Introduction : competing in the global arena : sport and foreign relations since 1945 / Andrew L. Johns -- "A game of political ice hockey" : NATO restrictions on East German sport travel in the aftermath of the Berlin Wall / Heather L. Dichter -- Steadfast friendship and brotherly help : the distinctive Soviet-East German sport relationship within the Socialist Bloc / Evelyn Mertin -- Welcoming the "third world" : Soviet sport diplomacy, developing nations, and the Olympic Games / Jenifer Parks -- Forging Africa-Caribbean solidarity within the Commonwealth? : sport and diplomacy during the antiapartheid campaign / Aviston D. Downes -- Peronism, international sport, and diplomacy / Cesar R. Torres -- A more flexible domination : Franco-African sport diplomacy during decolonization, 1945-1966 / Pascal Charitas -- The cold war games of a colonial Latin American nation : San Juan, Puerto Rico, 1966 / Antonio Sotomayor -- "Our way of life against theirs" : ice hockey and the cold war / John Soares -- "Fuzz kids" and "musclemen" : the US-Soviet basketball rivalry, 1958-1975 / Kevin B. Witherspoon -- The White House games : the Carter administration's efforts to establish an alternative to the Olympics / Nicholas Evan Sarantakes -- Reclaiming the slopes : sport and tourism in postwar Austria / Wanda Ellen Wakefield -- Politics first, competition second : sport and China's foreign diplomacy in the 1960s and 1970s / Fan Hong and Lu Zhouxiang -- Reds, revolutionaries, and racists : surfing, travel, and diplomacy in the Reagan era / Scott Laderman -- Conclusion : fields of dreams and diplomacy / Thomas W. Zeiler
"This book is clearly written, admirably concise, and well situated in the secondary literature on gender and conservatism and the foreign and domestic Cold War. ... Brennan's study offers another valuable reminder that niether Joe McCarthy nor June Cleaver can stand as convenient shorthard for our historical narratives of the Cold War era." Journal of American History.
Kumulierter Datensatz der Studien zu den Landtagswahlen, Bürgerschaftswahlen und den Wahlen zum Abgeordnetenhaus in verschiedenen Bundesländern von 1962 bis 2004.
Themen: Aufgelistet sind alle Variablen, die im kumulierten Datensatz enthalten sind. Das bedeutet, dass nicht alle Themen zu jedem Zeitpunkt und in jedem Bundesland erhoben wurden.
Eigene Wahlbeteiligung an der kommenden Landtagswahl und Bundestagswahl (Sonntagsfrage); Wahlverhalten bei der letzten sowie bei der nächsten Bundestagswahl; Parteiwahl bei der letzten sowie bei der nächsten Landtagswahl; Kandidatenwahl bei der nächsten Landtagswahl; wichtigste Probleme in Deutschland; Sympathie-Skalometer für CDU, SPD, FDP, Grüne, PDS, Republikaner und NPD auf Bundesebene und auf Landesebene; Einfluss von Landtagswahlen auf die Bundesebene; Sympathie-Skalometer für die Politiker Manfred Brunner, Ernst Albrecht, Alfred Dregger, Franz Josef Strauss, Walter Leissler Kiep, Bernhard Vogel, Uwe Barschel, Max Streibl, Edmund Stoiber, Eberhard Diepgen, Peter Lorenz, Richard von Weizsäcker, Erik Blumenfeld, Hartmut Perschau, Dirk Fischer, Ole von Beust, Walter Wallmann, Manfred Kanther, Roland Koch, Petra Roth, Wolfgang Schäuble, Peter Michael Diestel, Lothar de Maiziere, Alfred Gomolka, Willibald Böck, Kurt Biedenkopf, Rita Süssmuth, Christian Wulff, Norbert Blüm, Bernhard Worms, Johannes Gerster, Carl-Ludwig Wagner, Hans-Otto Wilhelm, Ludwig Erhard, Peter Altmeier, Otto Schmidt, Theo Waigel, Helmut Kohl, Berndt Seite, Gottfried Milde, Lothar Späth, Herrmann Höcherl, Otto Schedl, Ludwig Huber, Alfons Goppel, Rainer Barzel, Franz Heubl, Frank Steffel, Angela Merkel, Christoph Böhr, Konrad Adenauer, Franz Meyers, Kurt Georg Kiesinger, Gerhard Stoltenberg, Jürgen Rüttgers, Helmut Linssen, Georg Milbradt, Eckhardt Rehberg, Wilhelm Fay, Heinrich von Bretano, Peter Widmann, Fritz Pirkl, Wilhelm Vorndran, Oskar Stübinger, Wilhelm Lenz, Heinrich Köppler, Richard Langenheine, Wilfried Hasselmann, Bruno Brandes, Gerhard Gies, Karheinz Weimar, Hans-Dietrich Genscher, Heinrich Jürgens, Ekkehard Gries, Hans Jürgen Jäger, Klaus Brunnstein, Dr. Günther Storch, Hans-Günther Heinz, Neithardt Neitzel, Walter Rasch, Guido Brunner, Horst Rehberger, Achim Rohde, Rolf Bialas, Helga Schuchhardt, Ingo von Münch, Gisela Wild, Frank-Michael Wiegand, Ruth Wagner, Rötger Groß, Walter Hirche, Hans-Michael Goldmann, Rainer Brüderle, Wolfgang Gerhardt, Jürgen Möllemann, Walter Scheel, Josef Ertl, Günter Rexrodt, Rudolf Lange, Hildegard Hamm-Brücher, Reinhard Soltau, Hans-Artur Bauckhage, Erich Mende, Willy Weyer, Rainer Ortleb, Holger Zastrow, Wolfgang Mischnik, Heinz Herbert Karry, Winfried Hedergott, Sabine Leutheuser-Schnarrenberger, Wolfgang Lüders, Dieter Biallas, Klaus Dehler, Otto Bezold, Klaus Ebermann, Roland Vogt, Krista Sager, Joschka Fischer, Priska Hinz, Iris Blaul, Rebecca Harms, Elfriede Grützmacher, Heidemarie Bischoff-Pflanz, Renate Künast, Sybill Klotz, Christa Götsch, Ise Thomas, Bärbel Höhn, Gunda Röstel, Antje Hermenau, Evelin Schönhut-Keil, Margarete Bause, Dirk Treber, Gregor Gysi, Carola Freundl, Harald Wolf, Peter Porsch, Hermann Müller, Helmut Holter, Catherina Muth, Karl-Heinz Hiersemann, Johannes Rau, Karl Ravens, Holger Börner, Helmut Rothemund, Klaus von Dohnanyi, Hugo Brandt, Björn Engholm, Oskar Lafontaine, Renate Schmidt, Rudolf Scharping, Walter Momper, Hans Apel, Dietrich Stobbe, Hans-Jochen Vogel, Ingrid Stahmer, Henning Voscherau, Hans Eichel, Jockel Fuchs, Hans Krollmann, Volker Hauff, Harald Ringstorff, Wolfgang Thierse, Manfred Stolpe, Reinhard Höppner, Friedhelm Farthmann, Anke Fuchs, Gerhard Glogowski, Kurt Beck, Willy Brandt, Karl-Heinz Kunckel, Gerhard Schröder, Herbert Wehner, Volkmar Gabert, Klaus Wowereit, Ortwin Runde, Thomas Mirow, Sigmar Gabriel, Fritz Erler, Heinz Kühn, Helmut Schmidt, Karl Schiller, Wolfgang Clement, Thomas Jurk, Georg August Zinn, Albert Osswald, Gerhard Bökel, Fritz Holthoff, Georg Diederichs, Richard Lehners, Alfred Kubel, Klaus Klinger, Franz Maget, Waldemar von Knoeringen, Wilhelm Hoegner, Hans-Ulrich Klose, Ronald Schill, Dirk Nockemann, Adolf von Thadden, Franz Schönhuber, Jürgen Hunke; Wahlberechtigung des Befragten; Nutzung von Wahllokal oder Briefwahl; Sicherheit und Zeitpunkt der eigenen Wahlentscheidung bei der Landtagswahl; vermuteter Gewinner der Landtagswahl; Wahrscheinlichkeit von Landtagssitzen für FDP, Republikaner, Grüne, FW/FWG, STATT-Partei, DVU und NPD; Einstellung zu Landtagssitzen für FDP, Grüne, Republikaner und NPD; Gründe für die Wahlentscheidung: Kernkraftwerk, Schule, Schulpolitik, Raketen, Hafenerweiterung, Umweltschutz, Arbeitslosigkeit, Preisstabilität, Kriminalitätsbekämpfung, Rentensicherung, Energieversorgung, Ausländer; Parteianhänger mit aktivstem Wahlkampf; Politikinteresse; Parteineigung; Parteiidentifikation; stärkste und zweitstärkste Parteisympathie; nicht-wählbare Parteien (CDU, SPD, FDP); Zufriedenheit mit Spitzenkandidat; Ministerpräsidentenpräferenz; herausragende Eigenschaften des bevorzugten Spitzenkandidaten: Glaubwürdigkeit, Tatkraft, Sympathie, Verantwortungsbewusstsein, Sachverstand, Siegertyp, Führungsstärke, Bürgernähe, Modernität, Soziabilität, Ehrlichkeit, Vertrautheit mit dem Land; Bewertung des Ministerpräsidenten; kompetenteste Partei bzw. Regierung für: die Bekämpfung von Arbeitslosigkeit, den Umweltschutz, die Ausländerpolitik, die Verbesserung der wirtschaftlichen Lage, die Schaffung neuer Arbeitsplätze, die Bildungspolitik, die Kriminalitätsbekämpfung, die Verbesserung des Wohnungsmarktes, die Lösung aktueller wirtschaftlicher Probleme, die Verkehrspolitik und die Lösung zukünftiger Probleme; Koalitionspräferenz; Einstellung zur Alleinregierung einer großen Partei und zu einer Großen Koalition; Zufriedenheits-Skalometer für die Bundesregierung und die Landesregierung; Zufriedenheits-Skalometer für die Parteien in der Landesregierung (CDU, SPD, FDP, Grüne, PDS, STATT-Partei und Partei Rechtsstaatliche Offensive) sowie zu den Parteien in der Opposition (CDU, SPD, FDP, Grüne und PDS); Beeinflussung der Wahlentscheidung durch Bundes- oder Landespolitik; Wichtigkeit der Bundespolitik für die Wahlentscheidung; Kenntnis der Spitzenkandidaten von CDU, PDS und SPD; Bewertung der wirtschaftlichen Lage allgemein sowie erwartete wirtschaftliche Lage in einem Jahr; Einschätzung der Konjunkturentwicklung; Vergleich der wirtschaftlichen Lage des Bundeslandes mit der der gesamten Bundesrepublik; Vergleich der wirtschaftlichen Lage des eigenen Bundeslandes in den neuen Bundesländern mit dem Rest von Ostdeutschland; Bewertung der wirtschaftlichen Lage der BRD; Bewertung der eigenen wirtschaftlichen Lage; Wichtigkeit von Umweltschutz; Bedrohung durch Kriminalität; Forderungen an die Regierung bezüglich Raketenstopp bzw. Stationierung neuer Raketen in der BRD; Forderungen nach Ausländerzuzugs-Stopp; Einstellung zu Ausländern, Asyl und Asylrecht; Wichtigkeit der Bekämpfung von Arbeitslosigkeit im jeweiligen Bundesland; Vorbereitung des Landes auf die Herausforderungen der Zukunft; Kirchgangshäufigkeit; Einstellung zur Erhöhung der Einkommenssteuer und Mineralölsteuer; Zufriedenheit mit der Wohnungsmarktsituation; Wichtigkeit von Ruhe und Ordnung; Einstellung zum Bruch der PDS mit der SED-Vergangenheit sowie zum Umgang der anderen Parteien mit der PDS; Forderungen an die SPD und die Grünen; Bewertung einer SPD/Grünen-Regierung unter PDS-Duldung; Bewertung einer SPD/PDS-Koalition; Rangplatz von CDU, SPD, FDP, Grünen, NPD und DKP; Einstellung zur Stilllegung von Atomkraftwerken sowie zum Neubau von Atomkraftwerken; Bedeutung unterschiedlicher Regierungen für das Land; Vor- und Nachteile der Wiedervereinigung für das jeweilige Bundesland in den Bereichen Arbeitsplätze, Wohnungsmarkt, soziales Netz, Steuererhöhung, Staatsverschuldung, Wirtschaft, Neutralität und Nachteile für den Westen; Einstellung zur Vereinigung; Beurteilung des Umtauschverhältnisses der Ostmark; Steuererhöhung zur Finanzierung der deutschen Einheit; gerechtfertigte Unzufriedenheit der Ostdeutschen mit der Angleichung der Lebensverhältnisse; Vor- und Nachteile der Wiedervereinigung auf lange Sicht; Wichtigkeit des Wirtschaftswachstums im jeweiligen Bundesland; Wichtigkeit der finanziellen Unterstützung für die Landwirtschaft; Zufriedenheit mit den Verkehrsverhältnissen; Kompetenz einer Koalition aus CDU/CSU und FDP bzw. aus SPD und Grünen bei der Arbeitslosigkeitsbekämpfung; kompetenteste Regierung zur Bekämpfung der Kriminalität, in der Schulpolitik und in der Umweltschutzpolitik; Regierung mit Verkehrspolitik im Sinne des Befragten; kompetenteste Partei für die Angleichung der Ost-West-Lebensverhältnisse.
Demographie: Geschlecht; Familienstand; Stellung des Befragten im Haushalt (Haushaltsvorstand); Befragter als Hauptverdiener im Haushalt; Konfession; Heimatvertriebener oder Flüchtling; DDR-Flüchtlingsstatus des Befragten, des Vaters, der Mutter, des Ehepartners oder anderer Familienmitglieder; Alter; Haushaltsgröße; Zusammenleben mit einem Partner; Berufstätigkeit; Angestelltenstatus; Berufsgruppe; Beamtenstatus; Arbeitsplatzgefährdung des Befragten sowie nahe stehender Personen; Arbeitslosigkeit nahe stehender Personen; Berufstätigkeit, Angestelltenstatus, Berufsgruppe und Beamtenstatus des Haushaltsvorstands; angestrebter Schulabschluss; Schulabschluss; Berufsausbildung; Gesellenprüfung des Haushaltsvorstandes; Wohnstatus (zur Miete oder Eigentum); Ortsgröße des Wohnsitzes; soziale Beschreibung der Wohngegend; Mitgliedschaft in Gewerkschaften; Militärstatus des Befragten sowie des Haushaltsvorstands; Haushaltsausstattung: Kfz, Telefon, Fernsehgerät; Sorge um den Arbeitsplatz; Betroffenheit von Arbeitslosigkeit.
Trends und Konsequenzen des sozialen Wandels, individuelle Einstellungen, Werte und Orientierungen sowie soziales Verhalten. Kumulierter Datensatz.
Themen: Berufsstatus; Arbeitsituation; Sozialprestige; sozio-ökonomische Stellung (Skala); Art und Bereich des Arbeitsplatzes; Erfahrung mit Arbeitslosigkeit; Berufsstatus des Ehepartners und der Eltern; berufsbedingte Mobilität; erster Beruf; Bewertung des Arbeitsplatzes in einem eigenen Wertesystem; Arbeitsplatzsicherheit; Zufriedenheit mit dem Beruf; Bildung des Ehepartners und der Eltern; Auffassung von Bildung; Art und Ort der Schule; Bildungsgrad/Titel; sozialer Hintergrund; geographische Mobilität; Familienstatus; Einstellungen zu Familie und zur Situation der Frauen; Sozialisation; eigene wirtschaftliche Situation und die der Familie; eigenes und Haushaltseinkommen; Wohnsituation; Haushaltsausstattung; Ersparnisse und Schulden des Haushaltes; Zufriedenheit mit dem eigenen Einkommen und der wirtschaftlichen Situation der Familie; Stand der Gesamtwirtschaft Polens; wirtschaftliche Gerechtigkeit; Einkommensverteilung; Akzeptanz von Ungleichheiten in verschiedenen Berufsbereichen und sozialen Schichten; soziale Stellung heute und früher; Beurteilung der eigenen beruflichen, wirtschaftlichen und Bildungssituation im Vergleich zu den Eltern; Beurteilung von Sozialstruktur, sozialer Ungleichheit und Systemtransformation in Polen; Festlegung erfolgsbestimmender Faktoren; Ursachen von Arm und Reich; Mechanismen sozialer Ungleichheit; Wahlverhalten; Teilnahme an den Präsidentschaftswahlen 1990, 1991, 1993, und 1995 sowie an den Parlamentswahlen 1997; Sonntagsfrage 1999; Effizienz des politischen Systems; Vertrauen in die wichtigsten sozialen und politischen Institutionen; Verteilung des Staatshaushaltes nach verschiedenen Zwecken; ideologisch-politische Orientierung; Interesse an Politik und am öffentlichen Leben; bevorzugte Ziele der Politik; Rolle der Regierung in der Wirtschaft und im öffentlichen Leben; Meinungen zu Kommunismus und Sozialismus; Links-Rechts-Selbsteinstufung; Toleranz gegenüber Kommunisten, Atheisten und Militaristen; Bedrohung der Unabhängigkeit Polens durch andere Länder; Konfession und Kirchgangshäufigkeit; Glaube an ein Leben nach dem Tod; Vertrauen in die Katholische Kirche; Beurteilung des Einflusses von Katholischer und anderer Kirchen auf das öffentliche Leben; Einstellung zu Abtreibung, Scheidung, Euthanasie, Todesstrafe sowie zu Gesetzestreue; Zufriedenheit mit dem eigenen Leben; Zufriedenheit in verschiedenen Lebensbereichen und ihr Stellenwert; freudige und schmerzhafte Erfahrungen; Lebenswille; Glück; Vertrauen in andere Personen; Gesundheitszustand; Zigaretten- und Alkoholkonsum;
Zusätzlich wurden Fragen des ISSP aufgenommen: Soziale Ungleichheit (1992); Umweltschutz (1993); Familie und soziale Rolle der Frau, Sexualverhalten (1994); Nationalgefühl (1995); Berufliche Ausrichtung (split A in 1997), Rolle des Staates, Soziale Ungleichheit (split A in 1999) und Religion (split B in 1999).
Sanar palabras para crear paz, es un proyecto investigativo en el que se analiza la forma en que tres medios de comunicación —de diversa orientación ideológica— generaron sentidos sobre la palabra 'paz', a través de piezas comunicativas que difundieron en medio de las campañas frente al Plebiscito por la Paz del año 2016. Buscando entender este suceso político-social de gran impacto para el futuro del país, el estudio del comportamiento de estos medios permitió identificar la existencia de un entrecruzamiento de sentidos en este concepto, lo que da origen a la pregunta final de investigación del proyecto, que se indaga por ¿cómo sanar las rupturas en el sentido de la palabra PAZ en tiempos de posacuerdo, creadas desde los medios de comunicación? Partiendo de la concepción de que la palabra es también el "discurso enfocado desde dos puntos de vista: su contenido y la forma en que se dice", este trabajo de investigación parte de un marco conceptual triangular que emerge de la intrincación entre palabra, lenguaje y sociedad, para adentrarse en la indagación de cómo se construye el sentido y a partir de ahí la Esfera Pública, a través de estrategias discursivas implementadas en las piezas comunicativas transmitidas por los medios de comunicación. Con el fin de identificar, analizar y contrastar las estrategias de comunicación implementadas por el colectivo de comunicación popular, Radicales Libres de Colombia; el diario El Espectador; y el canal de televisión RCN, en su forma particular de informar sobre el Plebiscito de 2016; para así mismo poder identificar el significado de la palabra PAZ y del Plebiscito que estos manejaban, el enfoque metodológico que orientó el proceso investigativo fue el análisis del discurso, que se valió de instrumentos como el observatorio de medios y las fichas de sistematización de información, herramientas que responden a los principios de observación participante y validación convergente. Mediante un análisis que aborda el tipo y modelo de comunicación, tipos de estrategias comunicativas y discursivas, la identificación de intervención de ideologías en el discurso y de estrategias discursivas en un plan de acción, se obtiene como resultado final un análisis que responde a tres ejes: ideología, discurso y gramática. Tras la aplicación de estos instrumentos analíticos, se lograron exponer los diversos conceptos de Paz y Plebiscito que se crearon en esa coyuntura, y las prácticas comunicativas más recurrentes en esta pequeña muestra de los medios contrahegemónicos, hegemónicos y alternativos de comunicación, así como del periodismo frente a la paz. A partir de allí, surgen una serie de recomendaciones para periodistas, editores y productores de medios de comunicación, que le apuntan a sanar esas rupturas en la palabra paz, y por ende en el futuro de Colombia, que no solo acaba de finalizar un proceso de paz con las Farc (el cual se encuentra en plena implementación), sino que además se aboca a un proceso con el Eln y se aproxima a elecciones presidenciales, sucesos que impactan directamente en la sociedad. ; Abstract: Heal the words to make peace , is a research project that analyses the communications ways of three media — with diverse ideological tendencies — to create different meanings of the concept 'peace', through communicative pieces that they have diffuse in the middle of the campaigns for a nd against the referendum for peace in Colombia in 2016. In the search for understanding this social - political event of great impact on the future of this country, the study of the behavior of these media let us know the existence of a cross - linking on th e meanings of this concept, what gives origin to the research question of this thesis, that ask for ¿how to heal the ruptures on the peace meaning in times of post agreement, created by the communication media? Starting with the thought in which the word is also the "speech focus of two points of view: its content and the way it is said", this research work is based on a triangular conceptual framework that surges of the intricacy between word, language and society, to get on the inquiry of how is build th e mean, and then, the Public Sphere, through speech strategies implemented in the communicative pieces transmitted by these media. With the final purpose of identify, to analyze and to contrast the communicative strategies implemented by the popular commun ication collective 'Radicales Libres de Colombia'; the journal 'El Espectador'; and television channel 'RCN', in each particular way to inform about the referendum of 2016; and likewise to identify the meaning of peace and referendum that they have manage, the methodical approach of this process was the Discourse Analysis (DA), with the help of instruments like the media observatory and systematization tables, tools that respond to the principles of participative observation and convergent validity. Than ks to one analyze that includes the type and model of communication, types of discourse and communication strategies, the identification of the incidence of ideologies in the discourse, and the speech strategies to build a plan of action, the result is an analysis that responds to three axes: ideology, discourse and grammar. After the implementation of these analytics tools, it has been possible to expose the different concepts of Peace and Referendum that has been made for this political juncture, and the most recurrent communicative practices of this little sample of counterhegemonic, hegemonic and alternatives media, as well as this of the journalism about peace. From there, it has arisen a series of recommendations for journalist, editors and media prod ucers, that point to heal these ruptures in the word 'peace', and therefore in the future of Colombia, that not just recently has finish the peace process with the Farc (a process in implementation), but that is also in the process with the Eln and is prox imate to the next presidential elections, events that impact directly the society. ; Maestría
For more than a decade, 'radicalization' has been a keyword in our understanding of terrorism. From the outset, radicalization was conceived of as an intellectual process through which an individual would increasingly come under a spell of extremist ideas. This ideological understanding of radicalization still prevails. In a 2015 speech on extremism, British Prime Minister David Cameron, for instance, claimed that the 'root cause of the threat we face is the extremist ideology itself'. But the way we understand radicalization has specific consequences for the way we manage and fight the scourge of terrorism. Considering recent events, including the November 2015 Paris attacks, the present article sets out to reassess the above-mentioned intellectualist understanding of radicalization and come up with new suggestions as to how radicalization may be understood today. Initially, the article suggests that ideology is not necessarily a precondition for violence, but that a prior experience with violence is more often a precondition for engaging an extremist ideology. Such experience with violence can be both domestic and international, obtained in Europe or Syria and other conflict zones. In the second part of the article it is argued that although radicalization is often conceived of as an individual process, pathways towards terrorism are inherently social and political. Finally, the article argues that by stressing the importance of ideology and ideological processes, concepts of radicalization have abstracted away from another factor that is pivotal for understanding pathways towards terrorist violence: the skills and capacities of the body. (International Affairs (Oxford) / SWP)
Cover -- Endorsements -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Contributing Authors' Biodata -- Introduction -- PART I: The First Frontier: Understanding Public Diplomacy -- 1. Hegemony, Morality and Power: A Gramscian Theoretical Framework for Public Diplomacy -- 2. Communications Technologies and Public Diplomacy: A History of the Tools of Statecraft -- 3. Education beyond Borders: Explaining the Frontiers of Public Diplomacy's Core -- PART II: The Second Frontier: Early Public Diplomats and Their Innovations during the Collapse of Colonialism -- 4. Hegemonic Communications with Colonial Subjects: British Public Diplomacy in Colonial India -- 5. Colonial Subjects as Hegemonic Actors: V. S. Srinivasa Sastri's 1922 Public Diplomacy Tour of British Dominion Territories -- 6. Non-governmental Public Diplomacy Networks: The Indian National Congress and US Public Opinion, 1914-1947 -- PART III: The Third Frontier: Emergent Forces in Contemporary Public Diplomacy -- 7. China's "Exceptional" Public Diplomacy: Dressing up the Dragon -- 8. India's Public Diplomacy Re-posturing: The BJP's Use of Yoga within Its Political Communications -- 9. Cities as Public Diplomacy Actors: Combining Moral "Good" with Self-interest -- PART IV: The Fourth Frontier: Public Diplomacy at the Edge of the World -- 10. Public Diplomacy at the Top of the World: Sub-state Communications between Russia's North-west and Its European Neighbours -- 11. Outsourcing Public Diplomacy Operations: Neoliberalism and the Communications of the United Nations since the End of the Cold War -- 12. Public Diplomacy on the Frontiers of Madness: North Korea and the Hegemonic Coalition -- Conclusions -- Index.
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The article analyzes the conceptual foundations of "prophetic" socialism by Max Scheler (1874–1928). The main principles of a new political and ideological doctrine at that time, designed to become, according to the plan of its creator, an "antidote" to Marxism, are considered. The author analyzes Scheler's argumentation, directed, on the one hand, against socialism in the Marxist interpretation, and on the other, at proving the legitimacy of using the terms "Christian socialism" and "Christian prophetic socialism". Scheler opposes socialism, first of all, to individualism, which he interprets in social and moral-philosophical senses, and only secondarily to liberalism and capitalism. Socialism and individualism, which now appear as antagonistic tendencies of sociocultural development, are for him two equally necessary and interrelated essential principles of the social being of a person, understood as a spiritual-bodily social being. Individualistic tendencies, according to Scheler, prevailed over socialist tendencies in the West in modern times, therefore socialism in its Marxist interpretation turned out to be so in demand in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. But the destruction of private property is contrary to Christianity. "Forced communism" does not bring with it heaven on earth, but catastrophe and cultural degradation, he foreshadows. Based on the teachings of the Church Fathers and starting from the Catholic social doctrine, Scheler offers his vision of an ideal society in the form of a "personal community" (Personengemeinschaft), corresponding to the true destiny of a person. In it, the individual and social principles are in harmony and interdependent development. Scheler opposes the "prophetic" method of comprehending socio-historical reality, applied proceeding from the Christian solidarism ideal, to the materialistic understanding of history. He points to three advantages of his methodology: it takes into account human freedom, the uniqueness of a historical event, combines all types and methods of human cognition, without absolutizing the scientific form of knowledge. The author reveals the deep content of Scheler's definition of Marxism as "the protest ideology of oppressed classes", drawing on the analysis of the "sociological doctrine of idols" of the late Scheler. In it, he reveals the pre-reflexive prerequisites for the formation of class ideologies. The author points to the essential kinship of the class prejudices about which the German philosopher wrote, and the national-mental prejudices of the political elites of the leading Western countries. In conclusion, he raises the question of how relevant the problems raised in Scheler's article are today in the context of modern Russian realities. ; В статье анализируются концептуальные основы «пророческого» социализма Макса Шелера (1874–1928). Рассматриваются основные принципы новой по тем временам политически-идеологической доктрины, призванной стать, по замыслу ее создателя, «противоядием» марксизму. Автор анализирует аргументацию Шелера, направленную, с одной стороны, против социализма в марксистской трактовке, с другой – на доказательство правомерности использования терминов «христианский социализм» и «христианский пророческий социализм». Социализм Шелер противопоставляет в первую очередь индивидуализму, который он истолковывает в социально- и нравственно-философском смыслах, и лишь во вторую – либерализму и капитализму. Социализм и индивидуализм, предстающие ныне как антагонистические тенденции социокультурного развития, – это для него два одинаково необходимых и взаимосвязанных сущностных начала общественного бытия человека, понимаемого как духовно-телесное социальное существо. Индивидуалистические тенденции, считает Шелер, возобладали над социалистическими на Западе в Новое время, поэтому социализм в его марксистской трактовке и оказался столь востребованным в конце XIX и начале XX вв. Но уничтожение частной собственности противно христианству. «Принудительный коммунизм» несет с собой не рай на Земле, а катастрофу и культурную деградацию, предвещает он. Опираясь на учения отцов церкви и отталкиваясь от католической социальной доктрины, Шелер предлагает свое видение идеального социума в форме «личностной общности» (Personengemeinschaft), соответствующей истинному предназначению человека. В нем индивидуальное и социальное начала находятся в гармонии и взаимообусловленном развитии. «Пророческий» метод постижения социально-исторической действительности, применяемый, исходя из христианско-солидаристского идеала, Шелер противопоставляет материалистическому пониманию истории. Он указывает на три преимущества своей методологии: она учитывает свободу человека, неповторимость исторического события, соединяет в себе все виды и способы человеческого познания, не абсолютизируя научную форму знания. Автор раскрывает глубокое содержание шелеровской дефиниции марксизма как «протестной идеологии угнетенных классов», привлекая к анализу «социологическое учение об идолах» позднего Шелера. В нем он выявляет дорефлексивные предпосылки формирования классовых идеологий. Автор указывает на сущностное родство классовых предрассудков, о которых писал немецкий философ, и национально-ментальных предрассудков политических элит ведущих стран Запада. В заключение он ставит вопрос о том, насколько проблемы, поднятые в статье Шелера, актуальны сегодня в контексте современных российских реалий.
Water supply is an integral infrastructure that sustains urban life. It is for this reason that urban planning authorities and state actors have for long pursued the provision of water services through a standardized infrastructure system that conforms to 'modern' and 'progressive' ideals. As such, the 'networked city', a Western technological ideology of the Nineteenth Century has remained the blueprint for planning and development of water infrastructure across the Globe. The 'modern' planning model presupposes a centralized governed and uniform urban configuration for the provision of networked infrastructures for the supply of urban services such as water, sewer, electricity and telecommunication. However, the networked city ideology presents limited perspectives in the production of variegated socio-technical arrangements for water supply in many contemporary cities. This is particularly the case across rapidly transforming post-colonial cities of the Global South. The pronounced visibility of water trucks, hand cart pullers, long queues at water vending kiosks, exposed water pipes and the ubiquitous 20-litre jerry cans dotting the urban street depict, rather vividly, the everyday unequal struggles to improvise reliable water supply across different cities of the Global South. The reliance on interactions of numerous modes of water supply to sustain urban life is a clear indication of multiple modernities that defy simplistic Western universalization around the 'modern' ideal of centralized and networked infrastructure systems. This PhD study employs a socio-technical approach in analyzing the existing water supply modalities in contemporary cities of the Global South. Through an interpretative case study of Nairobi, Kenya, the study illuminates the interrelations between the networked water infrastructure run by the public utility company on the one hand, and the multiple non-networked water infrastructure models such as privatized enclave infrastructures, water vending practices, private boreholes and rain water harvesting on the other across different socio-spatial typologies in Nairobi. The study interweaves situated urban development processes of rapid socio-spatial transformations, development of residential enclaves, informal settlements and peri-urban sprawl with the wider political economy dynamics shaping water infrastructure provision. The recurring themes is that of localized socio-spatial processes that shape and are in turn shaped by circulating conventional planning models enforced by city authorities to produce unequal geographies of water supply across different parts of Nairobi. This is demonstrated through comprehensive empirical accounts drawn from four different neighborhoods namely, Eastleigh (fast transforming residential-cum-commercial inner city district), Runda (a gated residential neighbourhood), Kayole Soweto (a rapidly transforming informal vi settlement) and Ruai (a peri-urban district). Each of the cases presents different socio-economic and political realities on the ground that contradict city authorities' visions of building an integrated 'modern' monolithic infrastructure system. Altogether, the four empirical cases help to ground the need for co-existence, co-production and co-governance of a heterogeneous infrastructure configuration, with the aim of broaching the inadequacies of centralized infrastructure systems across fast transforming 21st century cities. The interrelations and multiplicity of infrastructure interpretations as I suggest for Nairobi, relate closely with contexts characterized by either lack of a centralized service, intermittent supply and/or multiple modalities of water supply as is the situation in many cities of the Global South. The study findings reveal that no one infrastructure model works in isolation without interacting with other configurations in both complementary and conflicting ways. It is also clear that different urban actors ranging from the public utility, real estate players, international actors, residential communities, individual entrepreneurs and households employ diverse typologies of socio-technical arrangements in meeting their daily water needs. As a result, the constant co-existence of the heterogeneous water supply configurations defy simplistic notions of transporting the modern infrastructure ideal in different contexts by way of revealing multiple modernities through variegated water provisioning mechanisms. While this co-existence and co-production have complex implications for infrastructure and urban governance in general, the study urges policy makers, international actors, development partners and state agencies to shift focus to the existing multiple realities confronting them as opposed to burying their heads in borrowed monolithic ideologies that perpetuate urban inequalities. Particularly, the study suggests a deeper interrogation of the interface between the official planning models and their rationalities; and the growing grassroots initiatives in water provision fronted by different actors, agencies, institutions and communities. This interface promises a new perspective of understanding what socio-technical arrangements are suited for equitable provision and distribution of scarce water resources among the different socio-economic groups that compose the urban population.
Parliament is the most important institute of foreign policy in any country. Belarus is no exception. As the experience of recent years has shown, parliamentary vector largely determines the interrelation between countries. The legislation of the Belarus Republic allows parliament to uncover present interests of the society in the state integration mechanism ensuring the balance of interests in the resolved laws adopted for the society. On the one hand, the National Assembly (Belarusian Parliament) gathers out of the national interests' priority. On the other hand, it reflects partial interests of the Belarusian society and of the elites that make up the main content of ideologies institutes of civil society i.e. the political parties, civil unifications and different interested groups. In its turn, the integration way chosen by the Belarusian leadership requires the completion of national legislation with the Eurasian Economic Commission decisions and preceding parliamentary examination.Parliamentary direction in Belarusian integration process knows its raisings and its tumbles. Rhythm and "mechanics" of these raisings and tumbles are mostly common but it is possible to see certain regularities. First of all, it depends on the economic conditions, peculiarity of the political moment, and also on the direct participants of the integration processes on the Heads of the States level. There may be an impression that during 2001-2013 the Belarusian parliament abruptly changed its views by clicking from the idea of full integration and reaching the national unity with Russia to the idea of preserving the Belarusian independence. In fact, it is not true. There are no contradictions between independence and "full integration" in Belarus decisions. During all the activities in the sphere of integration the main legislative body with equal confidence says something about "full integration", more dense than in the USSR, or about the full sovereignty and sometimes about both issues simultaneously.Belarusian parliamentarian concerns the integration processes somewhat differently than Ukrainian and even Russian ones. Belarusians live through the collapse of the USSR more painfully than Ukrainians and Russians as it happened mostly as a result of events and processes in Russia but not in Belarus that was shocked by the event. But the problem is not only in different extent of Russian and Belarusian aspiration intensity. The content is different as well. First of all, for Russia and in some extent for Kazakhstan, the union with Belarus is one of many possible ways of expansion (and setting off Belarus to some other unions is one of the threats of "compression"). Belarus is not very exceptional, and Russian attention is not concentrated on Belarus. But Belarusian consciousness is centered exactly on Russia. And in this case, the parliament is no exception. For Belarusian minority (for opposition), Russia is a cradle of fear, danger of Belarus absorption. For the majority of people, it is rather a cradle of hope. But Russia occupies the central place in the consciousness of everyone. The impulsive statements people hear from the Belarusian and Russian leaders as for the common unifying efforts are not positive. Thus, synchronization of national legislation bodies' work is considered one of the most important areas of integration interaction. And the initiative in this process mostly belongs to Belarusian parliamentarians. The question of giving a new impetus to the development of inter-regional relations is still controversial. So far, about 270 interregional agreements between Russia and Republic of Belarus were signed within the framework of the Union State. The fact that deputies of the Union of Belarus and Russia have done much work on the legislation unification on the post-Soviet range is positive. They elaborated dozens of regulations, directed at the legislation rapprochement of both countries. The present moment is special because the regulations of both integration associations should be consistent.The Belarusian party puts it position as follows: "Unless 'three' overtakes 'two', the Union State exists". Moreover, the Union State is already a locomotive and it can be used for organization of one Eurasian Economic Union in future. Establishing a joint parliamentary body would complete the formation process of a favorable institutional environment for the further development of Eurasian Economic Integration. ; В статье рассматриваются основные направления интеграционной деятельности белорусского парламента. Показана объективная картина применения различных форм и методов Национального Собрания Республики Беларусь в интеграционном взаимодействии Беларуси в пределах Союзного государства и Евразийского Экономического Сообщества. ; У статті розглядаються основні напрямки інтеграційної діяльності білоруського парламенту. Показано об'єктивну картину застосування різних форм і методів Національних Зборів Республіки Білорусь в інтеграційній взаємодії Білорусі в межах Союзної держави і Євразійського Економічного Співтовариства.
Within the frames of given article the author carries out the analysis of an ethnomental identity crisis that isshown in the context of linguacultural crisis. Both crises are determined by social and political factors. The author focuses on the place and the role of ethnic linguaculture in the conditions of the contradictory process of globalization and the search of ethnic mental originality.The article also describes the specific features of new ethnomental identity formation. It proves that crisis can have great potential for creative cultural renovation and linguacultural transformation. Other way the crisis of ethnomental identity is a necessary precondition for finding of a new identity for an ethnos, which ensures further cultural development. Therefore, crisis is a system phenomenon, which can be sometimes really necessary.European ethnomental identity has developed over a long time on the historical, ethic, religious andlinguacultural grounds. It is necessary to reconsider the concept of European ethnomental identity in the EU multicultural crisis conditions.Ever since Huntington proposed his "Clash of civilizations" thesis there has been a vigorous debate over it.While Huntington's thesis contains several arguments, perhaps the most well known is the argument that the end of the Cold War resulted in a change in the nature of world conflict, with post-Cold War conflicts being based more on culture, mostly defined by religion, than those that occurred during the Cold War. He argues that during the Cold War, most of the world's conflicts were between Western ideologies (the conflict between democracy and communism), but now that the Cold War is over, most of the world's conflicts will be between cultures and civilizations, specifically between theWest and the non-West. Huntington also predicted that, in particular, there will be increasing clashes between the West and both the Islamic and Sinic/Confucian cultures.These debates are necessary for modern European states to define urgently the positions in relation to the most dangerous tendency of globalization to the crash of the politic of multiculturalism and intercultural integration.Hundreds of thousands of people fleeing war and searching for a better life, have crossed into Europe lastdecades often by perilous means. Immigrants in significant numbers come to Europe from all over the world. This everincreasing influx of migrants from nations such as Syria, Eritrea and Iraq has left European countries struggling to cope with a growing humanitarian disaster. As a result, cultural, religious and linguistic diversity strongly increased in Europe.The dilemma of immigration and ethnomental identity of the European states ultimately converges with thelarger problem of the valuelessness of the multicultural politic in postmodernity. According to multiculturalism's critics, Europe has allowed excessive immigration without demanding enough integration – a mismatch that has eroded social cohesion, undermined national and ethnomental identities, and degraded public trust. Multiculturalism's proponents, on the other hand, counter that the problem is not too much diversity but too much racism. The article discusses the symbolic framework of immigrant`s integration problems into new culture, language and religion.Immigrants are compelled to integrate into new ethnic societies of new motherland, thus trying to preserve their own ethnomental identity and national traditions. In this context, the example of the immigrants who try or not try to become an integral part of the European society is indicative. Multiculturalism as political approach seems to be fading in Western Europe. It forces upon us in a particularly acute way discussion of the question "Who are we?" – posed by Samuel HuntingtonAs a result, the globalization became an important stimulating factor for ethnic renaissance or ethnic paradox of postmodern in the European states. Historical memory has become an important constituent of ethnic identity. The process of restoration of the lost traditions inevitably makes actual a question of revealing mechanisms of nationalcultural heritage preservation. ; Статья посвящена исследованию кризиса ментальной идентичности этносов в современном мультикультурном европейском пространстве. Автор акцентирует внимание на феномене этнического парадокса, или этноренессанса, который в первую очередь проявляется в области лингвокультуры. Анализирует различные сценарии развития интеграционных процессов в мировом мультикультурном пространстве и предлагает пути преодоления вызовов, связанных с глобализацией. Особое внимание уделяется анализу кризисных проявлений интеграции эмигрантов из стран Востока в Европейское лингвокультурное пространство. Автор рассматривает все эти явления и процессы в контексте евроинтеграционного вектора украинского народа и определяет, при каких условиях эта интеграция станет максимально успешной – и для Украины, и для стран Европы. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню кризи ментальної ідентичності етносів у сучасному мультикультурному європейському просторі. Авторзосереджуєувагунафеноменіетнічногопарадоксу, абоетноренсансу, якийнасампередпроявляєсебевцаринілінгвокультури. Аналізуєрізнісценаріїрозвиткуінтеграційнихпроцесівусвітовомумультикультурномупросторітапропонуєшляхиподоланнявикликів, пов'язанихзглобалізацією. ОсобливуувагуприділеноаналізукризовихпроявівінтеграціїемігрантівзкраїнСходувєвропейськийлінгвокультурнийпростір. Автор розглядає ці явища і процеси в контексті євроінтеграційного вектору українського народу та окреслює, за яких умов ця інтеграція стане максимально успішною і для України, і для країн Європи.
