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After the collapse of Soviet system, mass-media in Lithuania became the concomitant element of democracy. However, with the great reliance by society upon and with the enlarged influence of mass-media, it could become not only the scene where formation of cultural and social values of society take place, but, failing to establish an efficient supervision, an autocratic former of public opinion as well. The authority, carried by mass-media, enables it to create different images, which, if the audience fails to be critical, could be treated as real. Means of mass-media form agenda setting by paying greater attention to some of the topics and leaving the other ones behind, however, the elite of the society always has been one of the subjects of mass-media. The relation between mass-media and elite has not been broadly explored yet, therefore the main purpose of this paper is to analyze how the image of elite in Lithuanian mass-media is formed. The research is based on content analysis of national daily newspapers "Lietuvos Rytas" and "Vakaro zinios" published during December 2003. The investigation revealed, that "Vakaro zinios", which represents the yellow-press, openly divides society into "elite" and "the masses" and uses this division actively in it's pages. This contraposition is extremely emphasized and highlighted by the huge and expressive headlines, comments on photoprints. "Lietuvos rytas", which aims at representing the solid mass-media, also shows existing confrontation between social segments, however it avoids emphasizing this by giving clearly expressed titles to these segments. During the second research the image of elite was explored in "Stilius", a weekly supplement of "Lietuvos rytas", which in several years became the publication, reflecting in chronological order the lifestyle of Lithuanian elite. The investigation of photoreporting of public events in 1998-2005 "Stilius" revealed an active process of formation of the image of elite. "Stilius" brought elite into publicity, introduced the lifestyle of elite to society, sorted and presented persons, belonging to elite, to society. There was no publication in Lithuania before "Stilius", which would show so visually and clearly who forms the elite, what persons belong to it, how they are different. The portrayal of their luxurious lifestyle became one of the features, representing elite. In summary, could be proposed that Lithuanian mass-media, carrying great reliance of society and using it's influence, actively forms the image of Lithuanian elite, using it to catch the attention of audience. The image of elite, created by mass-media, in case of social tension, could influence the hostility of lower segments of society for the elite.

Traditional media effects research has identified two important perspectives referring to the cognitive & persuasive dimension of effects. Bridging between the two fields, the present study, which was conducted during the German reunification process, analyzes their relationship with regard to the agenda-setting approach & the transfer of media evaluations via fieldwork & mail survey data from 476 respondents, Jan-Feb 1990. In a dynamic view, the concept of "cognitive bonding" forms the theoretical background for a replication of earlier work on this topic. Results indicate an interdependency of cognitive & persuasive media effects. Perceptions of issue importance are related to opinion formation, but the influence is rather small across time. Media effects are moderate in general but are more pronounced for respondents who have a high need for orientation concerning political issues. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract. The idea that the modern mass media have a strong and malign effect on many aspects of social and political life is widely and strongly held. Television is often said to undermine democratic government popular support for leaders and institutions. In spite of all that has been written about media malaise, however, both theory and evidence suggests that the media are a comparatively weak force whose effects can be deflected, diluted and diffused by stronger forces. These include bedrocks political values associated with class, religion, age, gender and education, as well as social networks and discussions, distrust of the mass media, and personal knowledge and experience. Equally, the variables that mediate the media may also magnify its effects so that what appears to be a large media effect is, in fact, the result of an interaction between the media and other forces. This article lays out the argument of the media malaise literature that covers government and politics, then outlines the social forces that mediate the media, and finally provides some evidence to illustrate the argument that the media are generally a weak force in society.

Our society puts a premium on youthfulness, and nowhere is this more evident than in mass media and in marketing. But with the so-called longevity revolution and the increasing awareness of social gerontology, not to mention the vast improvement in health care, is there a possibility that the Filipino elderly may yet be the embodiment of Deepak Chopra's "ageless body, timeless mind"? Or will the images of the helpless, unproductive, and senile individual persist? This study takes a look at the Filipino elderly's characteristics and their perceptions of aging. It also seeks to find out their patterns of mass media consumption and how the mass media can possibly contribute to the formation of their self-concepts.

The Commission?s Proposal for a Regulation on the Law Applicable to Non-Contractual Obligations (Rome-II) supplies a special conflicts rules for media torts and other invasions of privacy rights. The purpose of Article 6 of the Commission Proposal is to coordinate choice of law and forum selection. This objective deserves support but is difficult to specify and to translate into choice of law rules. Article 5 No. 3 Brussels-I Regulation establishes jurisdiction not only at the place where the injury was sustained, but alternatively at the place where the wrongful act occurred. Pursuant to the holding of the Shevill judgment of the European Court of Justice the court sitting at the place of the wrongful act has jurisdiction to award damages in full, for total harm, whereas the courts at the several places of injury may allow remedies only with respect to the harm suffered within the confines of their own jurisdiction. In contrast to the explicit intentions of the Commission, its proposal on conflicts law does not provide for a similar rule, i.e. it does not supplement the jurisdictional principles of the Shevill judgment with similar choice of law rules. The same failure, however, also affects the proposal of the European Parliament, laid down in the report of Diana Wallis, prepared for The Parliament Committee on Legal Affairs and the Internal Market. The prerogative of ?Gleichlauf? requires choice of law rules which allow the courts seized either at the place of publication or at the place of injury to apply their own law, i.e. the lex fori.

Why is citizens' support for political actors and institutions declining? Recent research suggests that voter cynicism is fueled by the manner in which mass media covers political events and issues. This dissertation provides evidence regarding the impact that media coverage of political decision-making procedures has on an audience's political support. It focuses on the role of individual expectations and preferences of the audience. Empirically-standardized online surveys, an experimental study, and a comprehensive content analysis of news coverage were conducted for this study. It shows that mass media may contribute to a decrease of political support by shaping the perception of political processes. In addition, the findings suggest that the media's impact on political support was particularly strong if media coverage shapes the impression that political processes do not match individual preferences. This book contributes to a differentiation of the rather general claim that negative or critical media information results in a decline of political support.

Why is citizens' support for political actors and institutions declining? Recent research suggests that voter cynicism is fueled by the manner in which mass media covers political events and issues. This dissertation provides evidence regarding the impact that media coverage of political decision-making procedures has on an audience's political support. It focuses on the role of individual expectations and preferences of the audience. Empirically-standardized online surveys, an experimental study, and a comprehensive content analysis of news coverage were conducted for this study. It shows that mass media may contribute to a decrease of political support by shaping the perception of political processes. In addition, the findings suggest that the media's impact on political support was particularly strong if media coverage shapes the impression that political processes do not match individual preferences. This book contributes to a differentiation of the rather general claim that negative or critical media information results in a decline of political support.

Lerner's hypothesis of a "revolution of rising frustrations" as expectations generated by mass media outraced economic growth in developing countries has been widely accepted. Yet neither existing data nor much of current thinking about mass media social effects would support such a theory. In a three-year panel study of EI Salvadoran junior high school students, the relationship of early mass media use to subsequent change in social expectation is traced. Clear evidence related an increase in educational and occupational aspirations and a decrease in desire to live in an urban area to increased television exposure. These results were interpreted to suggest that media affects expectation only insofar as other elements of the social environment reinforce such changes.