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By examining how power is constructed and maintained in Russia with the help of hydrocarbons—oil and gas—this article shows why this system is detrimental to Russia in the context of global environmental, technological, and geopolitical changes. While promoting a hydrocarbon culture as central to national identity, the Kremlin has failed to adapt to the global transition toward renewable energy. But external actors such as the European Union could encourage change from within to develop Russia's untapped potential as a green power, given its vast endowments of renewable resources. ; Peer reviewed

"Russia and the European Union" published on by Oxford University Press.

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part One: From Benevolent Force to National Misfortune: Fire's Contested Meanings in Rural Russia -- 1. Fire as Gentle Cookery and Paradise: Peasants as Mistresses and Masters of Fire -- 2. Fire as Apocalypse or Pathology: Peasants as Victims or Vectors of Fire -- 3. Fire as Russia's Historical Evil: Peasants Dispossessed by Fire -- Part Two: Letting Loose the Red Booster: Arson in Rural Russia -- 4. The Fiery Brand, Russian Style: Arson as Protest, Peasants as Incendiaries -- 5. Arson as Impotent Spite or Potent Practice: Peasants as Vengeful, Covetous, or Wily Actors -- Part Three: Mobilizing to Make Russia Modern: Insuring, Planning, Volunteering -- 6. Fire as Insurance Hazard: Peasants as Students of Prudence and Precaution -- 7. Fire Contained in the Planned Village: Peasants as Residents in a Disciplined Domestic Order -- 8. Fire as the Inernal Enemy: Peasants as Volunteer Firefighters -- 9. Conclusion: Fire as an Imperial Legacy, Peasants as Partners in Progress -- Notes -- References -- Index.

On the way to Russia -- From the frontier to Petrograd -- Petrograd -- Smolny -- Explanation of political parties -- The Democratic Congress -- The preparliament and the Soviet of the Russian Republic -- The fall of the Winter Palace -- The Constituent Assembly -- Katherine Breshkovsky -- Kerensky -- Two ministers of welfare; Panina and Kollontay -- Lenin and Trotsky -- A triumvirate -- Marie Spiridonova -- From one army to the other -- Red guards and cossacks -- The Red burial -- Revolutionary Tribunal -- The Foreign Office -- Women soldiers -- Free speech -- Street fighting -- Men of honor -- German propaganda -- Russian children -- The decline of the church -- Odds and ends of revolution -- A talk with the enemy -- Shopping in Germany -- Adventures as a Bolshevik courier

Factors that threaten Russia's prominence within the current geopolitical order and conversely provide opportunities for Russia to regain its international authority are examined. It is contended that efforts have been launched to remove Russian presence from the Mediterranean, Black Sea, and Caspian Sea regions by nations that are searching for additional natural resources. The extent to which contemporary international developments contradict the international order introduced by the Westphalia agreement in 1648 is then discussed; specific attention is directed toward the United Nations' inconsistent support for international law. It is subsequently argued that globalization processes are a natural outcome of the Cold War's ideological conflict and that this historical struggle has been superseded by a global concern with combating terrorism; however, it is stressed that terrorist organizations possess different objectives with regards to their targets. Even though the further expansion of the European Union is perceived as a threat to both European and Russian sovereignty, it is stated that Russia's geostrategic location, coupled with growing European discontent with the US-dominated world order, could provide Russia the opportunity to recapture its predominant international standing.

The article discusses the impact of national identity on democratization and market reforms in Russia and Ukraine. We develop a concept of hegemonic national identity and demonstrate its role in Russian and Ukrainian post-communist political development. The article argues that Russia's slide toward authoritarianism was to an important degree an outcome of the notions of national identity adopted by the main political players and society at large. In Ukraine, on the other hand, a hegemonic identity failed to emerge and the public discussion of issues of national identity led to the adoption of much more liberal and democratic notions of identity by a considerable part of the political elite. Adoption of this more liberal identity, in turn, was one of the main reasons for the Orange Revolution. The main theoretical implications of this argument are as follows: (a) choices of national identity profoundly affect the prospects for democracy in the newly democratizing states; (b) institutions do shape identities; (c) elites' preference for (or opposition to) liberal democracy is not simply a consequence of their understanding of their self-interest in gaining and preserving power but also is dependent to a significant extent on their choices of political identity.

FOR RUSSIA, THE CIS REPRESENTS THE LAST CHANGE TO KEEP FORMER SOVIET REPUBLICS TOGETHER IN A LOOSE STRUCTURE. NEW CONFRONTATIONS ARE INEVITABLE IF THE CIS COLLAPSES: EUROPEAN SECURITY AND THE BALANCE OF FORCES IN THE ASIA/PACIFIC MAY BE JEOPARDIZED. FORMATION OF DEMOCRACY IS A LONG PROCESS IN RUSSIA. THE MAJOR THREAT OF RETURN TO TOTALITARIANISM MAY COME FROM EXTERNAL PRESSURES OF NATIONAL COMMUNIST REGIMES, FROM COLLAPSE OF THE ARMY AND FROM FLOWS OF REFUGEES. THIS AUTHOR ARGUES THAT THE WEST MUST NOT ENCOURAGE NATIONALISM, CONFRONTATION OR THE RESORT TO FORCE FROM ANYONE.

The large-scale protests that took place in Moscow during the winter of 2011-2012 and the demonstrations on a smaller scale in many other cities of Russia at the same time brought civil society in that country into the headlines around the world. Some Western journalists even suggested that those protests signaled the birth of civil society in Russia. Yet in fact, civil society had been present in the Russian Federation throughout the years since the breakup of the Soviet Union in December 1991. Though it is impossible to know exactly how many nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) exist in Russia today, it is safe to say that thousands of them are active. The evidence that is presented in the articles in this section testifies to the stubborn persistence of organizations in Russian society in the face of conditions that often have been very unfavorable. [Copyright The Regents of the University of California; published by Elsevier Ltd.]

Personal experience underpins a discussion of the descendants of their Excellencies the Romanov princes, highlighting the life of Prince Dmitri Romanovich Romanov. After some brief genealogical notes, the exile of Dmitri & Nicholas's father & grandfather amid postrevolutionary violence is described. Attention is given to the life in exile of Empress Maria Feodorovna. Her return to Denmark is noted, some remarks are offered on the history of Danish-Russian relations, & the historic nature of a Russian official recognition of the empress' relics is acknowledged. Focus returns to some biographical details on Prince Dmitri before shifting to the establishment of the Romanov Fund, the context of the author's first meeting with the prince coinciding with the Danish-Russian Children of Chernobyl program, the Fund's support for Russian veterans, & the issue of the monarchy in Russia. Other doings in Prince Dmitri's later life are recounted. The prospect that Maria Feodorovna will be re-entombed on Russian soil is touched on in closing. D. Edelman

This publication discusses Russia's foreign, security, defence, and military policies from both Euro-Atlantic and Russian perspectives. More importantly – this work acts as an essential platform for analysing the security challenges linked with Russia and the required responses of the Euro-Atlantic community to the complex challenges posed by Russia's actions in the region and on a global scale. This collection of articles has emphasised the perception of Russia shared by NATO, the European Union, Russian pundits, and the regional actors. The uniqueness of the current volume proposes an equal measure of pragmatic policy solutions and academic ones to these critical global issues. From the Euro-Atlantic side, the work pays special attention to the efficiency of the transatlantic deterrence of Russia and its importance for security in the wider-Baltic region. The articles also focus on the multiple Russian hybrid actions of 2019–2021, the lessons learned from Russia's actions in Ukraine, Belarus, Armenia, and potential threats that might emanate from Russia's military modernisation. Thinking from the Russian side, elite and domestic discourses, popular perceptions, and future potentialities are presented and synthesised into this broader paradigm.