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The latest versions of RELAP5-3D©code allow the simulation of thermodynamic system, using different type of working fluids, that is, liquid metals, molten salt, diathermic oil, and so forth, thanks to the ATHENA code integration. The RELAP5-3D©water thermophysical properties are largely verified and validated; however there are not so many experiments to generate the liquid metals ones in particular for the Lead and the Lead Bismuth Eutectic. Recently, new and more accurate experimental data are available for liquid metals. The comparison between these state-of-the-art data and the RELAP5-3D©default thermophysical properties shows some discrepancy; therefore a tool for the generation of new properties binary files has been developed. All the available data came from experiments performed at atmospheric pressure. Therefore, to extend the pressure domain below and above this pressure, the tool fits a semiempirical model (soft sphere model with inverse-power-law potential), specific for the liquid metals. New binary files of thermophysical properties, with a detailed mesh grid of point to reduce the code mass error (especially for the Lead), were generated with this tool. Finally, calculations using a simple natural circulation loop were performed to understand the differences between the default and the new properties.

TOTALITARIAN REGIME AS A SYSTEM OF STRUCTURAL FUNCTIONALISM IN THE LITERATURE OF JANUSZ A. ZAJDELIn the Polish literature of the last two decades of the Polish People's Republic PRL, science fiction, especially sociological science fiction, served as a substitute for political literature, which was impossible to publish under state censorship. The majority of this genre was anti-utopian or critical of the totalitarian reality. This attitude was hidden under fantastical make-up and was very strongly related to the here-and-now of the period in which the books originated. Janusz A. Zajdel is the most important representative of this genre, however, at the same time he manages to avoid limiting his work to the thinly veiled politics of the time. While the topics of his work very often repeated themselves the stories go beyond the drama of the individuals or groups confronted with the totalitarian regime and focus on certain repeatable mechanisms within the system itself. Due to the above characteristics, his literary work transcends from being just a criticism of the internal workings of PRL into the area of structural functionalism of a universal social system. Social structures that play a central role in Zajdel's work, are always built from the same, very clearly outlined building blocks. It may seem that the characters and the plot of the novels are only an addition to the views on the structure and the shape of society expressed by the author. Common elements that build that world remain at the core of all the novels and the pretextual story lines of Zajdel make it easier to present those elements in the internal functioning of the sometimes very complicated social systems that Zajdel describes. Dysfunctional elements that prevent the exercise of totalitarian control inside the system, for Zajdel seem to be of far greater importance than his story lines. These relations, so characteristic of the late PRL, referred to in the literature as "dirty togetherness", are phenomena of exercising control over specific measures and social resources available in the framework of the social system for the implementation of not the objectives, which were designated by those socio-political systems, but by social groups or entities that use them for their own purposes. The main theme of Zajdel's novels are dysfunctions that occur as part of the totalitarian system, but his social systems never meet the defining criteria of totalitarianism in the classic sense. Totalitarianism is not the main intrest of the novels but is only used instrumentally as the make-up for the description of the mechanism of the internal workings of these dysfunctions. Zajdel sees dirty togetherness as a structural element of the system, without which the continuous functioning of the system would be impossible.

"The contributors to Biopolitics, Geopolitics, Life investigate biopolitics and geopolitics as two distinct yet entangled techniques of settler colonial states across the globe, from the Americas and Hawai'i to Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand. Drawing on literary and cultural studies, social sciences, political theory, visual culture, and film studies, they show how biopolitics and geopolitics produce norms of social life and land use that delegitimize and target Indigenous bodies, lives, lands, and political formations. Among other topics, the contributors explore the representations of sexual violence against Native women in literature, Indigenous critiques of the carceral state in North America, Indigenous Elders' refusal of dominant formulations of aging, the governance of Indigenous peoples in Guyana, the displacement of Guaraní in Brazil, and the 2016 rule to formally acknowledge a government-to-government relationship between the US federal government and the Native Hawaiian community. Throughout, the contributors contend that Indigenous life and practices cannot be contained and defined by the racialization and dispossession of settler colonialism, thereby pointing to the transformative potential of an Indigenous-centered decolonization. Contributors René Dietrich, Jacqueline Fear-Segal, Mishuana Goeman, Alyosha Goldstein, Sandy Grande, Michael R. Griffiths, Shona N. Jackson, Kerstin Knopf, Sabine N. Meyer, Robert Nichols, Mark Rifkin, David Uahikeaikaleiʻohu Maile"--

The study interrogates the possibility of achieving monetary integration in West Africa as part of efforts at realizing the envisaged African Economic Community (AEC). Eight regional economic communities (RECs) were recognized by the African Union (AU) as building blocks for the AEC, whose ultimate goal is the establishment of an economic and monetary union in Africa. These RECs are the institutional mechanisms through which this integration will be achieved, and monetary cooperation in the RECs is one of the steps towards achieving the integration. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is one of these RECs. Extant literature accounts blame the failure to achieve monetary integration in the sub-region on the countries' inability to meet the 'convergence criteria' required to establish a monetary union. This study acknowledges this but contends that though this undermines monetary integration in the continent and sub-region, much attention has not been given to the impacts of colonial legacy. The study is anchored on the theory of the post-colonial state and utilizes the documentary method of data collection. The findings indicate that the nature and character of the continent handed over to Africans at independence, especially by France, and its continued meddlesomeness, have made it very difficult for West African countries to forge a common front in monetary integration. This casts doubts on the possibility of realizing the monetary integration agenda of the AEC. The study, therefore, concludes that as long as France continues to meddle in the affairs of its former colonies in West Africa, efforts at monetary integration in the sub-region and the wider AEC are likely to continue to be undermined.

Abstract The human use of energy is inherently understood and experienced through socially constructed frameworks. However, the degree of engagement with this topic on the part of humanities and the social sciences has until recently been uneven at best. This seems strange given current upheavals experienced in Europe and across the globe as the climate and biodiversity crises deepen. At the centre of all these crises is the energy system. Energy flows through various forms of natural and social circuitry (from production, to distribution and consumption) and these energyscapes are sited at the local, national, and transnational scales. The correlation between the (meta)physical flows taken by the various forms of energy we depend on—and the transitory social, cultural, economic, and political relationships that frame them—require much deeper study if we are to achieve the types of sustainable communities envisaged by the United Nations as part of its sustainable development goals (SDGs) for 2030. Arising from a review of current literature, this article presents recent research into the forming of citizen energy communities in Europe and the governance structures designed to facilitate their development. It also highlights the key drivers and barriers to citizen engagement with emergent, novel energetic communities.

This special issue is dedicated to Will H. Moore's enduring influence on peace science research and the community of peace science scholars. The five pieces in this special issue exemplify Will's dedication to the development of rigorous concepts and theories that generate testable hypotheses about political violence and are evaluated using novel, fine-grained data. Will's pioneering contributions to the study of peace science were both direct—through his scholarship—and indirect—through the mentorship of his students. All of the articles in this special issue were written by former students or scholars directly influenced by Will's research and mentorship.

Reprinted in Middle East and North African Immigrants in Europe, A. Al-Shasi & R. Lawless eds, Routledge, 2005, p. 164-181 ; International audience ; Representations of, and attitudes towards, foreigners take place within the complex system of values and meaning that constitutes what we call a national identity. In the French case, different conceptions of citizenship give rise to different attitudes towards immigrants. These conceptions, even if they could be related to antagonistic theories of democracy, blend together within the citizens' representations, giving the opportunity to combine advantages from each model, namely cohesion and inclusion. But the mix of citizenship representations occurs successfully only when the political dimension of citizenship is accepted. Where this is not the case, the antagonistic potential of both understanding of citizenship and immigrants develops and endangers the coherence of the civic and political national culture.

Reprinted in Middle East and North African Immigrants in Europe, A. Al-Shasi & R. Lawless eds, Routledge, 2005, p. 164-181 ; International audience ; Representations of, and attitudes towards, foreigners take place within the complex system of values and meaning that constitutes what we call a national identity. In the French case, different conceptions of citizenship give rise to different attitudes towards immigrants. These conceptions, even if they could be related to antagonistic theories of democracy, blend together within the citizens' representations, giving the opportunity to combine advantages from each model, namely cohesion and inclusion. But the mix of citizenship representations occurs successfully only when the political dimension of citizenship is accepted. Where this is not the case, the antagonistic potential of both understanding of citizenship and immigrants develops and endangers the coherence of the civic and political national culture.

Reprinted in Middle East and North African Immigrants in Europe, A. Al-Shasi & R. Lawless eds, Routledge, 2005, p. 164-181 ; International audience ; Representations of, and attitudes towards, foreigners take place within the complex system of values and meaning that constitutes what we call a national identity. In the French case, different conceptions of citizenship give rise to different attitudes towards immigrants. These conceptions, even if they could be related to antagonistic theories of democracy, blend together within the citizens' representations, giving the opportunity to combine advantages from each model, namely cohesion and inclusion. But the mix of citizenship representations occurs successfully only when the political dimension of citizenship is accepted. Where this is not the case, the antagonistic potential of both understanding of citizenship and immigrants develops and endangers the coherence of the civic and political national culture.

Expressions of discomfort or concern with interventions by radical social science movements, such as Critical Management Studies (CMS) or Science and Technology Studies (STS) in public controversies have rested heavily on two concerns: first, that radical social science is not useful to institutions like business and, second, that, in order to make themselves useful such interventions must compromise the radicalism of the social science program. A third concern has been that intervention is not the job of the social scientist. Recently, my and others' interpretations of my own intervention in law in one case have become something of an object lesson in the perils and pitfalls posed by legal interventions by STS scholars. This paper presents a more optimistic interpretation of my intervention experiences in fingerprint cases based on a broader array of experience than that single case. I suggest, first, that we may need to think more carefully about how to measure the utility of critical social science interventions. Second, I suggest that there may be cases in which building alliances with mainstream scientific institutions may not necessarily constitute a failure of radicalism. I conclude by suggesting that the evaluation of expert knowledge is the job of STS, if it `means business'.

The double-ended guillotine break (DEGB) of the horizontal coaxial gas duct of a high-temperature gas-cooled reactor is an extremely hypothetical accident, which could cause the air to enter into the primary circuit and react with graphite in the reactor core. The performance of the HTR-PM plant under this extremely hypothetical accident has been studied by the system code TINTE in this work. The results show that the maximum fuel temperature will not reach the temperature design limitation, and the graphite oxidation will not cause unacceptable consequences even under some conservative assumptions. Moreover, nitrogen and helium injected from the fuel charging tube were studied as the possible mitigation measures to further alleviate the consequences of this air ingress accident. The preliminary results show that only the flow rate of nitrogen injected reaches a certain value, which can effectively alleviate the consequences, while for helium injection, both high and small flow rate can prevent or cut off the natural circulation and alleviate the consequences. The reason is that helium is much lighter than nitrogen, and the density difference between the coolant channel and the reactor core is small when helium is injected. Considering the injection velocity, the total usage amount, and the start time of gas injection, helium injected with a small flow rate is suggested.

Angesichts der gegenwaertigen Hausse des Kulturellen und vieler theoretischer Beitraege dazu, die einen Begriffs- und Theorienotstand offenbaren, unternimmt der Beitrag den Versuch, die unterschiedlichen Erklaerungsansaetze hinsichtlich dieser Kulturflut auf der "Makroebene" zu bilanzieren, um anschliessend den Blick auf kulturelle "Mikroebenen" wie Literatur, Fest- und Volkskultur zu werfen. Die Darstellung, die sich auf neuere Publikationen referierend und kommentierend bezieht, orientiert sich im ersten Teil an Fragen, die im Zentrum der theoretischen Kontroverse um Moderne und Postmoderne stehen: ob der kulturelle Ueberbau als Folge seines schnellen Wachstums nunmehr zur oekonomischen Basis zu rechnen, ob Kultur zum Sinnstifter in einer entzauberten Welt avanciert sei, ob die Oekonomisierung der Kultur ihre angebliche Autonomie endgueltig als Schein erweise oder wie die Beziehungen zwischen Massenkultur und hoher Kunst zu bewerten seien. Gliedernde Fragen des zweiten Teils sind: Ist die Renaissance der Volkskultur eine kompensatorische Kulturreprise oder zeigt sich darin die dialektische Rueckseite der Aufklaerung? Degeneriert die Festkultur? Wird die Literatur wieder zum l'art pour l'art? Abschliessend geht es um Perspektiven gesellschaftskritischer Kultur(politik).