Suchergebnisse

Kai Michael Kenkel, Introduction: Diversity Within a Common Culture: South America and Peace Operations 1. - 1. Monica Herz, Assumptions on Intervention and Security in South America 25. - 2. Arturo C. Sotomayor Velázquez, Democratization and Commitment to Peace: South America's Motivations to Contribute to Peace Operations 45. - 3. Danilo Marcondes de Souza Neto, Regional Defense Integration and Peacekeeping Cooperation in the Southern Cone 64. - 4. Kai Michael Kenkel, Out of South America to the Globe: Brazil's Growing Stake in Peace Operations 85. - 5. Julián González Guyer, Punching Above its Weight: Uruguay and UN Peace Operations 111. - 6. Rut Diamint, From Fear to Humanitarianism: Changing Patterns in Argentina's Involvement in Peace Operations 132. - 7. Andreas E. Feldmann and Juan Esteban Montes, Learning to be Likeminded: Chile's Involvement in Global Security and Peace Operations Since the End of the Cold War 151. - 8. Julia D. Buxton, Swimming Against the Tide: Venezuela and Peace Operations 169. - Kai Michael Kenkel, Conclusions: Securing South America's Peace Operations Acquis Post-MINUSTAH 188

Claims to land and territory are often a cause of conflict, and land issues present some of the most contentious problems for post-conflict peacebuilding. Among the land-related problems that emerge during and after conflict are the exploitation of land-based resources in the absence of authority, the disintegration of property rights and institutions, the territorial effect of battlefield gains and losses, and population displacement. In the wake of violent conflict, reconstitution of a viable land-rights system is crucial: an effective post-conflict land policy can foster economic recover

Nach vorherrschender Auffassung wird Deutschland die Hauptverantwortung für den Ersten Weltkrieg zugeschrieben. Auf breiter Quellengrundlage, vor allem mit ungedruckten Akten- und Nachlassbeständen, begründet jedoch der Autor, dass die Zwänge, denen Deutschland ausgesetzt blieb, größer waren als die Möglichkeiten. Bis zur Julikrise 1914 hat die deutsche Führung mit auf den Frieden gerichteten politischen Mitteln, entweder mit einer Politik der Stärke oder mit einer der Entspannung, auf ei-ne weltmachtpolitische Gleichberechtigung und auf die Sicherung der bisherigen Stellung auf dem europäischen Kontinent gesetzt und versucht, dem Druck der Ausgrenzung durch die Rivalen zu entgehen und die Tripleentente Großbritanniens, Russlands und Frankreichs zu konterkarieren. Unter der sicherpolitischen Zwangsvorstellung, dieser in wenigen Jahren militärisch nicht mehr gewachsen zu sein, hat sie gemeinsam mit Wien im Juli 1914 den Krieg ausgelöst. Konrad Canis, Dr. phil., geb. 1938, bis 2001 Professor an der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin sowie Gastprofessor an der Universität Wien. Mitglied des Wissenschaftlichen Beirats der Otto-von-Bismarck-Stiftung und Mitherausgeber der Neuen Friedrichsruher Ausgabe der Bismarck-Werke.

Machine generated contents note: -- Foreword by Kevin AvruchIntroduction: Wallace Warfield and his Work(Alicia Pfund)Part One: Conflict Resolution In Social Context1.What We Need to Know: Factors of Race, Culture, and Ethnicity 2. A Culture of Racism?3. Managing Racial/Ethnic Conflict for Community Building 4. A Model for Policy Negotiations5. Moving from Civil War to Civil Society 6. Ruminations on Race, Culture, and Conflict ResolutionPart Two: State of the Field: Role of Conflict Resolution in Society 7. Is Maintaining Peace Always Right? 8. What Is An International Conflict? 9. Is This the Right Thing to Do? A Practical Framework for Ethical Decisions 10. Reflections On Reflective Practice 11. Community Leadership: What Can Be Taught? 12. Farewell, My FriendsAfterword by Sandra Cheldelin.

"Compiles a variety of lessons learned by field researchers, many of whom have faced demanding situations characterized by violence, profound and well-grounded distrust, and social fragmentation"--

Peace and humanitarian operations are affected by internal conflicts, possibly in a higher level than other type of organizations, due to its natural hazardous settings and the expected stress situations that its members sign for when joining. Occasionally, these conflicts escalate to unsuspecting grades and, eventually, disrupt the operations to unwanted degrees. To transform intra-organizational conflicts, this book proposes a methodological set of recommendations at every level to be implemented by security departments in peace and humanitarian operations. ...

"This book documents the ultramodern rise of the multifaith movement, as mulitfaith initiatives have been increasingly deployed as cosmopolitan solutions to counter global risks such as terrorism and climate change at the turn of the 21st century. These projects aim to enhance common security, particularly in Western societies following the events of September 11, 2001 and the July 2005 London bombings, where multifaith engagement has been promoted as a strategy to counter violent extremism. The author draws on interviews with 56 leading figures in the field of multifaith relations, including Paul Knitter, Eboo Patel, Marcus Braybrooke, Katherine Marshall, John Voll and Krista Tippett. Identifying the principle aims of the multifaith movement, the analysis explores the benefits-and challenges-of multifaith engagement, as well as the effectiveness of multifaith initiatives in countering the process of radicalization. Building on notions of cosmopolitanism, the work proposes a new theoretical framework termed 'Netpeace', which recognizes the interconnectedness of global problems and their solutions.In doing so, it acknowledges the capacity of multi-actor peacebuilding networks, including religious and state actors, to address the pressing dilemmas of our times. The primary intention of the book is to assist in the formation of new models of activism and governance, founded on a 'politics of understanding' modeled by the multifaith movement"--Provided by publisher