Suchergebnisse

Soğuk Savaş sonrası yaşanan gelişmeler Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplini içerisinde yeni yaklaşımları ortaya çıkardı. Bu dönemde güç, piyasa ve kapasite gibi maddi unsurları ön plana çıkaran geleneksel kuramların aksine kimlik, norm ve kültür gibi sosyal unsurları ön plana çıkaran İnşacı Kuram, disipline yeni bir soluk kazandırdı. Yapı ve aktörlerin karşılıklı olarak birbirlerini inşa ettiğini savunan İnşacılar, özellikle kimlik kavramına büyük önem vermiştir. Bu bağlamda diğer kuramlar tarafından arka plana itilen kimlik-dış politika ilişkisi İnşacılar tarafından analiz birimi olarak ele alınmıştır. İnşacılara göre aktörler arasında yaşanan etkileşim neticesinde şekillenen kimlikler çıkarları; çıkarlar da dış politikayı oluşturmaktadır. XX. yüzyılda İran'da Pehlevi Hanedanlığı ile başlayan ulus-devlet inşası ve bölgede etkin aktör olma arzusu, 1979'da yaşanan devrim ile eksen değiştirse de aynı şekilde devam etmiştir. Devrim sonrası dış politikada İslami devrimci ve revizyonist emellere sahip olan İran, bir müddet sonra bu politikasını terk etmek durumunda kaldı. Sert güce dayalı devletlerarası politikayı terk eden İran, yumuşak gücü ön plana çıkararak devlet altı gruplara yöneldi. Bu bağlamda Lübnan, Irak ve Yemen'deki Şii grupların iç ve dış politikada yükselişe geçmesi İran güdümünde Sünnî ülkeleri kuşatan bir Şii kuşak oluştuğuna yönelik iddiaların ortaya çıkmasına neden oldu. Bu iddialara göre İran, bir Şii Hilali oluşturarak bölgeyi domine ederek nüfuz sahasını genişletmekteydi. Bu çalışma içerisinde Şii Hilali söyleminin ortaya çıkışı, mahiyeti ve kapsamı değerlendirilecektir. Bu bağlamda İran'ın bölgedeki Şii unsurlarla arasında yaşanan etkileşim, uluslararası politikada yaşanan değişim ve dönüşümlere karşı İran'ın geliştirdiği refleksler ile bölgesel ve küresel aktörlerin İran'a yönelik tutumları İnşacı Kuram çerçevesinde ele alınarak incelenecektir. --- Developments experienced after the Cold War caused new approaches within IR discipline. On the contrary of traditional theories of IR which pay attention to material subjects like power, market and capacity, constructivist theory that highlights social subjects such as identities, norms, cultures gave a new breath to the discipline. Constructivists put an emphasis on the term of identity that defends that structure and agencies build each other bilaterally. In this context, identity-foreign policy relation which is undermined by other theories is taken as a unit of analysis by constructivists. According to constructivists, identities made by interaction among agencies shape interests and interests shape foreign policy. In 20th century, Iran with Pahlavi Dynasty experiencing a nation state building process insisted on past desire of being a leading actor in the region. Despite of an axis shift in Iran's domestic and foreign policy after the Revolution in 1979, this attitude has been kept in the same way. Iran had revisionist and revolutionary aims in post-revolution foreign policy but he had to leave this policy soon after. Iran leaving interstates policy based on hard power preferred sub state groups with soft power. In this framework, Shia groups in Yemen, Lebanon and Iraq rallying in the state policies and foreign policy led to a discourse arguing that there is a Shia line guided by Iran in the region covering Sunni countries. According to these claims, with a Shia crescent Iran was dominating the region and enlarging his power area. In this research emergence, content and essence of the Shia crescent discourse will be evaluated. In this context, interaction between Iran and Shia groups in the region and Iran's reactions and moves toward changes in international politics as well as regional and global agencies' points of view about Iran will be taken and examined within constructivist theory frame.

Soğuk Savaş sonrası yaşanan gelişmeler Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplini içerisinde yeni yaklaşımları ortaya çıkardı. Bu dönemde güç, piyasa ve kapasite gibi maddi unsurları ön plana çıkaran geleneksel kuramların aksine kimlik, norm ve kültür gibi sosyal unsurları ön plana çıkaran İnşacı Kuram, disipline yeni bir soluk kazandırdı. Yapı ve aktörlerin karşılıklı olarak birbirlerini inşa ettiğini savunan İnşacılar, özellikle kimlik kavramına büyük önem vermiştir. Bu bağlamda diğer kuramlar tarafından arka plana itilen kimlik-dış politika ilişkisi İnşacılar tarafından analiz birimi olarak ele alınmıştır. İnşacılara göre aktörler arasında yaşanan etkileşim neticesinde şekillenen kimlikler çıkarları; çıkarlar da dış politikayı oluşturmaktadır.XX. yüzyılda İran'da Pehlevi Hanedanlığı ile başlayan ulus-devlet inşası ve bölgede etkin aktör olma arzusu, 1979'da yaşanan devrim ile eksen değiştirse de aynı şekilde devam etmiştir. Devrim sonrası dış politikada İslami devrimci ve revizyonist emellere sahip olan İran, bir müddet sonra bu politikasını terk etmek durumunda kaldı. Sert güce dayalı devletlerarası politikayı terk eden İran, yumuşak gücü ön plana çıkararak devlet altı gruplara yöneldi. Bu bağlamda Lübnan, Irak ve Yemen'deki Şii grupların iç ve dış politikada yükselişe geçmesi İran güdümünde Sünnî ülkeleri kuşatan bir Şii kuşak oluştuğuna yönelik iddiaların ortaya çıkmasına neden oldu. Bu iddialara göre İran, bir Şii Hilali oluşturarak bölgeyi domine ederek nüfuz sahasını genişletmekteydi. Bu çalışma içerisinde Şii Hilali söyleminin ortaya çıkışı, mahiyeti ve kapsamı değerlendirilecektir. Bu bağlamda İran'ın bölgedeki Şii unsurlarla arasında yaşanan etkileşim, uluslararası politikada yaşanan değişim ve dönüşümlere karşı İran'ın geliştirdiği refleksler ile bölgesel ve küresel aktörlerin İran'a yönelik tutumları İnşacı Kuram çerçevesinde ele alınarak incelenecektir. --- Developments experienced after the Cold War caused new approaches within IR discipline. On the contrary of traditional theories of IR which pay attention to material subjects like power, market and capacity, constructivist theory that highlights social subjects such as identities, norms, cultures gave a new breath to the discipline. Constructivists put an emphasis on the term of identity that defends that structure and agencies build each other bilaterally. In this context, identity-foreign policy relation which is undermined by other theories is taken as a unit of analysis by constructivists. According to constructivists, identities made by interaction among agencies shape interests and interests shape foreign policy.In 20th century, Iran with Pahlavi Dynasty experiencing a nation state building process insisted on past desire of being a leading actor in the region. Despite of an axis shift in Iran's domestic and foreign policy after the Revolution in 1979, this attitude has been kept in the same way. Iran had revisionist and revolutionary aims in post-revolution foreign policy but he had to leave this policy soon after. Iran leaving interstates policy based on hard power preferred sub state groups with soft power. In this framework, Shia groups in Yemen, Lebanon and Iraq rallying in the state policies and foreign policy led to a discourse arguing that there is a Shia line guided by Iran in the region covering Sunni countries. According to these claims, with a Shia crescent Iran was dominating the region and enlarging his power area. In this research emergence, content and essence of the Shia crescent discourse will be evaluated. In this context, interaction between Iran and Shia groups in the region and Iran's reactions and moves toward changes in international politics as well as regional and global agencies' points of view about Iran will be taken and examined within constructivist theory frame.

Partisan activity has been the main and the most important mode of institutionalized political participation (in addition to electoral participation) in the modern democ­racy. Even though mass party membership is a distinct feature of modern political system (although not necessarily democratic), since 1960-ies the decline of party membership is observed in many democratic countries. Lithuania is a typical example of post-communist region, where party membership is regarded as a specific elitist activity rather than an ordinary practice of political involvement. In the article, the attitudes of Lithuanians towards party membership are analyzed to answer the question if and why people are not keen to join political parties. Public attitudes are explored using the data of a representative public opinion survey carried out in 2005 and qualitative data of in-depth interviews with ordinary people collected in 2008. Using a mixed method research strategy, the article analyses the image of political parties in Lithuania, determines the potential of party membership and inves­tigates the dominant reasons of avoiding partisan activity.In the first part of the article, the theories explaining partisan activity are pre­sented. In addition to Civic voluntarism model and General incentives theory used by Paul Whiteley and Patrick Seyd to explain partisan activity, the broader theories explaining changes of political culture and transformation of party models are dis­cussed. Moreover, the theoretical arguments for the exceptionalism of post-commu­nist societies are presented.In the second part of the article, the analysis of the qualitative data is presented. The exploration of public attitudes reveals that partisan activity can be perceived in several different ways: as a specific occupation, as a civic self-expression, as belong­ing to power elite, as a privilege, as dependence, and as partiality. These images of parties held by people are related to their attitudes towards party membership. The reasons provided by the people of not joining political parties can be grouped into three groups: 1) the lack of necessary resources or personal characteristics (e.g. old age, low education, etc.); 2) critical attitudes towards political parties; 3) dislike of partisan activity because of indifference towards politics or individualism and appre­ciation of personal independence.In the third part, the quantitative data drawn from the public opinion survey isanalysed. The data shows a surprisingly high potential of party membership in Lithua­nia: about 11 percent of all respondents and about 20 percent of respondents in the age group of 18–39 have an inclination to join a political party. However, 87 percent of individuals admit that they were not invited to join a political party during the last 5 years. This proves that Lithuanian political parties are not active in expanding their membership.The quantitative data approve the trends observed from the qualitative research. The two most popular reasons of not joining a party are the lack of resources or neces­sary characteristics (surprisingly, young age seems to be one of the most important of them) and an indifference towards politics. These two motives fit well into the Civic voluntarism model. Disappointment with politics or a negative attitude towards politi­cal parties in general, contrary to expectations, proved to be of secondary importance. The importance of individualist attitudes, i.e. the avoidance of commitment and appre­ciation of independence, unfortunately, could not be evaluated due to the lack of data.Summing up, the analysis of Lithuanian case suggests that low party member­ship in post-communist countries might be explained by low demand rather than low supply. In other words, we should look for the explanation of low enrolment in the process of recruitment of party members rather than in the attitudes of people. The research do not provide any evidence for a popular theory of "communist legacy" claiming that a "bad" image of parties inherited from communist regime accounts for the low party membership in post-communist societies. On the contrary, the data demonstrate rather positive attitudes towards partisan activity among Lithuanian population. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas Lietuvos žmonių požiūris į partinę narystę, ieškant atsakymo, ar ir kodėl žmonės nelinkę stoti į politines partijas. Deri­nant kiekybinę ir kokybinę analizę, straipsnyje nagrinėjamas žmonių požiūris į partijas, atskleidžiami svarbiausi nestojimo į partiją motyvai, įvertinamas partinės narystės potencialas. Analizės rezultatai rodo, kad nemažas žmonių procentas norėtų stoti į partiją, tačiau nėra gavę kvietimo. Vyraujantys neno­ro stoti į partijas motyvai yra nesidomėjimas politika, prastas savo kompe­tencijos vertinimas ir nenoras būti priklausomam. Analizė leidžia teigti, kad menką partinės narystės lygį Lietuvoje geriau gali paaiškinti ne komunistinis paveldas, o partijų nesuinteresuotumas investuoti į narystės plėtrą.

Maģistra darba "Rīgas Grebenščikova vecticībnieku draudzes darbība (1944.g.-1989.g.)" mērķis ir izpētīt Rīgas Grebenščikova vecticībnieku draudzes darbību laika posmā no 1944. līdz 1989.gadām. Hronoloģiskās robežas ir noteiktas pamatojoties uz padomju režīma īpatnībām. 1944.gadā Latvijas PSR tika izveidota PSRS Ministru Padomes Reliģijas kulta lietu padomes institūcija, kas pastāvēja līdz 1989.gadam Maģistra darbs sastāv no ievada, avotu un literatūras apskata, četrām nodaļām, secinājumiem, avotu un literatūras saraksta un pielikumiem. 1. nodaļā ir analizēti galvenie valsts un Baznīcas attiecību modeļi, totalitāro valsts pamatiezīmes, veidi, pamatprincipi un reliģiskā doktrīna. 2. nodaļā apskatīta padomju varas likumdošana, PSRS reliģiskās politikas pamatvirzieni, tika raksturota vietējās varas attieksme pret Baznīcu un vecticībnieku draudzēm laika posmā no 1944. līdz 1989. gadam. 3. nodaļā tika aplūkota Rīgas Grebenščikova vecticībnieku draudzes reliģiskā, kultūras, un saimnieciskā dzīve, tās galvenās problēmas un sasniegumi apskatāmā laika posmā. 4. nodaļā tiek analizēta Rīgas Grebenščikova vecticībnieku draudzes pārvaldes struktūras darbība 20.gs. 40.-80.-os gados. Tika secināts, ka J.Staļina valdīšanas laikā valsts mērķis bija mazināt reliģijas ietekmi sabiedrībā, nevis likvidēt to, savukārt, Ņ.Hruščova valdīšanas laikā sākās ideoloģiskā cīņa pret reliģiskām organizācijām. L.Brežņeva valdība izveidoja stingrās robežas un kontroli, kas reglamentēja reliģisko organizāciju darbību. 1980.-to gadu vidū, līdzās ar reliģijas lomas atdzimšanu sabiedrībā, valsts reliģiskā politika kļuva vērojami lojālāka. K.Čerņenko valdīšanas laikā tika mēģināts izveidot vēl stingrāku reliģijas kontroli. Valdības kurss sāka mainīties tikai ar M.Gorbačeva atnākšanu pie varas. Agrāk aizliegtas draudzes darbības jomas tika legalizētas, ka arī tika atceltas darbības robežas. Neskatoties uz reliģiskās politikas izmaiņām un valsts centieniem samazināt reliģisko draudžu skaitu, Rīgas Grebenščikova vecticībnieku draudze turpināja aktīvi attīstīties un darboties gan kultūras, gan reliģijas, gan saimniecības jomā, pieauga draudzes aktivitātes. Rīgas draudzes pārvaldes darbība arī netika sevišķi skārta no valsts puses, par ko liecina kopš 20.gs.sākuma saglabāta draudzes pārvaldes sistēma. ; The goal of the master's work " Riga Grebenscikova Old Believer parish activities (years 1944-1989)" is to research the Riga Grebenscikova old believers' congregation's activities in the period between years 1944 through 1989. The chronological boundaries were set based on the peculiarities of the Soviet regime. The USSR Council of Ministers' Religious cult council institution had been created in the Latvian SSR in 1944 and it existed until 1989. The master's work consists of introduction, review of the sources and literature, four chapters, conclusions, the list of the sources and literature and appendices. The first chapter is utilized to analyze the major models of the relationship between the Church and the state, the key characteristics, types, basic principles and the religious doctrine of a totalitarian state. The second chapter is devoted to the overview of the Soviet legislation, the key directions of the USSR's religious policies; the attitude of the local authorities with respect to the Church and the old believers' congregations was described in the time period between 1944 and 1989. The third chapter surveys Riga Grebenscikova Old Believers' congregation's religious, cultural and economic life, its key problems and achievements in the timeframe under review. The fourth chapter is used to analyze the activities of the Riga Grebenscikova Old Believers' congregation's administrative structure between the '40's and '80's of the twentieth century. It has been concluded that during the time of the J. Stalin's rule the goal of the state was to reduce the influence of the religion in the society, but no to abolish it completely, however, during the rule of N. Khrushchev, an ideological battle against the religious organizations began. The government led by L. Brezhnev developed strict boundaries and controls which regulated the work of religious organizations in the middle of the 1980's; together with the resurgence of the role of the religion in the society, the policy of the state concerning religion became more loyal. During the rule of K. Chernenko an attempt was made to impose an even stricter control of religion. The government began to shift only when M. Gorbachev came to power. The fields of the congregation's work formerly banned were legalized, limitations of activities were abolished. Despite the changes in the religious policies and the efforts of the government to reduce the number of the religious congregations, Riga Grebenscikova Old Believers' congregation continued its active development and work both in the fields of culture, religion and economics; the activities of the congregation grew. The work of the Riga congregation council was also not substantially influenced by the state as evidenced by the administrative system of the congregation which has been preserved from the beginning of the 20th century.

En la actualidad, los empleos precarios no aseguran el mínimo vital, y para el futuro se pronostica el «fin del trabajo». Además, ante los defectos y límites de los sistemas asistenciales es necesario un replanteamiento del sistema de protección social: la renta básica universal parece ser la opción más popular. Aunque normalmente la RB se basa en la idea de una reforma social, la percepción de este estudio es que su implementación debe ir dirigida por una política de pequeños avances, que al final posibiliten una reforma parcial del sistema de Seguridad Social, no su desmantelamiento. Existen en la actualidad ejemplos con estas características, para colectivos específicos (ej. menores en Alemania) a los que ¿en la práctica¿ se les está otorgando una RB. Sin duda, es un gran paso en esa dirección, que puede servir como modelo a seguir por los ordenamientos jurídicos ¿entre ellos el español¿ que siguen un sistema de reparto generacional en pensiones.Gaur egun, enplegu prekarioek ez dute gutxieneko bizitza ziurtatzen, eta etorkizunerako «lana amaitzea» aurreikusten da. Gainera, ongizate sistemen akatsen eta mugen aurrean, beharrezkoa da gizarte-babeserako sistema berraztertzea: oinarrizko errenta unibertsala aukera popularrena dela dirudi. Oinarrizko errenta gizarte-erreformaren ideiarekin bat etortzen den arren, ikerketa honen pertzepzioak aurrerapen txikien politika gidatu behar dela ezartzea du, azken batean, Gizarte Segurantzako sistema bateratze partzial bat lortuz, eta ez bera desegitea. Gaur egun, ezaugarri hauei dagozkien adibideak daude, gizarteko talde zehatzetarako (esate baterako, alemaniar adingabekoei) oinarrizko errenta bat ematen zaie. Zalantzarik gabe, adibide hau aurrerapauso handi bat da, pentsioetan belaunaldien banaketaren sistema eredua jarraitzen duten ordenamendu guztien eredu ¿beraien artean espainola¿ izan daitekeelako.At present, the precarious jobs do not assure the subsistence level, and the future forecasts «the end of work». In addition, because of the defects and limits of the welfare systems, a rethinking of the social protection system is necessary: universal basic income seems to be the most popular option. Although the basic income is usually based on the idea of social reform, the perception of this study is that its implementation should be guided by a policy of small advances, which ultimately make possible a partial reform of the Social Security system, not its dismantling. There are currently examples with these characteristics, for specific groups (e.g. minors in Germany) to which a basic income is being granted. Without a doubt, it is a big step in that direction, which can serve as a model to be followed by all legal systems ¿among them Spanish one¿ that follow a system of generational distribution (pay-as-you-go system) in pensions.

Maģistra darbs "Kultūras un radošo industriju aktuālu jautājumu risināšanas iespējas Eiropas Savienības un Latvijas sociālekonomiskās attīstības veicināšanai" ir daudznozaru pētnieciskais darbs. Teorētiskajā daļā tika veikts apjomīgs pētījums par kultūras un radošo industriju (KRI) jēdziena vēsturisko izcelsmi, definīcijas evolūciju, tika izpētīta starptautiska pieredze KRI politikas veidošanā. Darba ietvaros autore izpētīja visus ievērojamākos pētījumus par Latvijas KRI un to ietekmi uz nozares politikas veidošanos. Praktiskajā daļā tika rūpīgi izpētītas jaunākās KRI attīstības tendences Latvijā, apskatot visjaunākos nozares politikas veidošanas dokumentus, kā arī notikušos KRI veltītos starptautiskos seminārus, kas norisinājās ar Latvijas amatpersonu piedalīšanos. Papildus darbā izpētīta un izanalizēta radošās uzņēmējdarbības attīstība Latvijā un KRI atbalsta mehānismi. Darbā sniegts ieskats arī Rīgā izveidojušos radošo kvartālu darbībā un to nozīmē turpmākai radošās uzņēmējdarbības attīstībai Latvijā. Atslēgas vārdi: Kultūras un radošās industrijas, Kultūras un radošo industriju definīcija, Kultūras un radošo industriju attīstība Latvijā, Radošo industriju politika Latvijā, Radošie kvartāli ; The topic of Master's Thesis is "Possibilities for Dealing with Challenges Presented by the Culture and Creative Industries for the Promotion of Socio-economic Development of European Union: Latvian case". The study is multidisciplinar research that examines and analyses the influence of culture and creative industries on the social and economic welfare of European union, focusing on the example of Latvia. Theoretic part of current Master's Thesis gives an overview on the historical background of the term 'culture and creative industries', as well as presents the evolution of the definitions of it. The international experience of the culture and creative policy making is being examined in this research, with focus on the United Kingdom, Estonia, Finland and Sweden, with giving reasoning for such choice. As well, in the framework of current Master's Thesis the author analyses the most authoritative researches about culture and creative industries in Latvia and their impact on policy making in the country. In the framework of the practical part of the Master's Thesis the most recent development tendecies of culture and creative industries in Latvia were examined, giving the overview of latest policy making documents and international and local conferences, that took place in Latvia with attendance of government officials. Additionaly the Master's Thesis presents an overview on the creative enterpreneurship in Latvia and the culture and creative industries support instruments available. The creation of culture and creative quarters in Riga and its influence on further creative enterpreneurship development in Latvia is also being analysed in the framework of current research. Key words: Culture and creative industries, Definition of culture and creative industries, Development of culture and creative industries in Latvia, Creative industry policy in Latvia, Creative quarters

Maģistra darbs "Kultūras un radošo industriju aktuālu jautājumu risināšanas iespējas Eiropas Savienības un Latvijas sociālekonomiskās attīstības veicināšanai" ir daudznozaru pētnieciskais darbs. Teorētiskajā daļā tika veikts apjomīgs pētījums par kultūras un radošo industriju (KRI) jēdziena vēsturisko izcelsmi, definīcijas evolūciju, tika izpētīta starptautiska pieredze KRI politikas veidošanā. Darba ietvaros autore izpētīja visus ievērojamākos pētījumus par Latvijas KRI un to ietekmi uz nozares politikas veidošanos. Praktiskajā daļā tika rūpīgi izpētītas jaunākās KRI attīstības tendences Latvijā, apskatot visjaunākos nozares politikas veidošanas dokumentus, kā arī notikušos KRI veltītos starptautiskos seminārus, kas norisinājās ar Latvijas amatpersonu piedalīšanos. Papildus darbā izpētīta un izanalizēta radošās uzņēmējdarbības attīstība Latvijā un KRI atbalsta mehānismi. Darbā sniegts ieskats arī Rīgā izveidojušos radošo kvartālu darbībā un to nozīmē turpmākai radošās uzņēmējdarbības attīstībai Latvijā. Atslēgas vārdi: Kultūras un radošās industrijas, Kultūras un radošo industriju definīcija, Kultūras un radošo industriju attīstība Latvijā, Radošo industriju politika Latvijā, Radošie kvartāli ; The topic of Master's Thesis is "Possibilities for Dealing with Challenges Presented by the Culture and Creative Industries for the Promotion of Socio-economic Development of European Union: Latvian case". The study is multidisciplinar research that examines and analyses the influence of culture and creative industries on the social and economic welfare of European union, focusing on the example of Latvia. Theoretic part of current Master's Thesis gives an overview on the historical background of the term 'culture and creative industries', as well as presents the evolution of the definitions of it. The international experience of the culture and creative policy making is being examined in this research, with focus on the United Kingdom, Estonia, Finland and Sweden, with giving reasoning for such choice. As well, in the framework of current Master's Thesis the author analyses the most authoritative researches about culture and creative industries in Latvia and their impact on policy making in the country. In the framework of the practical part of the Master's Thesis the most recent development tendecies of culture and creative industries in Latvia were examined, giving the overview of latest policy making documents and international and local conferences, that took place in Latvia with attendance of government officials. Additionaly the Master's Thesis presents an overview on the creative enterpreneurship in Latvia and the culture and creative industries support instruments available. The creation of culture and creative quarters in Riga and its influence on further creative enterpreneurship development in Latvia is also being analysed in the framework of current research. Key words: Culture and creative industries, Definition of culture and creative industries, Development of culture and creative industries in Latvia, Creative industry policy in Latvia, Creative quarters

Maģistra darbs "Kultūras un radošo industriju aktuālu jautājumu risināšanas iespējas Eiropas Savienības un Latvijas sociālekonomiskās attīstības veicināšanai" ir daudznozaru pētnieciskais darbs. Teorētiskajā daļā tika veikts apjomīgs pētījums par kultūras un radošo industriju (KRI) jēdziena vēsturisko izcelsmi, definīcijas evolūciju, tika izpētīta starptautiska pieredze KRI politikas veidošanā. Darba ietvaros autore izpētīja visus ievērojamākos pētījumus par Latvijas KRI un to ietekmi uz nozares politikas veidošanos. Praktiskajā daļā tika rūpīgi izpētītas jaunākās KRI attīstības tendences Latvijā, apskatot visjaunākos nozares politikas veidošanas dokumentus, kā arī notikušos KRI veltītos starptautiskos seminārus, kas norisinājās ar Latvijas amatpersonu piedalīšanos. Papildus darbā izpētīta un izanalizēta radošās uzņēmējdarbības attīstība Latvijā un KRI atbalsta mehānismi. Darbā sniegts ieskats arī Rīgā izveidojušos radošo kvartālu darbībā un to nozīmē turpmākai radošās uzņēmējdarbības attīstībai Latvijā. Atslēgas vārdi: Kultūras un radošās industrijas, Kultūras un radošo industriju definīcija, Kultūras un radošo industriju attīstība Latvijā, Radošo industriju politika Latvijā, Radošie kvartāli ; The topic of Master's Thesis is "Possibilities for Dealing with Challenges Presented by the Culture and Creative Industries for the Promotion of Socio-economic Development of European Union: Latvian case". The study is multidisciplinar research that examines and analyses the influence of culture and creative industries on the social and economic welfare of European union, focusing on the example of Latvia. Theoretic part of current Master's Thesis gives an overview on the historical background of the term 'culture and creative industries', as well as presents the evolution of the definitions of it. The international experience of the culture and creative policy making is being examined in this research, with focus on the United Kingdom, Estonia, Finland and Sweden, with giving reasoning for such choice. As well, in the framework of current Master's Thesis the author analyses the most authoritative researches about culture and creative industries in Latvia and their impact on policy making in the country. In the framework of the practical part of the Master's Thesis the most recent development tendecies of culture and creative industries in Latvia were examined, giving the overview of latest policy making documents and international and local conferences, that took place in Latvia with attendance of government officials. Additionaly the Master's Thesis presents an overview on the creative enterpreneurship in Latvia and the culture and creative industries support instruments available. The creation of culture and creative quarters in Riga and its influence on further creative enterpreneurship development in Latvia is also being analysed in the framework of current research. Key words: Culture and creative industries, Definition of culture and creative industries, Development of culture and creative industries in Latvia, Creative industry policy in Latvia, Creative quarters

En este artículo se reflexiona sobre la utilidad, la calidad y la idoneidad de los instrumentos de evaluación de políticas públicas en el contexto actual. Se explica cómo no pueden limitarse a ser meros controladores de la legalidad o a detectar abusos de poder. Deben ir más allá y convertirse en indicadores reales de impacto además de reflejar la calidad de las interrelaciones entre los organismos públicos y el exterior. Para ello deberían previamente segmentar y establecer parámetros adecuados según el tipo de relación y de estructuras de poder que subyacen a los distintos marcos de actuación de las administraciones públicas. Por otra parte, se analizan las políticas sociales que se han ido poniendo en marcha en España y Europa, y se apuntan cuales deberían ser las claves de una evaluación que sepa dar respuesta a los nuevos escenarios económicos, sociales, familiares y de participación política, caracterizados por la exclusión, la desigualdad y la llamada nueva gobernanza. ; Artikulu hau politika publikoak ebaluatzeko tresnek egun duten erabilgarritasuna, kalitate eta egokitasunari buruzko hausnarketa bat da. Bertan azaldu egiten da legaltasunaren kontrolatzaile hutsak izatera edo nagusikeriak antzematera ezin direla mugatu. Haratago jo behar dute eta, erakunde publikoen eta kanpoaldearen arteko harremanen kalitatea islatzeaz gain, eraginaren benetako adierazleak bihurtu behar dira. Horretarako, aldez aurretik, herri administrazioen jarduketa-esparruen azpian dauden harreman eta botere egitura moten araberako parametro egokiak segmentatu eta ezarri beharko lituzkete. Horrez gain, Espainian eta Europan martxan jartzen ari diren gizarte-politikak aztertu egiten dira eta baztertze, desberdintasuna eta delako gobernantza berria ezaugarri dituzten ekonomia, gizarte, familia eta politikan parte-hartzeko egoera berriei erantzuna eman diezaien ebaluaketaren gakoak zeintzuk izan beharko liratekeen adierazten dira. ; This article gives some reflections about the usefulness, the quality and the suitability of the instruments of the public policies evaluation in the present context. It explains how they can not limit themselves being just mere controllers of the legality or to detect power abuse. They have to go beyond this, to convert into impact real indicators, and to reflect the quality of the interrelations between the public agencies and outside. For this reason they, previously, have to segment and to establish adequate parameters depending on the type of the relation and on the power structures that underlie to the different fields of the interventions of the public administrations. On the other hand, social policies will be analysed, these ones have been employed in Spain and in Europe. And it will be appointed to the ones that must be the clues to an evaluation that knows to give answers to new economic, social, family scenes and of a political participation characterised by the exclusion, inequality and by the so called new governance.

Ekonomiskā krīze pasaulē ir skārusi arī Latviju. 2008.gada nogalē valdība bija lēmusi nodrošināties ar ārvalstu institūciju atbalstu Latvijas makroekonomikas stabilizēšanai un saņēma apsolījumu 7,5 miljardu eiro lielam aizdevumam. Aizdevumu programma ietver nosacījumus, ka jāsamazina budžets, izdevumi, nodarbināto skaits valsts pārvaldē. Izmaksu samazināšana notika mehāniski, neveicot pētījumus par samazinājuma efektivitāti un nozīmi katrā valsts varas atzarā. Taupības vārdā ar lozungu "krīze" tiek apdraudēts pārāk daudz būtisku lietu – gan cilvēka iespēja nopirkt grāmatu, gan viņa drošība un dzīve tiesiskā valstī. Sabiedrība vairs nevar paļauties uz vispār atzītiem tiesību principiem, tiek apdraudētas vienas no būtiskākajām cilvēka tiesībām – tiesības uz taisnīgu tiesu. Leģitimitātes problēmas, ko pieļāvusi izpildu vara un likumdevējs samazinot atalgojumu tiesnešiem, parāda šo varas atzaru vēlmi tieši ietekmēt tiesu neatkarības principu un vājināt tiesu, bet līdz ar to tiesību nozīmi sabiedrībā. Maģistra darbā "Tiesu varas neatkarība un tiesnešu atalgojuma koherences problēmas" ir analizēts tiesu varas neatkarības jēdziens un saturs, pārvaldes, likumdevēja un tiesu varas mijiedarbība. Analizēts pamatojums, kas bija pamatā tiesnešu un tiesu darbinieku darba samaksas sistēmas izveidei, sistēmas attīstība līdz 2008.gada 12.decembrim. 2008.gada 12.decembra izmaiņu tiesiskuma problēmas, kad faktiski tiek apturēta Tiesnešu atalgojuma sistēmas darbība. Darbā tiek pētīts ekonomiskās krīzes jēdziens un saturs, kā arī valsts pārvaldes politika, pieņemto lēmumu un normatīvo aktu leģitimitātes problēmas. Veikta tiesas spriešanas funkcijas un valsts pārvaldes funkciju salīdzināšanas problemātikas analīze, saistībā ar valsts pārvaldes vēlmi iekļaut tienešu atalgojumu vienotā atalgojuma likumā. Taisnīguma dažādās izpratnes Latvijas valsts varas atzaros. Valsts pārvaldes politikas ietekmes noskaidrošanai uz tiesu neatkarības principu un tiesneša statusu sabiedrībā, tika veikta tiesnešu anketēšana un sabiedrības aptauja un pētīta Valsts pārvaldes politikas ietekme uz tiesu neatkarību. Maģistra darba mērķis ir izpētīt un noteikt nepieciešamās normatīvās izmaiņas tiesnešu, tiesu varas neatkarības nodrošināšanai un nošķiršanai no izpildu varas un likumdevēja varas. Apstiprināt darbā izvirzīto hipotēzi, ka tiesu vara nevar tikt iekļauta normatīvajā aktā, kas regulē atalgojuma sistēmu valsts pārvaldē, tā kā valsts pārvaldes funkcijas, iekārta šo funkciju izpildei mērķis un filozofija nav salīdzināma ar tiesas spriešanas funkciju, līdz ar to tai nevar noteikt vienotus atalgojuma kritērijus. Darbā tika iekļauta visu līmeņu tiesu tiesnešu anketēšana par atalgojuma jautājumiem, šī atalgojumu sistēmas iespējamo izmaiņu ietekme uz tiesas spriešanas funkciju izpildi un tiesnešu kā sociāla aktīvas grupas dalībnieka subjektīvā attieksme. Aptauja ļāva novērtēt tiesneša amata statusa izmaiņas sabiedrībā. Darbs sastāv no 4 nodaļām. Pirmajā nodaļā tiks pētīts tiesu varas neatkarības jēdziens un saturs un valsts pārvaldes politikas jēdziens, kā arī valsts pārvaldes un tiesu sistēmas savstarpējā mijiedarbība Latvijā – atsvara – līdzsvara sistēma un iespējamās nobīdes tajā. Otrajā nodaļā pētīta tiesnešu darba samaksas koncepcija, tās evolūcija cēloņi, kas noteikuši koncepcijas izveidi un panāktie rezultāti. Izmaiņas, kas notikušas pēc 2008.gada 12.decembra Valsts pārvaldes politiskajiem lēmumiem. Trešajā nodaļā pētīts ekonomiskās krīzes jēdziens un valdības rīcības iespējamās tiesiskās sekas. Ceturtajā nodaļā veikts praktisks pētījums par vienotās atalgojuma sistēmas iespējamību un šādas sistēmas ieviešanas ietekmi uz tiesneša neatkarību, tiesneša statusu sabiedrībā. Darbā izmantotas empīriskās un teorētiskās pētniecības metožu grupas. Empīriskā metode izmantota, veicot teksta satura analīzi, anketēšanu, kas ir kvantitatīvā pētījuma metode. Teorētiskā metode, salīdzinot tiesnešu atalgojuma koncepciju, kas izstrādāta 2002.gadā un vienoto at ; The global economic crisis has also affected Latvia. At the end of 2008 the government decided to provide itself with foreign institution support for stabilisation of the Latvian macroeconomics and was promised to be granted a credit in amount of 7.5 billion Euro. The credit program provides for reduction of budget, expenses, number of employees in the State administration. Reduction of expenses was mechanical, without studies on efficiency of the reductions or their effect in each branch of the state authority. For the sake of economy and under the catchword "crisis" too many substantial things are threatened – from an ability of a person to buy a book to his/her safety and life in a judicial state. The society is no longer able to rely on established principles of law, one of the main human rights have been endangered – fair trial rights. Legitimacy problems caused by the executive power and the legislator reducing remuneration to judges shows their willingness to directly influence the court independence principle and to undermine the court, but therewith the meaning of the rights in society. In the Master's Paper "Independence of Judiciary and Problems of Judge Remuneration Coherence" the author analyses the concept and content of the independence of judiciary, reciprocity of administration, legislator and judiciary. The author also analyses the statement of reasons based on which the judge and court employees remuneration system was established, the system development up to 12 December 2008. The legal problems of the changes of 12 December 2008, when validity of the remuneration system of judges was actually stopped. The concept and contents of economic crisis are also studied in the Paper, as well as State administration policy and legitimacy problems of the passed decisions and laws and regulations. The author has analysed the judicature function and state administration function comparison problems in relation to the State administration willingness to include the judge remuneration into a single remuneration law. Various perception of justice in branches of the Latvian state power. In order to determine the State administration policy influence over the court independence and status of the judges in society, an inquiry of judges and a public opinion poll was carried out, as well as study of the State administration influence over the court independence. The aim of the Master's Paper is to study and determine the necessary normative amendments to ensure independence of judges and judiciary and to separate them from the executive power and legislative power. To confirm the hypothesis put forward in the Paper that the judiciary cannot be included in a normative act that regulates remuneration system in the State administration, since the State administration functions, the order for execution of these functions, aim and philosophy cannot be compared with the judicature function, therefore there cannot be single remuneration criteria. The Paper includes inquiry of judges of all levels on remuneration issues, the impact of the possible changes of this remuneration system on the judicature functions and the subjective attitude of judges as social, active members of a team. The inquiry allowed evaluating changes of the status of judges in the society. The Paper consists of 4 sections. Section 1 studies the concept and content of the independence of judiciary and concept of State administration policy, as well as reciprocity of State administration and court system in Latvia, the balance and counterbalance system and its possible offsets. Section 2 studies the concept of remuneration of judges, reasons of its evolution that have determined creation of the concept, and the achieved results. Changes that were caused by the State administration political decisions of 12 December 2008. Section 3 studies the concept of economic crisis and the possible legal consequences of the government's activities. Sec

Since the 1970s, the European Union's distinctive characteristics have created a lively debate among International Relations (IR) scholars on its role concept and identity in international politics. In this framework, the concept of normative power was coined to explain the international profile of the Union on the basis of its founding norms and principles. In the post-Cold War era, dramatic changes in the international system have forced the Union to accelerate its initiatives to establish an effective foreign and security policy. With the end of the Cold War, the Union's effectiveness in these fields has been questioned by scholars. The Union's actions and policies towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have particularly been at the center of discussions. To shed light on this, this thesis undertakes to present a critical perspective on the Union's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolution process as a normative power. To provide a clear theoretical ground, the Union's identity and profile in international politics are analysed from a constructivist point of view. In accordance with the arguments of the constructivist school of thought, this thesis addresses the Union's international identity and its impact on foreign policy, and outlines the concept of normative power. After an examination of the Union's foreign and security policy evolution and its objectives in its neighbourhood policy, the study proceeds to an analysis of the Union's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolution process. In order to present a comprehensive and critical conceptual basis, Ian Manners's triple analysis method, which is based on examining the Union's principles, actions and outcomes arising from these is used. The main argument of this thesis is that because of the lack of consistency in the policies of member states, the Union cannot portray an effective actor profile in the case of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. ; KABUL VE ONAY…………………………………………………………………….i BİLDİRİM…………………………………………………………………………….ii YAYIMLAMA VE FİKRİ MÜLKİYET HAKLARI BEYANI…………………….iii ETİK BEYAN………………………………………………………………………….iv DEDICATION………………………………………………………………………….v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………….vi ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………….vii ÖZET…………………………………………………………………………………viii TABLE OF CONTENTS…………………………………………………………….ix LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS……………………………………………………….xii LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………….xiii INTRODUCTION.1 CHAPTER 1: A CONCEPTUAL ANALYSIS OF NORMATIVE POWER EUROPE…………………………………………………………………………….…6 1.1. Introduction…………………………………………………………….6 1.2. Analysis of the Theoretical and Epistemological Basis of "Normative Power Europe": Constructivism and Identity…………………………….…9 1.2.1. Constructivism…………………………………….…………….11 1.2.2. The Concept of Identity……………………………………….15 1.3. Analysis of the Concept of Normative Power Europe…………….….21 1.3.1. Early Discussions on the Actorness of the Union….………….21 1.3.2. Definition of the Ideal Type…………………………….………25 1.3.3. Dimensions of the Concept of Normative Power…………….…27 1.3.4. Normative Basis of the European Union………………….…….30 1.4. Critiques and Limitations of the Concept of Normative Power Europe………………………………………………………………………….33 1.4.1. The Lack of Conceptual Clarity.……………………………….34 1.4.2. The Lack of Normative Intensity……………………………….37 1.4.3. Geographical Limits of the Concept of Normative Power Europe.……………………………………………………………….39 1.4.4. Presence, Opportunity and Capability………………………….41 1.5. Conclusion……………………………………………………………….43 CHAPTER 2: A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS OF THE EVOLUTION OF EUROPEAN FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY AND EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY………………………………………………………46 2.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………….46 2.2. Attempts to Establish a Common Foreign and Security Policy from the 1950s to Maastricht……………………………………………………………49 2.2.1. Plans for a European Defence Community and European Political Community…………………………………………………………….50 2.2.2. The Single European Act……………………………………….57 2. 3. Establishing a "Common" Foreign and Security Policy in the Post-Cold War Era……………………………………………………………………….58 2.3.1. The Road to Maastricht…………………………………………. 59 2.3.2. The Maastricht Treaty……………………………………………63 2.3.3. The Amsterdam Treaty………………………………………….67 2.3.4. The Nice Treaty………………………………………………….72 2.3.5. The Lisbon Treaty……………………………………………….74 2.4. European Neighbourhood Policy……………………………………….79 2.5. Conclusion……………………………………………………………….85 CHAPTER 3: THE EU'S INVOLVEMENT IN THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT: PRINCIPLES, ACTIONS AND OUTCOMES…………………….88 3.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………….88 3.2. First Period of the Union's Involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: 1970-1990……………………………………………………………92 3.2.1. Analysis of the Union's Official Statements: Principles……….93 3.2.2. Actions and Outcomes………………………………………….98 3.3. Analysis of the Union's Involvement in the Conflict after the Cold War……………………………………………………………………………102 3.3.1. Analysis of the Principles of the Second Period……………….103 3.3.2. Actions and Outcomes………………………………………….118 3. 4. Conclusion………………………………………………………………129 CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………………132 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………137 APPENDIX 1. Orijinallik Raporu………………………………………………….161 APPENDIX 2. Etik Kurul İzin Muafiyeti Formu………………………………….163 ; 1970'lerden itibaren, Avrupa Birliği'nin kendine özgü karakteri Uluslararası İlişkiler akademisyenleri arasında, Birliğin uluslararası politikadaki rol kavramı ve kimliği üzerine hararetli bir tartışma yaratmıştır. Bu çerçevede normatif güç kavramı, Birliğin uluslararası profilini, kurucu norm ve prensipleri temelinde açıklamak için ortaya konulmuştur. Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde uluslararası sistemdeki köklü değişiklikler, Birliği etkin bir dış politika ve güvenlik politikası kurmak için faaliyetlerini hızlandırmaya zorlamıştır. Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesiyle birlikte, Birliğin bu alanlardaki etkinliği akademisyenlerce sorgulanmıştır. Birliğin İsrail-Filistin çatışmasına yönelik eylem ve politikaları özellikle tartışmaların merkezinde olmuştur. Buna ışık tutmak için, bu tez Birliğin İsrail-Filistin çatışma çözüm sürecine bir normatif güç olarak dahil olması üzerine eleştirel bir bakış açısı taahhüt etmektedir. Açık bir kuramsal temel sağlamak için, Birliğin kimliği ve uluslararası politikadaki profili sosyal inşacılık perspektifinden analiz edilmektedir. İnşacı düşünce ekolünün argümanları doğrultusunda, bu tez Birliğin uluslararası kimliğine ve dış politikası üzerindeki etkilerine değinmekte ve normatif güç kavramının ana hatlarını belirtmektedir. Birliğin dış politika ve güvenlik politikası gelişimini ve komşuluk politikasının amaçlarını inceledikten sonra çalışma, Birliğin İsrail-Filistin çatışma çözüm sürecine dahil olmasının analizi ile devam etmektedir. Kapsamlı ve eleştirel bir kavramsal temel sunabilmek için Ian Manners'ın Birliğin prensipleri, eylemleri ve bunlardan doğan sonuçlarının incelenmesine dayanan üçlü analiz metodu kullanılmaktadır. Bu tezin temel argümanı, üye devletlerin politikaları arasındaki uyum eksikliği sebebiyle Birliğin İsrail-Filistin çatışmasında etkili bir aktör profili sergileyemediğidir.

This study utilizes role theory to examine the role conceptions and behavior of the three competing regional powers in the Middle East, Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia since 1979. Theoretically, the research aims at developing a contest-based regional role approach by highlighting four role behavior dimensions to study Middle Eastern regional powerhood and competition. Such role behavior applied to the Middle East revolves around four role behavioral dimensions that shape competing regional powers as a causal dimension (role sources), orientational (role orientations), expectational (role expectations), and contestational (role challenges). Being the Middle East a conflictive region, this thesis argues that regional powers seek regional power status by playing leading regional roles that vary between cooperative, competitive, and status quo. These cooperative roles are expected to contribute to regionalism, competitive roles are expected to bid hegemony, and status quo roles are expected to either maintain or challenge the regional power status quo. Analytically, the primary purpose of the study is to contribute to the Middle East IR scholarship by debating and understanding the regional role competition for regional power status by Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia since 1979. By reflecting on the structural and ideational sources of roles, the study aims to explain how the shift and consistency of national role conceptions—those regionaloriented roles—shape foreign policy orientations and expectations and thus influence the dynamics of regional cooperation and competition. The study also explores how the Islamic Revolution of Iran shaped Iran's revisionist regional roles that affected the regional security order and triggered counter-regional roles of other regional powers, especially Saudi Arabia. Finally, it seeks to clarify that, while Turkey and Saudi Arabia are two Sunni status quo regional powers, they have acted differently since the Arab Spring uprisings and played competing roles; the former plays revolutionary liberal roles, and the latter plays counter-revolutionary conservative roles. Thus, such regional dynamics have transformed the regional status quo and these three regional powers' roles. ; Bu çalışmada, rol teorisinden yararlanılarak 1979 yılından günümüze Orta Doğu'da bölgesel rekabet içerisindeki Türkiye, İran ve Suudi Arabistan'ın rol tanımlamaları ve davranışları analiz edilecektir. Teorik olarak çalışma, Orta Doğu'daki bölgesel rekabeti analiz etmeye yönelik dört rol davranış boyutunu ortaya koyarak, rekabet merkezli bölgesel bir rol yaklaşımı geliştirmeyi hedeflemektedir. Orta Doğu'ya uygulanan böyle bir rol davranışı, bölgesel güçleri nedensellik (rol kaynakları), yönelim (rol yönelimleri), beklenti (role beklentileri) ve rekabet (rol meydan okumaları) boyutları açısından şekillendiren dört davranışsal boyut çerçevesinde ele alınacaktır. Bu tez, çatışmanın yoğun olduğu bir bölge olan Ortadoğu'da, bölgesel güçlerin, işbirliği, rekabet ya da statükoculuk arasında farklılaşan bölgesel roller üstlenerek bölgesel güç elde etme arayışında olduğunu ileri sürmektedir. Bunlar içerisinde işbirliği yönelimli rollerin bölgeselciliğe katkı yapması beklenmektedir. Rekabet yönelimli olanlar ise hegemonya arayışına yöneliktir. Statükocu yönelimli roller ise ya mevcut bölgesel güç düzenini devam ettirmeye ya da meydan okumaya yöneliktir. Analitik olarak tezin temel amacı 1979 yılından günümüze Türkiye, İran ve Suudi Arabistan'ın bölgesel güç statüsü elde etmeye yönelik bölgesel rekabetini anlayarak ve tartışarak Orta Doğu'ya yönelik literatüre katkı yapmaktır. Düşünsel ve yapısal rol kaynaklarına odaklanarak ilgili tez, ulusal rol kavramlarındaki değişimlerin ve devamlılıkların, dış politika yönelimleri ve böylece bölgedeki işbirliği-rekabet süreçleri üzerindeki yansımasını ortaya koymaya çalışmaktadır. Ayrıca çalışma, İran İslam Devrimi'nin, bölgesel güvenlik düzenini etkileyen ve özellikle Suudi Arabistan gibi diğer bölgesel güçlerin karşı-devrimci rollerini harekete geçiren İran'ın revizyonist rolü üzerindeki etkisini incelemektedir. Son olarak ilgili tez, her ne kadar ikisi de Sünni ve statükocu bir güç olsa da Türkiye ve Suudi Arabistan'ın Arap Baharı sonrasında farklı politikalar izlediğini ve rekabetçi bir rol benimsediğini ortaya koymaktadır. Birincisi liberal devrimci bir rol benimserken ikincisi devrim karşıtı tutucu bir rol benimsemiştir. Bu bakımdan söz konusu bölgesel dinamikler bölgedeki statükoyu ve bu üç bölgesel gücün rollerini dönüştürmüştür.