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Abstract. On the issuance of the first of the modern social encyclicals, Rerum Novarum, Henry George, the American economist and social philosopher, criticized its author, Pope Leo XIII, for defending a limited right to own land and for limiting the right of private ownership of labor products. George did so by reasoning from Locke's ground that each human has a property right in one's person. George distinguished between possession (and use) and ownership of land on the ground of the common good. That required equality of mutual opportunity, which George would achieve by a Single Tax on all land values. Land reform, he held, would lead to moral reform, and thus to a society based on justice. Pope Leo goes beyond the Schoolmen in stressing a natural right to property, including land, which he asserted must be regarded as sacred. This right, he said, was not absolute, but subject to be used, according to God's Will, for the benefit of others. George looked to a change in the economic structure by reform of land tenure and use to establish a just social order; Leo to religion and the church, the government, moral individuals and voluntary associations to do so.

AbstractThis survey paper gives an impression of the main ways in which statistics is used in disciplines such as sociology and psychology. After an introductory section 1 the negative image of social science research is discussed in section 2. Section 3 is devoted to the enormous influence of modern computing facilities. Measurement of human behaviour has its specific problems (section 4). The use of linear and log–linear models is the topic of section 5. Latent variables are a basic concept for social and behavioral scientists, both in some linear models (section 6) and in item response theory (section 7). In the next section multidimensional and optimal scaling techniques are mentioned, and a selection of other topics is the content of section 9. Some general remarks on the generalizability claim of statistical methods constitute the final section. Because of space limitations and priority considerations, the author has decided to write a paper about topics and not about individual research contributions. For this reason there is no list of references (it would take several pages) and no painful split of all Dutch authors into those mentioned and those omitted. In general the Dutch research community has made quite a few major contributions to the area discussed in this paper.

ON JANUARY 17, 1984, THE UNITED STATES, CANADA, AND 33 EUROPEAN COUNTRIES CONVENED A NEW ARMS CONTROL FORUM TERMED "THE CONFERENCE ON CONFIDENCE- AND SECURITY-BUILDING MEASURES AND DISARMAMENT IN EUROPE" (CDE). ALTHOUGH FUTURE STAGES OF THE CDE MAY BE DEDICATED, AS ITS TITLE CONNOTES, TO QUESTIONS OF ARMS REDUCTIONS, THE CURRENT STAGE, WHICH MEETS IN STOCKHOLM'S KULTURHUSET AT LEAST UNTIL NOVEMBER 4, 1986, WILL BE EXCLUSIVELY DEVOTED TO THE NEGOTIATION OF 'CONFIDENCE- AND SECURITY-BUILDING MEASURES' (CSBMS) INTENDED TO REDUCE THE RISK OF CONFRONTATION IN EUROPE. CSBMS MAY BE DEFINED AS ARMS CONTROL ARRANGEMENTS THAT DO NOT LIMIT THE SIZE, WEAPONRY, OR STRUCTURE OF MILITARY FORCES ALONG THE LINES OF 'CLASSICAL' ARMS CONTROL, BUT WHICH INSTEAD ENHANCE MUTUAL KNOWLEDGE AND UNDERSTANDING OF CONVENTIONAL FORCES. THROUGH INFORMATION EXCHANGE, OBSERVATION AND INSPECTION, AND OPERATIONAL CONSTRAINTS ON MILITARY ACTIVITIES, CSBMS REGULATE THE USES TO WHICH MILITARY ACTIVITIES MAY BE PUT, CLARIFY POLITICO-MILITARY INTENTIONS, AND NARROW THE POSSIBILITIES FOR CRISIS AND CONFRONTATION. THE AUTHOR CONCLUDES THAT AS SUCH, CSBMS SHOULD CONTRIBUTE TO REDUCING THE RISKS OF WAR ARISING BY ACCIDENT, MISCALCULATION, OR FAILURE OF COMMUNICATIONS, INHIBIT OPPORTUNITIES FOR SURPRISE ATTACK AND POLITICAL INTIMIDATION, AND ENHANCE STABILITY IN BOTH CRISIS AND CALM.

ANDROPOV NOW BELONGS TO THE PAST. THUS HIS POLICIES AND THE CONCRETE MEASURES WHICH REFLECTED THEM, INCLUDING THOSE TARGETED AT THE NON-RUSSIAN NATIONALITIES OF THE SOVIET UNION, MAY BE VIEWED (AND EXPLAINED) IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE, BRIEF THOUGH IT IS. THERE ARE THREE DIFFERENT PERSPECTIVES FROM WHICH AN EXPLORATION OF ANDROPOV'S NATIONALITY POLICY MAY BE APPROACHED: THOSE ON THE DRAWING BOARD BEFORE HIS ADVENT TO POWER (THEY IN FACT HELPED HIM ATTAIN POWER); THOSE THAT HE WAS BEGINNING TO PUT INTO PRACTICE; AND THOSE THAT WERE NOT REALIZED AT ALL. A SYNTHETIC STUDY ENCOMPASSING ALL THREE PERSPECTIVES IS RISKY, EVEN IF MANDATORY THE RISK BEING THAT IT WOULD APPEAR TO ATTRIBUTE SOCIAL REALITY TO WHAT WERE MERELY IDEAS IN ANDROPOV'S MIND. HAD ANDROPOV BEEN IN POWER LONGER, HE MIGHT WELL HAVE LATER DISCARDED THESE IDEAS, WHETHER OF HIS OWN FREE WILL OR UNDER CONSTRAINTS OF THE SYSTEM THAT BROUGHT HIM TO, AND MAINTAINED HIM IN, POWER. FOR THIS REASON, THE AUTHOR SHALL ENDEAVOR, AS MUCH AS POSSIBLE, TO DISTINGUISH BETWEEN ANDROPOV'S ACTUAL POLITICAL ACTIVITY AND HIS PLANS, BETWEEN HIS PROJECTS AND SUPPOSITIONS BASED ON RUMORS AND SPECULATION ABOUT THE NATURE OF HIS WORLDVIEW, WHICH FLOURISHED DURING ANDROPOV'S BRIEF BUT EVENTFUL RULE.

The views and conclusions contained in this document are those of the author and should not be interpreted as representative of the official policies of DARPA, the Navy, or the U.S. Government. ; IEEE Transactions on Software Engineering, SE-11, no. 10 (October 1985), 1081-1091. The equations were redrawn in 2008. ; We survey a new way to get quick estimates of the values of simple statistics (like count, mean, standard deviation, maximum, median, and mode frequency) on a large data set. This approach is a comprehensive attempt (apparently the first) to estimate statistics without any sampling. Our "antisampling" techniques have analogies to those of sampling, and exhibit similar estimation accuracy, but can be done much faster than sampling with large computer databases. Antisampling exploits computer science ideas from database theory and expert systems, building an auxiliary structure called a "database abstract". We make detailed comparisions to several different kinds of sampling. ; Supported by the Foundation Research Program of the Naval Postgraduate School. ; Chief of Naval Research and the Knowledge Base Management Systems Project at Stanford University under contract #N00039-82-G-0250 from the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency of the United States Department of Defense.

This article argues that the basic model of Sweden's development policy in Africa represents an attempt to internationalize her own developmental experience. The philosophical underpinnings of that experience are found to be the ideas of integration, solidarity and equality. There is a latent tension between the idea of integration, which implies partial incremental reforms, and that of solidarity, which would presuppose a more radical approach to alleviate the plight of the weakest. After descriptive and evaluative accounts of Swedish development policy in Africa, the author suggests a policy agenda for future efforts in this field. A strategy of accommodation rather than a radical challenge of status quo must, realistically speaking, be a starting point for future Swedish policy. Even within the framework of an accommodationist policy, a critical attitude toward the negative structural features of capitalist development can be brought about. At the international level, Sweden can work for institutional reforms in international organizations concerned with development issues. Such reforms should strive to give the developing countries a more central position in the decision-making structures, while at the same time de-emphasizing the role of the nation-state in favour of collective regional efforts and organizations.

Haiti is the poorest country in the Western world. The average yearly wage is 300 US dollars. Its resources, human and material, have been squandered by the brutal Duvalier dynasty that has ruled since 1957. Francois 'Papa Doc' Duvalier ignored the rule of law and set up his own security forces (among them the infamous Ton-Ton Macoutes) to silence all opposition. Torture, arbitrary arrests and expulsions, and long periods of detention without charge became commonplace. Vicious abuse of human rights continued when his son, 'Baby Doc', took over in 1971 and proclaimed himself president-for-life. Since then there have been successive waves of attacks not only on political opponents, but also lawyers, intellectuals, and journalists. In addition, writers in Haiti have to contend with 85–90% illiteracy, a complete lack of publishing possibilities, and virtually no public libraries. The majority of them have joined the exodus of Haitians seeking a living abroad, which has taken 300,000 to New York (and made it the second largest 'Haitian' city) and some 30,000 to Montreal, where Liliane Dévieux, the author of this short story, has lived since the mid-1970s.

This work presents a methodological critique and secondary analysis of a large scale societal experiment performed by Kellaghan, et al. (1982) that studied the educational and psychological effects of the introduction of standardized achievement/ability testing in elementary schools in Ireland. The author considers the study by Kellaghan et al. to be of high quality; however, given the potential importance of this study, a methodological critique and secondary analysis are appropriate to provide an independent assessment of validity of findings, confirmation or disconfirmation of results, and a checkfor important effects that may have been missed by the original investigators. Some points of methodological criticism discussed involve the questionable validity of cross-lagged correlation analyses, spillover of treatments, insufficient measurement of treatment effects, and Hawthorne effects. Secondary analyses not performed by the original researchers found evidence of effects not indicated in the original report for the study. Some of the more important reanalyses found evidence of positive effects of immediate and delayed test feedback on student ability and achievement, and indications of positive effects of testing and test feedback on group variance of achievement possibly due to labeling processes and differential motivational effects on high versus low initial scorers.

In dem Beitrag werden Lebensläufe von Parlamentariern als Quellen der Parlamentarismusforschung untersucht. Vermittelt wird ein Überblick (1) über die auf der Basis von Lebensläufen/Biographien von der Elitenforschung untersuchten Fragestellungen, (2) über die für diese Forschung notwendigen biographischen Informationen, (3) über die besonderen Probleme von Quellenlage und Quellenkritik bei der Erschließung von biographischen Informationen und ihre besonderen Auswirkungen auf die bisherige Forschung zur Sozialstruktur deutscher Parlamente. Ausgehend vom Prozeßmodell der politischen Elitenrekrutierung von Herzog werden aus der bisherigen Forschung zu Parlamentarierkollektiven solche Merkmalsgruppen bzw. Informationssegmente bestimmt und zusammengestellt, die sich zur Rekonstruktion individueller und historischer Parlamentarierlebensläufen eignen. Methodisch-empirisch erfolgt die Anwendung des Modells durch die longitudinale Rekonstruktion von Lebenslaufsequenzen und deren vergleichende Analyse. Indem nach dem Informationsgehalt gefragt wird, wird begründet, warum die vorhandenen Bücher nicht als biographische Handbücher bezeichnet werden können und warum und in welcher Form ein solches notwendig ist. Die Hauptquellen für ein biographisches Handbuch werden dargestellt. Ausgehend von den möglichen Benutzern des Handbuchs werden der Informationsbedarf ermittelt und Editionsprinzipien erörtert. Es wird die Einrichtung einer Datenbank BIOPARL als Informationsbasis erwogen. Mit dem Hinweis darauf, daß ein 'Biographisches Handbuch der Parlamentarier' eine grundsätzliche Lösung des Quellenproblems bietet, werden abschließend die wichtigsten Kriterien für eine Herausgabe zusammengefaßt. ; There is an urgent need for collective biographies of German parliamentarians within the national 'Reichstag' and the regional 'Landtage' up to 1933. The absolutely necessary pre-requisite for further research will be the preparation of a biographical directory resp. a 'Who's who?' of all German parliamentarians. The author describes the problem of historical biographical sources, the actual situation of biographical information, the general needs for biographical informations and the relevant criteria for research-planing, decision-making-processes and practical realization of the proposed directory and information-system BIOPARL.

Efim Etkind, Beast of cultural burden (Viacheslav Ivanov 's archaistic style).
Two trends appear in Russian poetry from the 18th century on: the first that can be termed musical or flowing, and the second one, that of the isolated word, which is anti-musical by nature. The verse of the second kind is faltering, heavy, filled with phonetical, syntaxic, and semantic impediments. V. Ivanov' s poems constitute a contrast to the musical art of A. Blok by this ponderousness to which contribute all the elements of his style: erudition underlined with great arrogance, archaistic language which at times appears to be artificial, copied by the author on long dead models. This archaistic style is paradoxically akin to the avant-garde, the innovations of Khlebnikov and Maiakovskii. The literary system of V. Ivanov is based on his theory of Culture, viewed as a burden that Man is condemned to carry throughout centuries. This burden of memory seems staggering, but it is the very incarnation of spiritual freedom. V. Ivanov' s poetry is a strange union of opposed notions. It blends the most abstract spiritualism with a verbal and versifying form tending towards the most complete materialization of words, sonorities and syntaxical structures.

SINCE THE LAST ISSUE OF THIS JOURNAL DEALING WITH PEACE EDUCATION (VOL. 12, NO. 2, 1981) SOMETHING AT LEAST IN PARTS OF EUROPE HAS CHANGEDA PEACE EDUCATION MOVEMENT HAS EMERGED WHICH IS PARALLEL TO, BUT DISTINCT FROM, THE DISARMAMENT ACTION MOVEMENTS. BY PEACE EDUCATION MOVEMENT THE AUTHOR MEAN A MOVEMENT OF PEACE EDUCATORS FROM THE BOTTOM UP IN LOCAL STRUGGLES OF STUDENTS AND TEACHERS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES TO INTRODUCE TEACHING FOR PEACE BOTH INTO THE CURRICULA OF SCHOOLS AND IN WIDER PUBLIC EDUCATION ON PEACE ISSUES. THREE YEARS AGO THOSE WHO BECAME IDENTIFIED AS PEACE EDUCATORS WERE A PROPHETIC MINORITY - IN BRITAIN FOR EXAMPLE THE TERM WAS NOT WIDELY KNOWN. SINCE THEN, A NATIONAL NETWORK OF PEACE EDUCATORS HAS EMERGED AND THE SUBJECT HAS BEEN ATTACKED BY THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT, ESPECIALLY BY THE UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE FOR EDUCATION. IN THE CONTEXT OF THE FALKLANDS WAR, AND A BELLICOSE FOREIGN POLICY, THIS IS HARDLY SURPRISING; BUT MORE INTERESTINGLY THE MASS INVOLVEMENT OF TEACHERS AND STUDENTS HAS THROWN UP NEW ISSUES, NEW PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATING FOR PEACE, NEW DEBATES BETWEEN PEACE ACTION AND PEACE EDUCATION, AND GIVEN THE PROBLEM OF DISARMAMENT EDUCATION VERSUS PEACE EDUCATION A NEW PRACTICAL URGENCY AND 'BITE'.3

EARLIER WORK BY ENELOW AND HINICH THAT DEVELOPS A THEORY OF HOW VOTER EXPECTATIONS AFFECT PREFERENCES ON A SINGLE ISSUE IS EXTENDED BY BUILDING INTO THE MODEL A DEPENDENCE BETWEEN FUTUREISSUE DECISIONS AND PRESENT ALTERNATIVES. IT IS ASSUMED THAT EACH VOTER FORECASTS FUTURE ISSUE DECISIONS WITH A MULTIDIMENSIONAL RANDOM VARIABLE WHOSE MEAN IS LINEAR IN THE ALTERNATIVES OF THE PRESENT ISSUE. IF VOTERS HAVE QUADRATIC UTILITY (I.E., ARE RISK-AVERSE) AND MAXIMIZE EXPECTED UTILITY, IT IS SHOWN THAT SYMMETRIC, SINGLE-PEAKED PREFERENCES ARE INDUCED ON EACH ISSUE BASED ON THE PREFERENCE AND FORECAST ARE INDUCED ON EACH ISSUE PARAMETERS OF EACH VOTER. CONSEQUENTLY, AN EQUILIBRIUM DECISION EXISTS ON EACH ISSUE. THIS EQUILIBRIUM IS A GENERALIZATION OFTHE ONE DERIVED BY ENELOW AND HINCH. THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT THE MODEL DEVELOPED IN THE PAPER IS USEFUL FOR REPRESENTING AND PROVIDING INSIGHTS INTO THE TYPE OF SINGLE-ISSUE VOTING THAT OCCURS IN CONGRESS, AND DEMONSTRATES THROUGH EXAMPLES BOTH THAT THE PROBLEM ADDRESSED BY THE MODEL ARISES FREQUENTLY IN CONGRESSIONAL VOTING AND THAT THE ASSUMPTION OF A LINEAR DEPENDENCE BETWEEN PRESENT ALTERNATIVES AND MEAN FORECASTS ON FUTURE ISSUES IS REASONABLE IN MAY REAL WORLD INSTANCES OF CONGRESSIONAL DECISION MAKING.

Para comprender mejor la naturaleza de la estructuración de los recursos humanos en los centros educativos, el autor comenta distintos conceptos de la organización educativa en relación con las estructuras. Además, demuestra la relación entre la toma de decisiones y las estructuras, refiriéndose a distintos sistemas de dirección, y los resultados de la investigación realizada en torno al tema. En la segunda parte del escrito, propone una clasificación de estructuras que puede facilitar su análisis y su conocimiento. En este sentido, destaca, las estructuras funcionales, por niveles, autocráticas y colegiadas. Asimismo, comenta la representatividad como sistema para la creación de estructuras políticas en organizaciones educativas. ; The author comments on different concepts of organization as referred to structures in educational enterprises with an end to understand the nature of these structures better. He shows the relationship between decision making and structures referring to managerial systems. and the results of research in this field. In the second part of the article a classification of structures is proposed to aid analysis and understanding of them. The following structures are suggested: functional structure, structure by levels, autocratic structure, collegiate structure. Also representation is commented on as a way to create a political structure in an educational organization.

PUBLIC RESPONSIBILITY HAS BEEN FOR MANY YEARS THE STUFF OF CEREMONIAL ORATIONS. 'POWER', ONE SUCH ORATION PROCLAIMED IN 1905, 'INVOLVES DUTY. THE PRIVILEGE OF CITIZENSHIP IMPOSES A CERTAIN RESPONSIBILITY ... IN A DEMOCRACY THE GREAT VICE AS WELL AS THE GREAT DANGER IS THE INDIFFERENCE OF THE INDIVIDUAL CITIZEN.' NOT VERY HEADY STUFF, AND NOT PARTICULARLY UNCOMMON EITHER IN 1905 OR IN 1984. WHAT SETS THESE WORDS APART IS LESS THEIR CONTENT THAN THEIR SOURCE, AND THE FACT THAT THEIR AUTHOR, ROBERT LAIRD BORDEN, WOULD EVENTUALLY BECOME CANADA'S PRIME MINISTER AND, IN THAT CAPACITY, THE ARCHITECT OF CANADA'S FIRST DECADE OF FOREIGN POLICY. FOR BORDEN AND HIS GENERATION, POWER AND RESPONSIBILITY FLOWED FROM THE BALLOT BOX - FROM THE CITIZEN TO THE POLITICIAN OR, AS BORDEN WOULD HAVE WISHED, TO THE STATESMAN. IT WAS NOT THAT HE CONFUSED THE TWO, OR THAT HE FORGOT THAT THE TWO ROLES OFTEN OVERLAPPED. AS A PRACTICAL POLITICIAN. BORDEN VEERED TO THE IDEALIST SIDE AS OFTEN AS SAFETY ALLOWED: AND AS AN IDEALIST HE OCCASIONALLY PERMITTED HIMSELF VISIONS OF WHAT THE FUTURE SHOULD HOLD - A FUTURE THAT INVOLVED DREAMS OF A MORE PERFECT WORLD, IN WHICH THE PUBLIC GOOD BECAME PRACTICAL PUBLIC POLICY, AND PUBLIC POLICY WAS SUPPORTED BY PUBLIC OPINION.