Suchergebnisse

As the title implies the article deals the analysis of the Eurasian Economic Union functioning as a system. It is analysed the role of the EAEU institutions as well as areas of interaction. It is revealed the limits of authorities of theUnion. It is identified EAEU multi-level governance at vertical (multiple levels) and at horizontal level (multiple actors). One of the key issues of this paper is to identify levels of competencies and accountabilities shared between EAEU institutions and nation states. It is demonstrated that intergovernmental, supranational and nation states decision-making processes applied within EAEU is effective. It is stressed that EAEU multi-level governance is very balanced and efficient. It is highlighted a role of EAEU common policies. It is emphasised that nation states are primary actors in Eurasian integration process. It is demonstrated an economic growth, deepening of Eurasian integration and its further development. It is underlined Union´s external relations, the effect of the EAEU policies and the role of the EAEU at a global level.

AbstractThe process of assigning the place for Jews in the Romanian nation code and for (Albanian) Muslims in the Serbian one is analyzed as Orientalistic. While the Great Powers served as role models in the Romanian and Serbian identity construction, these principal Others were represented as uncivilized and non-European, preventing the nation-states from their European destiny. This discursive construction of the nation in major debates is identified as a first step which was followed by policy recommendations from intellectuals and actual attempts to fulfill the dream of an ethnically homogenous nation-state. This sequence's latter parts are represented by a number of case studies, such as citizenship regulations in the Constitution and other laws, the possibilities for representing political interests and cultural rights for Jews and Muslims, colonization projects in Kosovo and Dobrudja, and measures to "protect Romanian labor".

'Der Blickwinkel, unter dem Anfang der neunziger Jahre die innenpolitischen Probleme in Kasachstan thematisiert und charakterisiert wurden, war wesentlich vom 'russischen Problem' bestimmt. Die ethnische und kulturelle Heterogenität in Kasachstan verführte dazu, die postsowjetische Realität zu simplifizieren. Konfliktlinien, -inhalte und -verläufe wurden oftmals eindimensional und monokausal dargestellt. 'Ethnische Barrieren' galten als das dominante Konfliktmuster bei Auseinandersetzungen um Staatssprache, Staatsbürgerschaft und Staatsgrenzen. Die kulturelle und personelle 'Kasachisierung' erschien als maßgebliche Ursache für ethnonationalistische Verlautbarungen und interethnische Zusammenstöße. Wesentliche Faktoren wie der wirtschaftliche Wandel und die soziale Lage der Bevölkerung wurden häufig nicht beachtet. Die vorliegende Analyse soll einen differenzierteren Blick auf die ethnopolitische Situation in Kasachstan zu eröffnen. Im Mittelpunkt stehen die gravierenden sozioökonomischen Veränderungen, mit denen die Bevölkerung seit der Unabhängigkeit konfrontiert ist. Wie in anderen zentralasiatischen Staaten befindet sich das kasachstanische Bildungs- und Gesundheitswesen in einer Krise. Soziale Transferleistungen sowie Löhne, Gehälter und Renten werden kaum bzw. nur noch sporadisch ausgezahlt. Die regionalen und sektoralen Einkommensdifferenzen nehmen zu. Arbeitslosigkeit ist ein Massenphänomen. Die Fähigkeit des kasachstanischen Staates, alle Bevölkerungsschichten zu integrieren, schwindet. Er ist nicht mehr in der Lage, Wünsche und Hoffnungen der Bevölkerung nach Wohlstand und Wachstum zu erfüllen. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Entwicklungen soll in der vorliegenden Arbeit diskutiert werden, welche Formen des sozialen Protests die Kasachstaner gegen die bestehenden Verhältnisse entwickelt haben. Herrscht allgemeine Apathie vor, oder nehmen ethnonationalistische Bestrebungen überhand? Wendet sich der Protest gegen andere Ethnien oder gegen den Staat? Die Antworten zu diesen Fragen eröffnen Perspektiven für die Bestandsfähigkeit des kasachstanischen Nationalstaates. Eine endgültige Beurteilung der innenpolitischen Situation kann und soll jedoch nicht geleistet werden. Es gilt lediglich, Tendenzen herauszuarbeiten, die die innenpolitische Stabilität des Landes in Frage stellen könnten.' (Textauszug)

This paper offers an alternative reading of the Abbé Sieyès and the modern 'nation-state' problématique. I argue that the subject/object that is constituted in the early days of modernity is the incomplete society: an impossible-possibility ideal of congruency of population, authority and space. I suggest reading this ideal of congruency as a fantasy in that it offers a certain 'fullness to come', the promise of jouissance that can never be attained and is thus constantly re-envisioned and re-invoked. Drawing on discourse-analytical and psychoanalytical tools I explain the logic of fantasy before analysing Sieyès' What is the Third Estate?, as I show how he critiques and fragments the old model of the state and how his reading of the nation is fantasmatic, a continuous project towards impossible congruency.

Massive post-war migrations have posed a fundamental challenge to the nation-states of North-Western Europe. Constructing an ideal-typical model of nation-state membership, this paper begins by specifying the multiply anomalous character of the membership status of immigrants. Next, it seeks to explain the striking and persisting difference in the citizenship status and chances of immigrants in France and Germany. While birth and residence in France automatically transform second-generation immigrants into citizens, birth and residence in Germany have no bearing on citizenship. Vis-à-vis immigrants, the French citizenry is defined expansively, as a territorial community, the German citizenry restrictively, as a community of descent. These diverging definitions of the citizenry embody and express distinctive understandings of nationhood, statecentred and assimilationist in France, ethnocultural and `differentialist' in Germany. Focusing on pivotal moments in the shaping and reshaping of citizenship law - the 1880s in France, the Wilhelmine era in Germany - this paper argues that the politics of citizenship vis-à-vis immigrants has been informed by distinctive national self-under-standings, deeply rooted in political and cultural geography and powerfully reinforced at particular historical conjunctures.

AbstractThrough the lens of Benedict Anderson's Imagined Community concept, this paper examines how the selected community‐building theories are useful in understanding the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and its imagined community. Using four factors—language, education, power and history—derived from Anderson's Imagined Community concept, this paper applies theories of Modernism, Primordialism and Insurgency Governance to explain ISIL's imagined community. Specifically, our argument is threefold: (a) Anderson's Imagined Community concept and alternate theories of community building, although insightful, does an imperfect job at describing ISIL's Caliphate; (b) ISIL's group structure appears to transcend traditional and accepted notions of nations, nationalism and nation states; and (c) based on this reasoning, ISIL's Caliphate can be considered an outlier in community‐building literature analysed.