Suchergebnisse

Acknowledgements -- Introduction: the ghetto made and remade / Wendy Z. Goldman and Joe W. Trotter -- The early modern Jewish ghetto -- Ghetto : etymology, original definition, reality, and diffusion / Benjamin Ravid -- The end to confessionalism : Jews, law, and the Roman ghetto / Kenneth Stow -- The early modern ghetto : a study in urban real estate / Bernard Cooperman -- Venice : a culture of enclosure, a culture of control : the creation of the ghetto in the context of early cinquecento / Samuel D. Gruber -- Nazi ghettos -- "There was no work, we only worked for the Germans" : ghettos and ghetto labor in German-occupied soviet territories / Anika Walke -- Hunger in the ghettos / Helene Sinnreich -- Am I my brother's keeper? : Jewish committees in the ghettos of the Mogilev district and the Romanian authorities in Transnistria, 1941 to 1944 / Gali Mir-Tibon -- Jewish resistance in ghettos in the former Soviet Union during the holocaust / Zvi Gitelman and Lenore J. Weitzman -- When (and why) is a ghetto not a "ghetto"? : concentrating and segregating Jews in Budapest, 1944 / Tim Cole -- U.S. and African -- Shifting "ghettos" : established jews, jewish immigrants and african-americans in chicago 1880-1960 / Tobias Brinkman -- "Is a Negro district, in the midst of our fairest cities, to become connotative of the ghetto"? : using corpus analysis to trace the "ghetto" in the black press, 1900-1930 / Avigail Oren -- Constrained but not contained : patterns of everyday life and the limits of segregation in 1920s Harlem / Stephen Robertson -- The American ghetto as an international human rights crisis : the fight against racial restrictive covenants, 1945-1948 / Jeffrey Gonda -- Unmaking the ghetto : community development and persistent social inequality in Brooklyn, Los Angeles, and Philadelphia / Brian Purnell -- Urban locations, apartheid, and the ghetto in Southern Africa -- "Their world was a ghetto" : space, power and identity in Alexandra, South Africa's squatters' movement, 1946-47 / Dawne Curry -- Citizens, not subjects : spatial segregation and the making of Durban's African / Working Class -- Alex lichtenstein -- Location culture in South Africa / Gavin Steingo.

Child identity fraud, or the criminal exploitation of a child's personal data, poses serious risks and challenges for youth in foster care. Despite the 10-year history of a federal mandate requiring state child welfare agencies to conduct annual credit checks for adolescent foster youth (42 U.S.C. § 675), identity fraud has received scant attention in child welfare research. Analyzing a state-level administrative dataset with linked child welfare and consumer credit records, we employed hierarchical binary logistic regression modeling to analyze demographic and foster care placement factors associated with identity fraud victimization among a statewide population cohort of 1176 youth (age 14–17) in foster care in a mid-Atlantic state. In the model of best fit, covariates significantly associated with differing odds of identity fraud victimization included African American race ( OR = 2.67, p < .001); two or more races ( OR = 2.95, p = .003); and older age at credit check ( OR = 3.49, p < .001). Youth with history of prior home removals ( OR = 1.59, p = .059) were marginally more likely than youth with no prior home removals to experience identity fraud, controlling for all other variables.

Anonymity may facilitate disclosure of maltreatment-related variables among parents, particularly in the perinatal period. This study was conducted in order to (a) confirm the effect of anonymity on commonly used measures in the field of child maltreatment; (b) examine the extent to which quasi anonymity (in which identifying information is collected but not linked to research data) can also facilitate disclosure on maltreatment-related measures; and (c) examine potential explanatory mechanisms of any association between level of anonymity and disclosure. This study further sought to evaluate these associations in the perinatal period, a crucial point for intervention that is also a time when rates of disclosure may be particularly low. A total of 150 postpartum, primarily African American women were randomly assigned to conditions involving traditional confidentiality, quasi anonymity, or full anonymity. Overall, disclosure on maltreatment-related measures was more than twice as likely for participants in the anonymous condition; quasi anonymity resulted in similar but somewhat smaller increases in disclosure. Anonymous methods may be greatly underutilized in child maltreatment research, and quasianonymous methods show promise as an alternative for longitudinal designs.

Although there exists a large and well‐documented "race gap" between whites and blacks in their support for the death penalty, we know relatively little about the nature of these differences and how the races respond to various arguments against the penalty. To explore such differences, we embedded an experiment in a national survey in which respondents are randomly assigned to one of several argument conditions. We find that African Americans are more responsive to argument frames that are both racial (i.e., the death penalty is unfair because most of the people who are executed are black) and nonracial (i.e., too many innocent people are being executed) than are whites, who are highly resistant to persuasion and, in the case of the racial argument, actually become more supportive of the death penalty upon learning that it discriminates against blacks. These interracial differences in response to the framing of arguments against the death penalty can be explained, in part, by the degree to which people attribute the causes of black criminality to either dispositional or systemic forces (i.e., the racial biases of the criminal justice system).

In a work that will significantly influence the political discussion with respect to race and class politics, one of the country's most influential sociologists focuses on the rising inequality in American society and the need for a progressive, multiracial political coalition to combat it. The culmination of decades of distinguished scholarship, The Bridge over the Racial Divide brilliantly demonstrates how political power is disproportionately concentrated among the most advantaged segments of society and how the monetary, trade, and tax policies of recent years have deepened this power imbalance. Developing his earlier views on race in contemporary society, William Julius Wilson gives a simple, straightforward, and crucially important diagnosis of the problem of rising social inequality in the United States and details a set of recommendations for dealing with it.Wilson argues that as long as middle- and working-class groups are fragmented along racial lines, they will fail to see how their combined efforts could change the political imbalance and thus promote policies that reflect their interests. He shows how a vision of American society that highlights racial differences rather than commonalities makes it difficult for Americans to see the need and appreciate the potential for mutual political support across racial lines.Multiracial political cooperation could be enhanced if we can persuade groups to focus more on the interests they hold in common, including overcoming stagnating and declining real incomes that relate to changes in the global economy, Wilson argues. He advocates a cross-race, class-based alliance of working-and middle-class Americans to pursue policies that will deal with the eroding strength of the nation's equalizing institutions, including public education, unions, and political structures that promote the interests of ordinary families. He also advocates a reconstructed "affirmative opportunity" program that benefits African Americans without antagonizing whites. Using theoretical arguments and case studies, Wilson examines how a broad-based political constituency can be created, sustained, and energized. Bold, provocative, and thoughtful, The Bridge over the Racial Divide is an essential resource in considering some of the most pressing issues facing the American public today.This book is a copublication with the Russell Sage Foundation

During the Progressive Era, a rehabilitative agenda took hold of American juvenile justice, materializing as a citizen-and-state-building project and mirroring the unequal racial politics of American democracy itself. Alongside this liberal ""manufactory of citizens," a parallel structure was enacted: a Jim Crow juvenile justice system that endured across the nation for most of the twentieth century. In The Black Child Savers, the first study of the rise and fall of Jim Crow juvenile justice, Geoff Ward examines the origins and organization of this sep.

This dissertation argues that educational praxis rooted in local epistemologies can combat the erosion of ethno-histories and provide quotidian securities free of war and exploitative practices of extraction and overuse of the land for non-subsistence purposes, which deny basic human life. Colonial ethnocide, linguicide, and epistemicide serve as the central focus of this study, which uses mixed anthropological methods to investigate economic production, political history, and cultural transmission, with the goal of advancing language revitalization efforts concerning native epistemologies within the multidisciplinary fields of Africana, African, Black, African American, and African diaspora studies. I employ a toolbox of techniques unique to the four fields of anthropology (physical/biological, archaeological, but especially socio-cultural and linguistic anthropology) with a concentration on the four elements of culture [kinship/gender, economics, politics, and religion]. Three metaphors (Beer, Blood, and Bible) examine scientific agriculturalist economies, local jural systems of governance organized by uterine kinship tied to geospatial terrains among the Lunda, and sociolinguistic worlds of pre-colonial indigenous Kongo-Ngola, which occur contemporaneously alongside post-colonial capitalist, neoliberal geopolitical, and cosmological paradigms in present-day Congo-Angola. As such, geolinguistics, ethno-history, and terroir epistemologies become vital to survival and to the continuity of humanity and peace. By decolonizing science, deconstructing imperialist systems of power-knowledge, and reconfiguring ontologies of production and reproduction, this dissertation revitalizes locally grounded epistemologies which face extinction and extermination due to colonial wars of geological extraction, while recognizing significant depths of indigenous governance within opposing post-colonial structures, with respect to technologies of literacy, cosmological consciousness, and numeracy relevant to generational preservation and perpetuation of heritage into the future. This work becomes significant to African American studies given the historical significance of missionaries educated at Historically Black Colleges and Universities who lived in Belgian Congo and Portuguese Angola from the 1880s into the early 1900s, both preserving and changing local culture, following the Conference of Berlin and leading to the independence movements. Their global goals of progressive work in the era of Old Jim Crow in US come to light in Chapter Four (Bible), which uses the legacy of these late nineteenth and early twentieth century Black American diasporic transnational returnees in order to transpose a practical five-language Swadesh list, where lexicography precedes cultural and linguistic revitalization techniques anthropologists on the ground would use to resurrect lost folkloric knowledge linked to local languages. Kongo-Ngola since migrations of Proto-Bantu speaking peoples parallels with Congo-Angola since 1880 as one of many contested sites, from whence to develop multiple comparative analyses of geolinguistic divisions of indigenous ethnic communities. This triangular metaphor of Beer, Blood, and the Bible concludes with an analysis of education in multiple spaces such that museums and schools teaching Kongo-Ngola native epistemologies in Congo-Angola, the United States, and Europe in deracinated colonial spaces, as well as in reclaimed territories of indigeneity. Perhaps the solution to colonial erasure and epistemicide rests within local universities in Angola, such as Universidade Lueji a Nkonde (ULAN)—named for the ancestress and founder of the Lunda Empire. This ethno-history of scientific, economic, linguistic, political, religious, musical performance, and educational epistemologies in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Republic of Angola employs a rarely known interdisciplinary method known as geolinguistics, while following a metaphor of beer (production), blood (reproduction and power), and the bible (knowledge).

[Second and third pragraph]While much has been written on the significance of British Caribbean activists in various movements associated with black diaspora politics in the twentieth century, particularly their important roles in Pan-African struggles, little has been written on how the various British Caribbean colonies themselves were envisioned among diaspora activists and within the scope of black diaspora politics. Did such Caribbean activists, especially those interested in and connected to diasporic movements beyond the British Caribbean, and their African American and African counterparts forsake the British West Indies as a focus of political engagement for other lands and causes? If not, what was the place of "West Indian liberation" and nation building in the British Caribbean in relation to black diasporic struggles in the early twentieth century?This article address these questions through an examination of how the idea of a united "West Indian nation" (via a federation or closer union) among British Caribbean colonies was envisioned within black diaspora politics from the turn of the twentieth century through the 1920s, and the ways in which racial consciousness and motivations informed conceptualizations of such a nation among black political activists of the British Caribbean and other parts of the diaspora. This study argues that efforts to create a federationin the Anglophone Caribbean were much more than simply imperial or regional nation-building projects. Instead, federation was also a diasporic, black nation-building endeavor intricately connected to notions of racial unity, racial uplift, and black self-determination.

This paper uses Social Security longitudinal earnings records matched to Current Population Survey data to examine changes in the relative earnings of Hispanic men during a period of dramatic change in public and private policies toward race and ethnicity characterized by, but not limited to, the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Our principle focus is to compare and contrast how lower income Hispanic and African-American men fared during the civil rights era relative to lower-income non-Hispanic whites. Although previous studies have analyzed black economic progress using annual data before and after the Civil Rights Act, this is the first study to do so for Hispanics. We follow a longitudinal sample of individuals who were in the labor market before and after the passage of the Civil Rights Act. Following the same individuals holds constant an array of unmeasured variables such as labor force selectivity and schooling quality that may correlate with the post-1964 period; our approach addresses concerns that the results are the product of changes in these variables. Of particular note - we uncover a significant acceleration following the Civil Rights Act in the relative earnings of low-income Hispanic men.

South End Shout: Boston's Forgotten Music Scene in the Jazz Age details the power of music in the city's African American community, spotlighting the era of ragtime culture in the early 1900s to the rise of big band orchestras in the 1930s. This story is deeply embedded in the larger social condition of Black Bostonians and the account is brought to life by the addition of 20 illustrations of musicians, theaters, dance halls, phonographs, and radios used to enjoy the music.

South End Shout is part of an emerging field of studies that examines jazz culture outside of the major centers of music production. In extensive detail, author Roger R. House covers the activities of jazz musicians, jazz bands, the places they played, the relationships between Black and white musicians, the segregated local branches of the American Federation of Musicians (AFL-CIO), and the economics of Boston's music industry. Readers will be captivated by the inclusion of vintage local newspaper reports, classified advertisements, and details of hard-to-access oral history accounts by musicians and residents. These precious documentary materials help to understand how jazz culture evolved as a Boston art form and contributed to the national art form between the world wars.

With this book, House makes an important contribution to American studies and jazz history. Scholars and general readers alike who are interested in jazz and jazz culture, the history of Boston and its Black culture, and 20th century American and urban studies will be enlightened and delighted by this book.

Objective. This article examines the characteristics of black southern migrants in the North near the beginning of the Great Migration & compares them with northern-born African Americans. Methods. Data from the newly available 1920 Integrated Public Use Microdata Series file are used to conduct ordinary least squares regression & binary logistic regression analyses that compare migrants & native northerners on residential characteristics, economic activity, & family patterns. Results. On the one hand, southern migrants, males & females alike, were more likely to report gainful occupations than native northerners. On the other hand, migrants experienced denser housing conditions & held lower-status jobs than indigenous northerners. No significant differences in home ownership or family patterns were found. Even the statistically significant differences between migrants & northern-born blacks were quite modest. A supplemental "generational analysis" suggests that the relatively minor disadvantages experienced by migrants in 1920 were probably due to a temporary period of adaptation & dislocation resulting from their geographic mobility. Conclusions. When combined with evidence from later stages in the Great Migration, these findings indicate that black southern migrants fared quite well in the North, relative to native northerners. Thus, the generally negative descriptions of migrants by contemporary observers, & some later researchers, should be viewed skeptically. 4 Tables, 1 Appendix, 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

The 9/11 terrorist attacks and heavy-handed state and popular response to them stimulated increased scholarship on American Muslims. In the social sciences, this work has focused mainly on Arabs and South Asians, and more recently on African Americans. The majority of this scholarship has not engaged race theory in a comprehensive or intersectional manner. The authors provide an overview of the work on Muslims over the past 15 years and argue that the Muslim experience needs to be situated within race scholarship. The authors further show that September 11 did not create racialized Muslims, Arabs, or South Asians. Rather, the authors highlight a preexisting, racializing war on terror and a more complex history of these groups with race both globally and domestically. Islamophobia is a popular term used to talk about Muslim encounters with discrimination, but the concept lacks a clear understanding of race and structural racism. Newer frameworks have emerged situating Muslim experiences within race scholarship. The authors conclude with a call to scholars to embark on studies that fill major gaps in this emerging field of study—such as intersectional approaches that incorporate gender, communities of belonging, black Muslim experiences, class, and sexuality—and to remain conscious of the global dimensions of this racial project.

For many African Americans, Barack Obama's presidential victory in 2008 was a step toward a racially tolerant society. Yet for others, the attack on Obama's religious faith and citizenship status reflected long-standing racial divisions within the electorate. Using ordered probit analyses, our study focuses on racial trust and social capital in the early years of Obama's presidency. In assessing the relationship between Obama's domestic policies and racial trust, our study closely aligns with the research on policy feedbacks. We investigate the possibility that Obama's flagship economic and social policies—specifically the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, and unemployment insurance—operated as a bridge between whites, blacks, and Latinos. We further consider whether higher support for these policies reproduced greater levels of interracial trust among the groups. To measure racial trust, we draw from a 2010 survey sponsored by the Diane D. Blair Center of Southern Politics and Society at the University of Arkansas. The Blair-Rockefeller Poll was administered shortly after the 2010 midterm elections and includes a sample size of 3,406 respondents with an oversample of blacks (825) and Latinos (932). Although we found noticeably high rates of racial distrust, blacks expressed the lowest levels of distrust compared to whites and Latinos. We also discovered varying effects of Obama's policies on increasing racial trust.