Suchergebnisse

Despite a sizable literature on racial priming, scholars have failed to account for the shifting nature of racial appeals. First, theories of racial priming have not yet been widely applied to increasingly common anti‐immigrant and anti‐Latino political appeals. Second, theories of racial priming have not adequately accounted for both an increasingly racialized political climate and increased tolerance for explicit anti‐minority appeals. In two survey experiments fielded both before Trump's rise and after his presidential victory, we find the Implicit‐Explicit (IE) model always fails for anti‐black appeals, sometimes fails for anti‐immigrant appeals, but consistently holds for anti‐Latino appeals. While we find the null effects of implicit versus explicit anti‐black and anti‐immigrant appeals are partly driven by tolerance for the explicit appeals, we also find evidence that white Americans are adept at recognizing the racial content of appeals featuring widely used, congruent issue‐group pairs. Our findings shed light on conditions under which the IE model does and does not hold in the current political era.

ObjectiveThis article seeks to establish a positive relationship between in‐group contact with members of one particular out‐group and affect toward all out‐groups. I hope to provide early evidence that contact with one specific out‐group may have a transferable effect on feelings toward all out‐groups.MethodsUsing data from the American National Election Study, I use a series of regression models to estimate the effect of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transsexual (LGBT) contact on authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and ethnocentrism as well as feeling thermometers toward Muslims, undocumented immigrants, Latinos, Asian Americans, and blacks. I also analyze the effect of LGBT contact on political issues that affect other out‐groups.ResultsI find that contact with a member of the LGBT community is negatively associated with ethnocentrism, authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation. It is also positively associated with feelings toward Muslims, undocumented immigrants, and racial minorities. It also seems to be correlated with political positions that affect these groups, though these results are less robust.ConclusionsThis article provides preliminary support for the hypothesis that out‐group contact has transferable effects. It suggests that contact with members of one out‐group may affect how in‐group members see all out‐groups.

AbstractHow do the goals and activities of civil society organisations (CSOs) that are active in the field of immigrant welfare rights differ between autocracies and democracies? In this paper, we argue that a mechanism of CSO engagement plays out differently in these two political contexts because organisations adapt their goals and activities to the political regime they operate in. In the empirical analyses, we compare democratic Argentina and electoral‐authoritarian Malaysia using data from CSOs' public mission statements as well as from interviews with CSO members from both countries. We find that in Argentina, more universalistic constitutional provisions and commitments to international treaties allowed CSOs to reference norms of equal treatment, arguing for immigrant access to a variety of programmes, including non‐contributory social assistance benefits. In Malaysia, CSOs relied on moral frames of equality to a lesser extent. Instead, they advocated for inclusion in contributory schemes on the basis of deservingness of migrants given their contributions to society, focusing on minimum standards to guarantee that basic needs are met.

With the sudden end of the Vietnam War in April 1975, throngs of Vietnamese fled their country. Within months, more than 130,000 arrived in the US, determined to begin their lives anew. Offering a study of this vital segment of the American population, this title features full-color photographs, fact boxes, information on genealogy, and more

Barely 40 years after beginning a major immigration movement to the United States, Indian Americans have established thriving communities in major metropolitan areas across the country. This work traces their history, from the early days of the Punjabi pioneers in California to the triumphs of the "dot-com generation."