Suchergebnisse

Introduction -- The legal history of reservation for SC/STs, OBCs, EWS and upper-castes in India -- Reservation for EWS and upper-castes in India -- The political context and creamy layer -- Judicial treatment of reservation for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) and upper-castes in India -- Aims, role and characteristics of substantive equality and affirmative action -- Protected grounds, protected groups, demarcation of beneficiary classes and the extent of quota limit -- Treatment of socio-economic/pure-economic disadvantages in discrimination law and sociological meaning of class -- Conclusion.

Clause is devoted to research of a category "questions of local value" in a modern science of the constitutional law. The author shows a polysemy of the term "questions of local value", a polysemy of its interpretation in the theory and the legislation, various approaches to its interpretation. Finally author's definition of investigated concept is offered to the reader. The author considers, that "questions of local value" is a part of imperous powers of municipality.

In 1970, Harry Lehman, a candidate for election to the Ohio state legislature, attempted to purchase advertising space on local buses belonging to the city of Shaker Heights' rapid transit system. Although space was available, the advertising agent for the transit company rejected Lehman's request because its contract with the city proscribed political advertising on buses. Lehman sought a declaratory judgment and an injunction, alleging violation of the first and fourteenth amendments. The trial court denied relief, and the state supreme court affirmed. In a 5-4 decision, the United States Supreme Court affirmed. In the plurality opinion, Justice Blackmun concluded that no first amendment public forum existed and that no equal protection violation had occurred. Concurring in the result, Justice Douglas argued that there was no constitutional right to spread a message before a captive audience on a public bus. Justice Brennan, speaking for the dissent, maintained that the city itself had created a public forum by accepting and displaying commercial advertising. Having opened such a forum, the city could not discriminate solely upon the subject matter of the message. To do so, he contended, violated both the first and fourteenth amendments.

With its emphasis on emerging and cutting-edge debates in the study of comparative constitutional law and politics, its suitability for both research and teaching use, and its distinguished and diverse cast of contributors, this handbook is a must-have for scholars and instructors alike. This versatile volume combines the depth and rigor of a scholarly reference work with features for teaching in law and social science courses. Its interdisciplinary case-study approach provides political and historical as well as legal context: each modular chapter offers an overview of a topic and a jurisdiction, followed by a case study that simultaneously contextualizes both. Its forward-looking and highly diverse selection of topics and jurisdictions fills gaps in the literature on the Global South as well as the West. A timely section on challenges to liberal constitutional democracy addresses pressing concerns about democratic backsliding and illiberal and/or authoritarian regimes.

The article is devoted to the problem of correlation, on the one hand, mobility, on the other hand, the stability of the powers of the authorities and public-territorial entities. The author argues that the excessive flexibility of constitutional legislation in this area can call into question one of the fundamental principles of constitutionalism, which consists in the need for sustainable autonomy of public-territorial units. Powers can be redistributed from the center to the periphery and in the opposite direction in a variety of combinations. At the same time, it is important that this movement does not lead to the absolutization of the central government, blocking of political and territorial autonomy, exclusion of the subjects of the Russian Federation and municipalities from social and political life, their transformation into some kind of "driving belts" of the will of the central authorities without taking into account the needs and interests of citizens, living in the respective territories.

The concept of inner structure of a logical and positively fixed in the cur­rent legislation institute of the constitu­tional law is substantiated in the article. The main components (elements) of the relevant institutes of the constitutional law are revealed. The legal character­istic of these components is conducted. The hypothesis of system legal relations between the components is expressed. ; Статья посвящена проблемам те­ории и практики внутреннего строе­ния логического и объективированно­го в действующем законодательстве института конституционного пра­ва Украины. Устанавливаются ос­новные структурные компоненты (элементы) соответствующих инс­титутов конституционного права, осуществляется их юридическая ха­рактеристика, а также высказыва­ется гипотеза о наличии системных юридических связей между ними. ; Стаття присвячена проблемам теорії та практики внутрішньої по­будови логічного та об'єктивованого у чинному законодавстві інституту конституційного права України. Ус­тановлюються основні структурні компоненти (елементи) відповідних інститутів конституційного права, здійснюється їх юридична характе­ристика, а також висловлюється гіпотеза про наявність системних юридичних зв'язків між ними

The Constitution is the cornerstone of American government, hailed as one of the greatest contributions of the Western Enlightenment. While many seem content simply to celebrate it, those most familiar with the document invariably find it wanting in at least some aspects. This unique volume brings together many of the country's most esteemed constitutional commentators and invites them to answer two questions: First, what is the stupidest provision of the Constitution? "Stupid" need not mean evil. Thus, a second, related question is whether the scholar-interpreter would be forced to reach truly evil results even if applying his or her own favored theory of constitutional interpretation. The contributors include Lawrence Alexander, Akhil Reed Amar, Jack Balkin, Philip Bobbitt, Gerard Bradley, Rebecca Brown, Steven Calabresi, Lief Carter, Christopher Eisgruber, Lawrence Sager, Marie Failinger, Daniel Farber, James Fleming, Mark Graber, Stephen Griffin, Gary Jacobsohn, Randall Kennedy, Lewis LaRue, Theodore Lowi, Earl Maltz, Michael McConnell, Matthew Michael, Robert Nagel, Daniel Ortiz, Pamela Karlen, Michael Paulsen, Robert Post, Lucas Powe, Dorothy Roberts, Jeffrey Rosen, Frederick Schauer, Michael Seidman, Suzanna Sherry, David Strauss, Laurence Tribe, Mark Tushnet, and John Yoo