des Verfassungsgerichtshofs des Landes Berlin -- Entscheidungen des Verfassungsgerichts des Landes Brandenburg -- Entscheidungen des Hamburgischen Verfassungsgerichts -- Entscheidungen des Staatsgerichtshofes des Landes Hessen -- Entscheidungen des Verfassungsgerichtshofs des Saarlandes -- Entscheidungen des Verfassungsgerichtshofs des Freistaates Sachsen -- Entscheidungen des Schleswig-Holsteinischen Landesverfassungsgerichts -- Entscheidungen des Thüringer Verfassungsgerichtshofs -- Sachregister -- Gesetzesregister -- Verzeichnis der Verfassungsgerichte der Länder

Das Verhältnis des EuGH und des EuG zu den nationalen Gerichten ist ein nahezu unerschöpfliches Thema.Es bietet Gelegenheit, sich angesichts immer neuer Entwicklungen über die Gestalt des europäischen Verfassungsverbundeszu vergewissern. Die Art und Weise, wie europäische und nationale Rechtsprechung sich zueinander verhalten, lässt Rückschlüsse auf den erreichten Integrationsstand, auf das Verhältnis von nationalem zu europäischem (Verfassungs-)Recht und auf die Natur der Europäischen Union selbst zu.

In the post-Cold War era, a number of middle powers rose to prominence thanks to domestic reforms and a favourable international environment of economic and political globalization. These countries began to pursue middle power foreign policies, working actively in international organizations, engaging in areas such as conflict mediation, humanitarian assistance and the promotion of human rights, and helping to diffuse democracy and market reforms in their neighbourhoods. In this way, they contributed to the stability and expansion of the liberal international order in the post-Cold War period. Nonetheless, recent democratic and economic backsliding in these middle powers raises concerns. Focusing on the cases of Turkey and Mexico, this article explores how reversals in democratic and market reforms, exacerbated by recent trends towards deglobalization, influence emerging middle powers' foreign policies and their potential contributions to the liberal international order. I argue that whereas their rise had helped reinforce and expand the liberal international order, emerging middle powers' illiberal turn may have a destabilizing effect on this order.

Canadian foreign policy analysis has traditionally drawn heavily on the middle power concept. This paper proposes to look at Canadian foreign policy from a new angle: Using the concept of ontological security, it shows how "civilian power" elements such as multilateralism, institution building, and the rule of law, are connected to Canada's identity and foreign policy development. The article systematically compares public statements and speeches by government officials regarding the Syrian war. The comparison is conducted against the backdrop of the governments' foreign policy actions. On a theoretical level, the paper contributes to the discussion on Canadian identity and ontological security. Furthermore, it offers a comparison of the Syria policies of the Harper and the Trudeau governments, adding to the literature on differences and continuities between Conservative and Liberal Canadian foreign policy, as well as on empirical analyses of Canadian foreign policy and the Syrian war.

In "Chevron, U.S.A. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc.", the Supreme Court famously held that judicial deference to agency interpretations of ambiguous statutes is appropriate largely because the executive branch is politically accountable for those policy choices. In recent cases, the Court has not displayed unwavering commitment to this decision or its principle of political accountability. This Article explores "Gonzales v. Oregon" as well as an earlier case, "FDA v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp.", in which the administrations possessed strong claims of accountability yet the Court did not defer to the agency determinations. In both, the Court justified its refusal of deference by contending that the questions were too extraordinary for Congress implicitly to have delegated. This Article argues that these cases might be better understood to reflect a judgment not about whether Congress had delegated interpretive authority, but about how each administration had exercised its authority. Both administrations, while accountable in a general sense, acted undemocratically when viewed in the particular context. They used broad delegations in ways insensitive to likely congressional or popular interests on controversial issues, and inconsistent with the obligations of the executive branch within government. The Court determined that the conditions for judicial deference were not met. Thus, these cases reflect an approach that, while inconsistent with conventional notions of political accountability, is nevertheless principled and defensible. The Article shows that this approach is reflected in other cases, although not many. The infrequency does not diminish the importance of the message that the cases send to the executive branch. But it does illuminate important limits: Ordinarily, administrations do not raise alarms, and political accountability is sufficient for judicial deference. An examination of the cases demonstrates that the Court is aware of the danger that it might invalidate agency ...

AbstractThis study investigates the presence of common factors in the securitized real estate markets of the Untied States (US), United Kingdom (UK), Hong Kong (HK), and Singapore (SG). Using a combination of factor analysis and canonical correlation analysis on 10‐year monthly return data for 142 real estate securities in the four markets, more common risk factors among real estate securities within a country than across countries are detected. In addition, there is at least one common securitized real estate market factor that is moderately correlated with the world real estate market, and to a lesser extent, with the world stock market. However, the degree of linkage across the four securitized real estate markets is much weaker than the strong linkages present across the four economies. It further appears that the extent to which correlations are found in international securitized real estate markets might largely be due to the increasing integrated nature of the world real economy, rather than a result of the globalization of financial markets. The results are preliminary, but indicative, and suggest that more studies exploring how common factors, together with the local market portfolio, could help explain the return‐generating process of securitized real estate.

Großmächte gelten als vergleichsweise resistent gegenüber internationalem Menschenrechtsdruck. Allerdings scheint Kritik an diesen Staaten keineswegs ungehört abzuprallen. Nichtsdestotrotz ist eine systematisch-vergleichende Auseinandersetzung mit der Wirkung und den Erfolgsbedingungen internationaler Menschenrechtskritik im Falle mächtiger Staaten ausgeblieben.Anhand von zwei interviewgestützten Fallstudien – den russischen Menschenrechtsverletzungen in Tschetschenien sowie den US-Normverstößen im "Krieg gegen den Terror" – zeigt die Autorin, dass Großmächte sozial verwundbar für internationale Menschenrechtskritik sind. Diese stellt einen Angriff auf deren Macht und Identität als sogenannte legitime Großmacht dar. Für den Erfolg von Kritik sind die spezifischen Charakteristika der Kritik, der Kritiksender und -adressaten sowie deren Zusammenspiel mit internem Druck entscheidend. Durch ihren Fokus liefert die Studie Einsichten über einen möglichen Umgang mit mächtigen Regelbrechern

This book analyses the role of institutionalised summits in international governance, adding a fresh perspective to the controversial debate over the value of institutionalised summits for international governance.It argues that the contribution of these summits to negotiating and implementing international agreements on policy change is ambivalent. Based on an innovative theoretical model he proposes that states strategically select summits with their specific institutional design for advancing their policy preferences. Developing the route to the summit and the route from the summit as precise causal mechanisms, he argues that these choices explain the ambivalence of summit involvement. With empirically rich case studies on the G7 and the European Council, the book provides a rare systematic comparison of different summits. The empirical record shows strikingly similar patterns for G7 and European Council, but it also points to variation deserving further attention in the study of summits in different institutional environments.It will be of interest to researchers in International Relations, Global Governance and European Politics, and those interested in global institutions and decision-making.

Abstract
This article discusses the diplomatic practice of gift-giving in the Ancient Near East and Early Modern East Asia. In both cases, gift-exchange served to consolidate the dominant polity's international authority. The causal relation between gift-giving and authority is typically rendered in terms of generosity inspiring gratitude, but a different mechanism connects diplomatic gift-giving and the consolidation of international authority. Diplomatic gift-giving is a ceremonial form of gift-exchange and it as a ritual practice helps maintain international authority. By means of ritualization, diplomatic gift-exchange renders international authority palatable. Ritualization enables both dominant and subordinate actors to come to terms with the ambiguity of the experience of authority. Subordinate actors are at once entranced and frightened by the authority of the dominant actor. The dominant actor feels both pride and insecurity. By defining an identity as participants in a shared ritual, by orchestrating their demeanor during ritual, and by identifying an external source of the dominant actor's authority, diplomatic gift-giving contributes to the maintenance of international authority. The ambiguity of the experience of authority is probably irreducible. It is therefore to be expected that any case of 'international authority' will feature the performance of similar ritualizing practices.