Suchergebnisse

Abstract: Monumental Memory Politics: Russia's Utilization of Soviet and Russian War Memorials in Northern Norway 2014–2023This article explores how changes and developments of Kremlin's WWII memory politics has impacted the use of Soviet and Russian war memorials by Russian diplomats in Northern Norway between 2014 and 2023. It examines the growing interest of Russia's consulate general in Kirkenes in organizing joint commemorative events with local Norwegian politicians, notably on Russia's Victory Day on May 9th. Since 2014, memory policy has increasingly become a constituent of security policy in Russia, and challenges to the official narrative of World War II are viewed as threats to national identity and integrity. How has Russia's utilization of Soviet and Russian WWII memorials in Northern Norway changed between 2014–2023? This article demonstrates how the Consulate General has promoted the official Russian narrative of the Soviet Victory to memorials in Northern Norway and incorporated the use Russian military-patriotic symbols like St. George ribbons during its commemorations. Through its progressively assertive memory policy, the Consulate General has worked to inscribe Norway as an ally in Russia's ongoing memory wars in Europe.

Development of financial markets and investment sector have ensured mutual reinforcement which was started in 1995 and deepened until the collapse of the bubble in 2000, which refined the characteristics of the web. This study thoroughly investigates speculative dot com bubble in research related to corporate finance by exploring the issues of dividend policy. In addition, we examined the dividend policy and speculative bubbles on the dataset and S&P 500. This study designs the contours of this capacity with emphasis on the generation of demand. Considering the "dividend smoothing" phenomenon, this article raises question on the efficiency of dividends observed as an important factor that affects investment bubbles. This study builds hypothetical payouts of dividends as per the corporate earnings reported. It is inferred that firms' dividend policy affects speculative bubbles. The "dotcom bubble" is widely known as a common example for a "stock price bubble" in various equity indices like NASDAQ. It is observed with the dividend series observed as a common factor. It is not basically the case with the adjusted time series of dividends.

Drawing on examples from the Nordic countries, this article aims to explore the practical application of strategic policy and planning instruments and approaches that facilitate the integration of land use and transport planning and promote sustainable policy measures through collaboration among stakeholders across various governance levels. This research applies a qualitative research design including literature research, interviews, and workshops involving practitioners from the five Nordic countries. In this paper, we present an overview of the planning structure in the Nordic countries, including institutions that govern land use and transport planning. We identify different approaches to bridge the gap between land use and transport planning, such as the Finger Plan in Denmark, MAL in Finland, Concept Studies in Norway, and Strategic Choice of Measures in Sweden. Many of the examples employ informal collaborative approaches among authorities to form a shared vision and seek consensus on a combination of policy measures and actions. The paper examines collaborative approaches in relation to regulatory planning and discusses the role of these processes in advancing integrated land use and transport planning and fostering sustainable urban development.

Abstract Having long been regarded as irrelevant to the high politics of foreign affairs, feminism and gender equality have in recent years gained increased attention in international security debates, including discussions about nuclear weapons policy. Several governments have adopted official feminist foreign policy postures, international security institutions have launched inquiries into gender equity and representation, and a myriad of security actors have enthusiastically embraced the language of women's empowerment. Mapping the various modes of purported feminist practice on display in the nuclear policy field, we find that being "pro women" has become a sought-after rhetorical asset on both sides of the nuclear weapons debate. Reflecting wider trends in the corporate world, constituents of the nuclear weapons industry have increasingly embraced liberal feminist language and workplace diversity goals. These practices, we suggest, have helped challenge the perception of the nuclear industry as overly masculine, aiding recruitment to, and overall political legitimation of, the nuclear weapons enterprise. This development is significant because it functions to undercut the association between feminism and opposition to nuclear weapons, thus complicating efforts to advance arms control and disarmament through feminist interventions.

AbstractHaving long been regarded as irrelevant to the high politics of foreign affairs, feminism and gender equality have in recent years gained increased attention in international security debates, including discussions about nuclear weapons policy. Several governments have adopted official feminist foreign policy postures, international security institutions have launched inquiries into gender equity and representation, and a myriad of security actors have enthusiastically embraced the language of women's empowerment. Mapping the various modes of purported feminist practice on display in the nuclear policy field, we find that being "pro women" has become a sought-after rhetorical asset on both sides of the nuclear weapons debate. Reflecting wider trends in the corporate world, constituents of the nuclear weapons industry have increasingly embraced liberal feminist language and workplace diversity goals. These practices, we suggest, have helped challenge the perception of the nuclear industry as overly masculine, aiding recruitment to, and overall political legitimation of, the nuclear weapons enterprise. This development is significant because it functions to undercut the association between feminism and opposition to nuclear weapons, thus complicating efforts to advance arms control and disarmament through feminist interventions.

This research aims to critically review the development process and connotation of neoliberal reform in Mongolia, which has been implemented since 1991 under the International Monetary Fund's (IMF) program. This paper outlines the historical context of the transition, the so-called shock therapy, and analyzes Mongolia's economic performance and socioeconomic changes after neoliberal reform, particularly focusing on the free market monetary policy. The policy was a crucial turning point for Mongolia, in which neoliberalism almost eliminated the former socialist planned economy and took a dominant position in the Mongolian political economy. Over the past three decades, successive administrations have implemented various measures based on a free monetary policy promoted by the IMF to obtain foreign loans and aid. However, despite the long-term reforms, thorny issues, such as a sharp currency depreciation, soaring debts, unemployment, inflation, budget deficits, poverty, crime, and corruption, still remain unresolved. In short, Mongolia's shock therapy transition appears to be inefficacious. The nation may need to develop policies that take into account the characteristics of their economy and are able to stabilize people's livelihoods.

AbstractInvestments in education and retraining, or research and development have become essential in today's knowledge‐intensive economies. While private actors often underprovided such knowledge‐based capital due to various market failures, there is also considerable variation in the extent to which governments invest in knowledge‐based capital due to cross‐sectional and intertemporal trade‐offs. I argue that in trying to account for this variation, corporatist institutions are a neglected but crucial factor. By necessitating and facilitating cooperation and compensation, corporatism creates a more collaborative style of policy making and a sense of common ownership of policy problems that helps overcome the trade‐offs associated with investments in knowledge‐based capital. Using within‐between mixed‐effects models on a novel time‐series‐cross‐sectional dataset, I find strong support for this argument. Corporatist countries invest a lot more in knowledge‐based capital, and corporatism also affects how countries react to deindustrialization. This is an important finding given the key role of long‐term policy making in areas like climate change politics, pandemic preparedness or responding to the digital transformation.

Contemporary developments in international affairs underscore the need for successful outcomes in the field of nuclear disarmament. However, feminist scholars have shown how linkages between masculinity and nuclear posturing continue to make disarmament appear as a policy of the weak, associated with emasculation and/or feminization. In this article I show how a feminist study of Swedish nuclear history has the potential to complicate, and disrupt, such linkages. Analysing a broad range of primary sources through a discourse analytical lens, the article shows how Sweden (re)constructed a white masculine self through its nuclear renunciation and disarmament engagement in the 1950s and 1960s. The article contributes with new insights about how gender, nuclear renunciation and disarmament interact; how lessons from the past can inform our understanding of disarmament dilemmas in the present; and the policy implications of such an analysis. Arguing that such knowledge is crucial for imaginative and transformative disarmament policy in the present, the article concludes that to reach a world free from nuclear weapons, it is crucial to expose, and challenge, those power relations that contribute to sustain a gendered and racialized nuclear order.

In 2019, the Pan American Health Organization approved a regional policy known as the Plan of Action for Strengthening Information Systems for Health 2019-2023, the design of which is the subject of this article. This analysis was carried out from the point of view of the development of the plan of action, as well as its implementation, in the light of the theoretical concepts of Harold Lasswell and Charles Lindblom. In the study of this policy, consideration was given to context, focus on problems, diversity, and the variety of methods used. The impartial search for the public interest, design of practical policies, needs of public officials, and provision of recommendations are discussed. The policy can be implemented regardless of the administrative configuration of countries and territories, or the political power that other institutions may exercise. Its design is oriented toward universal access to health services in the countries of the Americas, taking into account cultural and linguistic diversity, including indigenous populations, which shows that it was contextualized for a region with high rates of inequities.

One aspiration of the Agricultural Fisheries Modernization Act (AFMA) is the promotion of industry dispersal and rural industrialization. This involves a policy of structural transformation, which attempts to transition the economy from a low productivity sector, such as agriculture, to a high productivity sector, such as industry. This study shows that despite the efforts of AFMA, this process has not been accomplished. Previous literature has attributed this failure to many factors, including policy failure and lack of investments. However, the paper argues that the role of technological change has not been given considerable attention. Empirical analysis demonstrates that policy formulation and capital accumulation are not sufficient in achieving structural transformation. Even if the correct policies are implemented and adequate investments are available, the sustainable transition from agriculture to industrialization will require the adoption of appropriate technology that utilizes local resources, including labor. To do this, the government must set up not only an environment for research and development and extension but also provide incentives in the form of transfers to the private sector to invest in technology.

This research analyzes the bilateral cooperation relationship between Indonesia and South Korea regarding the increase in the status of cooperation from Strategic Partnership to Special Strategic Partnership. In this case, the focus of research is on the factors that made Indonesia agree to increase the status of cooperation to become a Special Strategic Partnership with South Korea. In addition to the existence of a free and active policy which is the basis of Indonesia's foreign policy, which makes Indonesia free to make friends and establish cooperation with any country, there is also a foreign policy. During the reign of President Joko Widodo, that accelerated infrastructure development, which of course required investment from other countries, and South Korea became one of the countries that invested in Indonesia. By conducting qualitative research, namely by reviewing the literature, and by using the concept of international cooperation, this thesis finds the factors that made Indonesia agree to increase the status of cooperation with South Korea to become a Special Strategic Partnership, namely, economic factors, defense and security factors, and social culture factors.

The objective of the study was to identify forms, main objectives and regulatory measures that can improve the development of the legal regulation of dividend payments in a limited liability company. The study involved three methods: direct observation, comparison, and analysis of the content of documents that provide legal regulation of dividend payments at the state and interstate levels. Eight important factors influencing dividend policy are presented. The success of business activity depends directly on the regularity of profits and the amount of capital of the company, while it is inversely dependent on the regularity and size of dividends. It is concluded that the type and form of dividend policy is partly governed by the rule of law and partly determined by non-legal business factors. An optimal dividend policy means that there must be an appropriate balance between the payment of current dividends and the future growth of the company's profits. In this case, the procedure established by law and the sequence of shares preceding the payment of dividends indicates the partial entrepreneurial freedom of the participants in this case.

AbstractResearch Question/IssueThis study investigates the relationship between climate risk and corporate tax avoidance. Previous studies on this relationship generate mixed results, theoretically and empirically. Our study addresses this empirical question by providing new evidence using a large international sample and a novel proxy for climate risk.Research Findings/InsightsThe empirical results show that higher climate risk is associated with higher tax avoidance. Mechanism analyses show that this positive association is due to the incentive to reserve cash in response to tightened financial constraints, rather than tax deductions granted by governments. This result is more pronounced in countries or regions that have poorer corporate governance and information environments, lower economic development, and a more uncertain policy environment.Theoretical/Academic ImplicationsOur evidence highlights the importance of considering the role of climate risk in corporate tax policies and of comparing the link between climate risk and tax avoidance across countries.Practitioner/Policy ImplicationsEchoing environmental non‐governmental organizations' (NGOs) recent call on governments to strengthen tax administration, our study has policy implications that emphasize the necessity for policymakers to consider the link between climate risk and tax avoidance.

This study aims to examine the impact of green transition and globalization processes on changes in the labour share. The study covers 76 national economies diversified in development, global production share and energy transition stage from 2000 to 2018. Based on the Total Economy Database data, panel models of the relationship between green transition, globalization and the labour share in the national income were estimated. The conducted Breusch–Pagan and Hausman tests proved the validity of using fixed-effects models. We confirmed the research hypothesis that the openness of the economy contributes to a decline in the labour share. The openness of the economy resulting from globalization reduces the labour share in the national income. We do not confirm hypotheses that suggest energy transition contributes to a reduction in the labour share and that the labour share will decline in the post-crisis period due to the lower bargaining power of workers. Changes in the labour share should be of interest to government representatives who influence the shape and implementation of economic policy, especially in employment policy, education, and investment policy, mainly aimed at the green transformation.

This article describes the collaborative implementation of a policy that involves different stakeholders in achieving goals, primarily related to community empowerment through the development of inclusive economic and creativity facilities. Through collaborative governance, it is present as a forum for mutual interaction between policy actors in building commitment and cooperation through their roles so that the positive goals of each party are achieved. In this case, it is emphasized through the "ABCGM" pattern that connects the government, private sector, universities, the media, and the community as a foundation in building synergy so that this pattern provides conditions that describe the respective roles between actors and their authorities and even obstacles between actors in building collaboration. . The research method uses a descriptive qualitative approach through data collection techniques of observation, interviews and documentation. This article concludes that the inter-institutions involved in implementing a policy need to be accompanied by commitment as a continuous process of building trust so that collaborative action is able to accommodate the interests and goals of all parties and is inclusively felt by all parties.