Suchergebnisse

Constitutional Change through Euro-Crisis Law contains a comparative constitutional analysis of the impact of a very broad range of euro-crisis law instruments on the EU and national constitutions. It covers contrasting assessments of the impact of euro-crisis law on national parliaments, various types of criticism on the EU economic governance framework, different views on what is needed to improve the multilevel system of economic governance, and valuable insights into the nature of emergency discourse in the legislative arena and of the spillover from the political to the judicial sphere. In addition, it deals with how bailout countries, even if part of the same group of euro area Member States subject to a programme, have reacted differently to the crisis.

Constitutional law : its meaning and sources -- The structure of the United Kingdom -- Parliamentary supremacy -- The rule of law -- Responsible and accountable government -- United Kingdom and the European Union -- Composition of parliament -- Role and functions of parliament -- Privileges of parliament -- The crown and royal prerogative -- Cabinet, government departments and civil service -- Public bodies and public appointments -- Courts and the administration of justice -- Human rights act -- Right to liberty and police powers -- Right to privacy and surveillance powers -- Right to freedom of expression -- Freedom of association and assembly -- State security and official secrets -- Exceptional and emergency powers -- What is administrative law -- Delegated legislation -- Administrative justice -- Judicial review I : the grounds of review -- Judicial review II : procedure and remedies -- Liability of public authorities.

In the first portion of this Essay, I reviewed Professor Martin Redish's theory that the application of Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 23 in modern class action practice is unconstitutional. Professor Redish argues that modern class action procedures violate absent class members' due process rights by sweeping large numbers of individual plaintiffs into litigation without their explicit consent. I then set forth Professor Redish's proposals for reform, including increased scrutiny of class actions to weed out "faux" class actions that benefit lawyers but not class members, abandonment of the opt-out procedure under Rule 23 in favor of an opt-in procedure that would require absent class members to take some affirmative action before being swept into a class action, and prohibition of settlement classes, which Professor Redish believes are often subject to abuse. The second portion of this Essay explores further implications and applications of Professor Redish's theories.

This study presents constitutional law as an ideal framework to analyze the foreign relations of the State. Through a double standpoint, it examines these relations from the State's perspective and through the action of the empowered organs of the State. In this way, the study aims to highlight the institutional and normative specificities of State's foreign relations. When the State establishes diplomatic and military relations at the outer-limits of its borders, it assumes a singular role compared to other political non-state unities. It performs a political function (fonction-fin), as defined by Charles Eisenmann, which belongs to the field of foreign relations. This political function is hold by the State in order to fulfill one basic need of the sovereign collectivity: to establish and to maintain "good relations" outside its boundaries – irrespective of the conflictual or cooperative nature of these relations. Because law and politics are intertwined, the function of foreign relations do not pre-define the distribution of powers within the State. Nevertheless, it exerts some influence on the constituent's choices and on the practices of the empowered organs. At the interface between the State's interior and exterior, constitutional analysis enables therefore to reexamine many elements usually taken as evident. This study assesses them and observe its effects. For example, it is possible to nuance the State's monopoly on foreign relations and, through a historical perspective, to moderate the governmental concentration of the direction of foreign affairs. ; L'étude proposée soutient que le droit constitutionnel offre un cadre privilégié pour observer les relations extérieures de l'État. L'approche envisage de les appréhender à la fois au prisme de l'État lui-même, et à travers l'action des organes compétents organisés dans l'État. Cette étude entend ainsi mettre en lumière les spécificités institutionnelles et normatives des relations extérieures de l'État. Lorsque celui-ci établit des rapports à l'extérieur de ses frontières au moyen de ses outils diplomatique et militaire, il assume un rôle singulier en comparaison des autres unités politiques non étatiques. En effet, il remplit une fonction-fin, au sens de Charles Eisenmann, propre à la matière des relations extérieures. Cette fonction politique est assurée par l'État afin de répondre à un besoin de la collectivité souveraine, à savoir nouer de « bons rapports » au-dehors de son territoire – sans préjuger si la relation en cause est conflictuelle ou coopérative. En raison de l'imbrication du droit et du politique, la fonction des relations extérieures de l'État, si elle ne préjuge pas de la répartition des compétences au sein de celui-ci, n'est pas sans influencer les choix du constituant et la pratique des organes habilités. Placée à l'interface entre le dedans et le dehors de l'État, l'analyse constitutionnelle permet de réinterroger plusieurs éléments souvent présentés comme relevant de l'évidence. L'étude conduit autant à les examiner qu'à en observer les effets. Ainsi est-il possible, par exemple, de relativiser le monopole étatique des relations extérieures ou encore de tempérer, au regard de l'histoire, la concentration gouvernementale de la direction des affaires extérieures.