Suchergebnisse

Russland ist nicht zum Imperium geworden, es wurde als solches geboren – im Unterschied zu europäischen Ländern. Dieser imperiale Charakter macht es heute unweigerlich zu einer Macht, die alle Mittel einsetzt, um ihr Territorium zu vergrößern und Satellitenstaaten zu schaffen. (IP)

In Russland waren sexuelle Beziehungen unter Männern lange Teil der patriarchalischen Maskulinität. Untergebene galten als verfügbar. Erst mit der Urbanisierung bildet sich ab den 1870er Jahren eine spezifische homosexuelle Subkultur heraus. Insbesondere in den Hauptstädten Petersburg und Moskau entstanden "kleine homosexuelle Welten": öffentliche Treffpunkte, wo spezifische Werte und Symbole galten. Die Stadt wurde zur Bühne, auf der sich tetki tummelten. Die Ära der Sichtbarkeit währte nur kurz. Die homosexuelle Subkultur löste Ablehnung aus. Repression und Toleranz existierten nebeneinander, ehe die sowjetischen Behörden 1933/34 Homosexualität zum Straftatbestand erklärten. (Osteuropa (Berlin) / SWP)

We thank CERN for the very successful operation of the LHC, as well as the support staff from our institutions without whom ATLAS could not be operated efficiently. We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWFW and FWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; CONICYT, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF, DNSRC and Lundbeck Foundation, Denmark; EPLANET, ERC and NSRF, European Union; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DSM/IRFU, France; GNSF, Georgia; BMBF, DFG, HGF, MPG and AvH Foundation, Germany; GSRT and NSRF, Greece; ISF, MINERVA, GIF, I-CORE and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; FOM and NWO, Netherlands; BRF and RCN, Norway; MNiSW and NCN, Poland; GRICES and FCT, Portugal; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia and ROSATOM, Russian Federation; JINR; MSTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MIZŠ, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SER, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; NSC, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, the Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. The crucial computing support from all WLCG partners is acknowledged gratefully, in particular from CERN and the ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada), NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden), CC-IN2P3 (France), KIT/GridKA (Germany), INFN-CNAF (Italy), NL-T1 (Netherlands), PIC (Spain), ASGC (Taiwan), RAL (UK) and BNL (USA) and in the Tier-2 facilities worldwide. ; Dijet events produced in LHC proton-proton collisions at a center-of-mass energy √s=8 TeV are studied with the ATLAS detector using the full 2012 data set, with an integrated luminosity of 20.3 fb−1. Dijet masses up to about 4.5 TeV are probed. No resonancelike features are observed in the dijet mass spectrum. Limits on the cross section times acceptance are set at the 95% credibility level for various hypotheses of new phenomena in terms of mass or energy scale, as appropriate. This analysis excludes excited quarks with a mass below 4.06 TeV, color-octet scalars with a mass below 2.70 TeV, heavy W′ bosons with a mass below 2.45 TeV, chiral W∗ bosons with a mass below 1.75 TeV, and quantum black holes with six extra space-time dimensions with threshold mass below 5.66 TeV. ; ANPCyT ; YerPhI, Armenia ; Australian Research Council ; BMWFW, Austria ; Austrian Science Fund (FWF) ; Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS) ; SSTC, Belarus ; National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) ; Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP) ; Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada ; NRC, Canada ; Canada Foundation for Innovation ; CERN ; Comision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT) ; Chinese Academy of Sciences ; Ministry of Science and Technology, China ; National Natural Science Foundation of China ; Departamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias ; Ministry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech Republic Czech Republic Government ; DNRF, Denmark ; Danish Natural Science Research Council ; Lundbeckfonden ; European Union (EU) ; European Research Council (ERC) ; NSRF ; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DSM/IRFU, France ; GNSF, Georgia ; Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF) ; German Research Foundation (DFG) ; HGF, Germany ; Max Planck Society ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Greek Ministry of Development-GSRT ; NSRF, Greece ; Israel Science Foundation ; MINERVA, Israel ; German-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development ; I-CORE, Israel ; Benoziyo Center, Israel ; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ; CNRST, Morocco ; FOM (The Netherlands) Netherlands Government ; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) Netherlands Government ; BRF, Norway ; RCN, Norway ; Ministry of Science and Higher Education, Poland ; NCN, Poland ; GRICES, Portugal ; Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology ; MNE/IFA, Romania ; Russian Federation ; JINR ; MSTD, Serbia ; MSSR, Slovakia ; Slovenian Research Agency - Slovenia ; MIZS, Slovenia ; DST/NRF, South Africa ; MINECO, Spain ; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden ; SER, of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland ; SNSF of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland ; Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland ; National Science Council of Taiwan ; Ministry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey ; Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) ; National Science Foundation (NSF) ; ICREA ; Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) ST/L003112/1 ST/K000705/1 ST/J004928/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/K001396/1 ATLAS ST/I006056/1 ATLAS Upgrade ST/J003522/2 ST/K001302/1 ATLAS ST/G502320/1 ST/M001474/1 ST/M002306/1 ST/K001248/1 ST/K003658/1 ST/M001504/1 ST/L006480/1 ST/L003414/1 ST/L000970/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/K00137X/1 ST/L001179/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/K001310/1 LHCb ST/K001310/1 ATLAS ST/J00474X/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/J00474X/1 ST/I005803/1 GRIDPP PP/E000355/1 ST/M006980/1 ST/M004821/1 ST/M003213/1 ST/L001209/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/I000186/1 PP/E003087/1 1575161 ST/K001310/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/L001179/1 ST/N000307/1 ST/J005525/1 ST/M007103/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/L001195/1 ST/H00100X/2 1201187 ST/K001310/1 ST/J004928/1 ATLAS Upgrade ST/G50228X/1 PP/D002915/1 1082012 ST/J004944/1 ST/K001418/1 ST/L001179/1 ATLAS Upgrade GRIDPP ST/M002306/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/M004821/1 GRIDPP ST/M002071/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/M001733/1 ST/K003658/1 GRIDPP ST/J005576/1 ST/J005487/1 ST/K001310/1 LHCb Upgrades ST/I006056/1 ST/M001407/1 ST/I005803/1 ST/I00372X/1 GRIDPP ST/I000178/1 ST/I006056/1 ATLAS Upgrades PP/E000444/1 1366825 ST/K001426/1 ATLAS ST/J004928/1 1521422 ST/I006080/1 ST/H00100X/1 1366364 ST/M006980/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/L000970/1 ST/K001329/1 PP/E002846/1 ST/I00372X/1 ST/K001264/1 ATLAS ST/L000970/1 ATLAS Upgrade ST/L003325/1

We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWFW and FWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; CONICYT, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF, DNSRC and Lundbeck Foundation, Denmark; EPLANET, ERC and NSRF, European Union; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DSM/IRFU, France; GNSF, Georgia; BMBF, DFG, HGF, MPG and AvH Foundation, Germany; GSRT and NSRF, Greece; ISF, MINERVA, GIF, I-CORE and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; FOM and NWO, Netherlands; BRF and RCN, Norway; MNiSW and NCN, Poland; GRICES and FCT, Portugal; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia and ROSATOM, Russian Federation; JINR; MSTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SER, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; NSC, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, the Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. ; A search for the b¯b decay of the Standard Model Higgs boson is performed with the ATLAS experiment using the full dataset recorded at the LHC in Run 1. The integrated luminosities used are 4.7 and 20.3 fb−1 from pp collisions at √s = 7 and 8 TeV, respectively. The processes considered are associated (W/Z)H production, where W → eν/µν, Z → ee/µµ and Z → νν. The observed (expected) deviation from the backgroundonly hypothesis corresponds to a significance of 1.4 (2.6) standard deviations and the ratio of the measured signal yield to the Standard Model expectation is found to be µ = 0.52 ± 0.32 (stat.) ± 0.24 (syst.) for a Higgs boson mass of 125.36 GeV. The analysis procedure is validated by a measurement of the yield of (W/Z)Z production with Z → b¯b in the same final states as for the Higgs boson search, from which the ratio of the observed signal yield to the Standard Model expectation is found to be 0.74 ± 0.09 (stat.) ± 0.14 (syst.). ; ANPCyT ; YerPhI, Armenia ; Australian Research Council ; BMWFW, Austria ; Austrian Science Fund (FWF) ; Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS) ; SSTC, Belarus ; National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) ; Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP) ; Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada ; NRC, Canada ; Canada Foundation for Innovation ; CERN ; Comision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT) ; Chinese Academy of Sciences ; Ministry of Science and Technology, China ; National Natural Science Foundation of China ; Departamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias ; Ministry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech Republic Czech Republic Government ; DNRF, Denmark ; Danish Natural Science Research Council ; Lundbeckfonden ; European Union (EU) ; European Union (EU) European Research Council (ERC) ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) ; CEA-DSM/IRFU, France ; GNSF, Georgia ; Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF) ; German Research Foundation (DFG) ; HGF, Germany ; Max Planck Society ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Greek Ministry of Development-GSRT ; NSRF, Greece ; Israel Science Foundation ; MINERVA, Israel ; German-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development ; I-CORE, Israel ; Benoziyo Center, Israel ; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ; CNRST, Morocco ; FOM (The Netherlands) Netherlands Government ; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) Netherlands Government ; BRF, Norway ; RCN, Norway ; Ministry of Science and Higher Education, Poland ; NCN, Poland ; GRICES, Portugal ; Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology ; MNE/IFA, Romania ; Russian Federation ; JINR ; MSTD, Serbia ; MSSR, Slovakia ; Slovenian Research Agency - Slovenia ; MIZS, Slovenia ; DST/NRF, South Africa ; MINECO, Spain ; SRC, Sweden ; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden ; SER, Switzerland ; Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) ; Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland ; National Science Council of Taiwan ; Ministry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey ; Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) ; Royal Society of London ; Leverhulme Trust ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) ; National Science Foundation (NSF) ; Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) ST/L000970/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/K001310/1 ATLAS Upgrades PP/E000444/1 GRIDPP ST/J004928/1 ST/K001426/1 ATLAS ST/M000664/1 ST/M001407/1 ST/L001209/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/K001418/1 ST/J005576/1 ST/J00474X/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/G502320/1 1521422 1366825 ST/K001302/1 ST/K000705/1 ST/I005803/1 1366364 ST/J004944/1 ST/L001179/1 ATLAS Upgrade ST/M001733/1 ST/I006056/1 ATLAS Upgrade ST/I006080/1 ST/L003112/1 ST/I006056/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/K001248/1 ST/M004821/1 GRIDPP 1201187 ST/I000186/1 ST/L001179/1 PP/E003087/1 ST/I006056/1 ST/J00474X/1 ST/I00372X/1 ATLAS PP/E000355/1 ST/K001264/1 ATLAS ST/I000178/1 ST/K003658/1 GRIDPP ST/L000970/1 ATLAS Upgrade ST/L003325/1 ST/N000331/1 ST/L001179/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/M001504/1 ST/H00100X/1 ST/I00372X/1 GRIDPP 1093272 1575161 PP/E002846/1 ST/H00100X/2 ST/L001195/1 ST/L006464/1 ST/M002306/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/M006980/1 ST/M503575/1 ST/J004928/1 ATLAS Upgrade PP/D002915/1 ST/K003658/1 ST/J005525/1 ST/J004928/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/M006980/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/K001388/1 ST/J501074/1 ST/I005803/1 GRIDPP ST/L000970/1 ST/K001329/1 ST/K001310/1 ST/M004821/1 ST/N000307/1 ST/M007103/1 ATLAS Upgrades ST/M003213/1 ST/K001310/1 ATLAS ST/M002306/1 ST/L003414/1 ST/K001310/1 LHCb Upgrades ST/G50228X/1 ST/L006480/1 ST/K50208X/1 ST/K00137X/1 ST/J005487/1 1082012 ST/M001474/1 ST/K001310/1 LHCb ST/M002071/1 ATLAS Upgrades ; ICREA

As November's election approaches, the Ukrainian government and NATO member countries are planning for the possibility that European and American leadership may be less enthusiastic about supporting Kyiv's war effort.
Meanwhile, Trump's team-in-waiting is preparing for how it might deal with the thorny issues of rethinking the NATO alliance and managing the war in Ukraine.
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban visited Ukraine for the first time since the outbreak of the war on Tuesday, shortly after his country began its six-month rotation in the EU presidency.
Orban, who has worked against other EU and NATO members's efforts to support Kyiv and punish Moscow, reportedly pitched the idea of an immediate ceasefire to his Ukrainian counterpart this week.
"The rules of international diplomacy are slow and complex. I asked the president to consider whether it would be possible to reverse the order and to speed up the peace negotiations with a swift ceasefire," the Hungarian Prime Minister said after the meeting.
Meanwhile, Zelensky is warily watching world events and reading the signals and preparing for the possibility of a second Trump presidency, experts say.
"Zelenskyy can read the room. He saw the U.S. presidential debate and the outcome of the first round of the French and EU elections — and knows that if he wants to sustain support he has to work with the full cast of characters," Andrea Kendall-Taylor, a senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security, told Politico this week.
NATO, whose leaders will gather in Washington next week for its annual summit, has been working for months to "Trump-proof" the alliance's support for Kyiv, but questions about how much money to commit and from whom remain. Foreign Policy magazine reported recently that Washington had provided nearly half of the alliance's 40 billion euros in aid each year over the last two years.
Politico also ran a detailed story this week on how Trump's potential advisers may approach transatlantic relations, which suggests big change if the former president returns to power in 2025. In addition to plans for a "radical reorientation" of the United States' role in the alliance, the piece reports that a future Trump White House could pledge to Moscow that NATO will not expand eastward.
"A swift resolution of the two-and-a-half-year Ukraine conflict would also likely play a key role in Trump's plans for NATO," according to Politico. "As part of a plan for Ukraine that has not been previously reported, the presumptive GOP nominee is mulling a deal whereby NATO commits to no further eastward expansion — specifically into Ukraine and Georgia — and negotiates with Russian President Vladimir Putin over how much Ukrainian territory Moscow can keep, according to two other Trump-aligned national security experts."
Trump himself has stayed mostly noncommittal about how exactly he plans on ending the war — only saying that Europe should carry more of the burden for helping Ukraine, that the war wouldn't have happened under his watch and that, if elected again, he would have it resolved before assuming the presidency.
In other diplomatic news related to the war in Ukraine:
— Russia's ambassador to the United Nations poured cold water on Trump's assertions that the conflict could be solved quickly and easily. "The Ukrainian crisis cannot be solved in one day," Vassily Nebenzia told reporters on Monday. During the same remarks, Nebenzia said that Zelensky's ten-point peace formula that remains Ukraine's official proposal is "not a peace plan but a joke."
— Zelensky renews his calls for more long-range weapons and air defenses following a Russian missile attack in Vilniansk that killed seven and injured 31 others. "Our cities and communities suffer daily from such Russian strikes" Zelensky wrote in a post on Telegram, according to the BBC. "But he added that there were 'ways to overcome this', including 'destroying Russian missile launchers, striking with real long-range capability and increasing the number of modern air defence systems.'"
— Putin met with Chinese President Xi Jinping during the annual Shanghai Cooperation Organization meeting on Wednesday in Kazakhstan. The two nations were joined at the meeting by organization members Iran, India, Pakistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, as well as Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, who were present as observer states.
"Neither Ukraine nor any of its Western backers are attending, and major talks — or breakthroughs — on the war are not expected," according toThe Associated Press. "But because it's rare these days for any meeting to include the heads of Russia, China, Turkey and the U.N., the possibility of talks about the war might be raised, at least on the peripheries of the summit, probably behind closed doors."
— Three Ukrainian officials, including top Zelensky adviser Andriy Yermak, visited Washington this week to meet with members of the Biden administration, including Secretary of State Antony Blinken in advance of next week's NATO summit. During this visit, Yermak said that Kyiv was open to taking advice on how to achieve a "just peace" with Moscow. But, he added "we [are] not ready to go to the compromise for the very important things and values ... independence, freedom, democracy, territorial integrity, sovereignty." U.S. State Department news:
— During a Tuesday press briefing, State Department deputy spokesperson Vedant Patel rejected Orban's suggestion that Kyiv and Moscow reach an immediate ceasefire.
"We and the NATO Alliance have been clear that there really is only one solution here, and that is the Russian Federation simply leaving Ukrainian territory," Patel said. "We have long felt that this is, again, just another example of Russia being the aggressor, infringing on Ukrainian territorial integrity and sovereignty, throwing the UN Charter by the wayside."

Problem setting. The interference of the Russian Federation in the internal affairs of Ukraine, intensification of intelligence activities, strengthening of informational and psychological pressure aiming to destabilize the socio-political situation, and finally, direct military aggression inevitably lead to the violation of military security of our state. Getting ready to meet complex invisible and hybrid threats requires a much more comprehensive approach than conventional warfare. It requires a flexible balance and coordination between civilian and military resources, depending on the nature of the crisis. Russia's aggression against Ukraine requires rethinking of approaches to the formation of our state's military security, as without its improvement it is impossible to ensure Ukraine's national security. This important task should be the subject of a comprehensive study by Ukrainian scientists. Recent research and publications analysis. The theoretical basis of military security as a factor of stability of a society is constituted by the publications of the following leading scientists: V. Bogdanovich, O. Bodruk, O.Vlasyuk, V. Gorbulin, S. Kononenko, G. Perepelytsia, V. Pocheptsov, O. Reznikov, A. Semenchenko, G. Sytnyk, M. Sitsinska, M. Sungurovsky, V. Lipkan and other scientists. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. At the same time, the dynamic development of Ukrainian society necessitates permanent analysis of the issues that form the basis of its development. In the context of hostilities, these issues require constant attention from scientists. Due to the approval of the new national security strategy, its provisions, undoubtedly, require the development of effective measures for its implementation. This particular issue is of scientific interest. The purpose of the article is to determine the main tasks of Ukraine's military policy in the context of implementation of the new National Security Strategy of Ukraine. To achieve this goal, the following tasks should be solved: to determine the main evolution directions of European security management, to ascertain the attitude of the population and the scientific community to the interpretation of events in Ukraine, to determine the role and place of military security in the new strategy and outline the tasks of the Security and Defense Sector in ensuring national security. Paper main body. It is proved that Russia's aggression against Ukraine has changed the European system of military security management. The existing contradictions between the EU and Russia, as a descendant of the USSR after the Cold War, despite the leadership's unsubstantiated declarations of devotion to the democratic vector of Russia's socio-political development, intensified with Putin's rise to power because of his ambition to revive the Russian Empire in its former borders. These ambitions were fulfilled during the war with Georgia and Ukraine. It is accentuated that despite the general condemnation of Russia's policy, which challenges the European community, not all EU countries consider Russia an aggressor due to historical bonds and economic benefits. While supporting Ukraine's membership in the EU and NATO in general, Europeans do not consider it necessary to help Ukraine by providing it with modern weapons. The article proves that in this context, Ukraine should focus its military policy mainly on its own forces, which, in turn, requires the formation and implementation of military policy based on the best world standards. Based on the analysis of draft strategic documents, the priorities, tasks and main ways of the Security and Defense Sector development are determined in the context of new challenges and threats. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies.The adoption of the new National Security Strategy of Ukraine marked a new stage in the development of the theory of security, due to the evolution of the concepts of security and defense of European countries against the background of Russia's aggression against Ukraine. The strategy for the first time proclaimed the creation of a comprehensive defense system, which requires the involvement of all spheres of Ukrainian society in addressing military security issues. As part of the implementation of this Strategy, the country's military policy should ensure the rapid development of the Security and Defense Sector through the introduction of innovative approaches that provide sufficient national defense capabilities to repel armed aggression, and to carry out a comprehensive reform of the national security system to the level acceptable for membership in EU and NATO. ; Визначено завдання воєнної політики держави в контексті реалізації положень нової Стратегії національної безпеки України. Доведено, що агресія Російської Федерації (далі – РФ) проти України змінила європейську систему управління воєнною безпекою. Існуючі протиріччя між Європейським Союзом (далі – ЄС) та РФ як нащадка СРСР після закінчення холодної війни, незважаючи на голослівні обіцянки керівництва у відданості демократичному вектору суспільно-політичного розвитку Росії, з приходом до влади В. Путіна загострилися через його бажання відродити Російську імперію у колишніх кордонах. Ці бажання було втілено під час війни з Грузією та Україною. Підкреслено, що, незважаючи на загальний осуд політики РФ, яка кидає виклик європейській спільноті, завдячуючи історичним зв'язкам та економічним вигодам, не усі країни ЄС вважають РФ агресором. Загалом, підтримуючи членство України в ЄС та НАТО, європейці не вважають необхідним допомагати Україні сучасним озброєнням. Зазначено, що у цьому контексті Україна повинна у політиці воєнної безпеки орієнтуватися переважно на власні сили, що своєю чергою потребує формування та реалізації воєнної політики, заснованої на кращих світових зразках. На основі аналізу проектів стратегічних документів визначено пріоритети, завдання та основні шляхи розвитку Сектору безпеки та оборони в контексті нових викликів та загроз.

Problem setting. The interference of the Russian Federation in the internal affairs of Ukraine, intensification of intelligence activities, strengthening of informational and psychological pressure aiming to destabilize the socio-political situation, and finally, direct military aggression inevitably lead to the violation of military security of our state. Getting ready to meet complex invisible and hybrid threats requires a much more comprehensive approach than conventional warfare. It requires a flexible balance and coordination between civilian and military resources, depending on the nature of the crisis. Russia's aggression against Ukraine requires rethinking of approaches to the formation of our state's military security, as without its improvement it is impossible to ensure Ukraine's national security. This important task should be the subject of a comprehensive study by Ukrainian scientists. Recent research and publications analysis. The theoretical basis of military security as a factor of stability of a society is constituted by the publications of the following leading scientists: V. Bogdanovich, O. Bodruk, O.Vlasyuk, V. Gorbulin, S. Kononenko, G. Perepelytsia, V. Pocheptsov, O. Reznikov, A. Semenchenko, G. Sytnyk, M. Sitsinska, M. Sungurovsky, V. Lipkan and other scientists. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. At the same time, the dynamic development of Ukrainian society necessitates permanent analysis of the issues that form the basis of its development. In the context of hostilities, these issues require constant attention from scientists. Due to the approval of the new national security strategy, its provisions, undoubtedly, require the development of effective measures for its implementation. This particular issue is of scientific interest. The purpose of the article is to determine the main tasks of Ukraine's military policy in the context of implementation of the new National Security Strategy of Ukraine. To achieve this goal, the following tasks should be solved: to determine the main evolution directions of European security management, to ascertain the attitude of the population and the scientific community to the interpretation of events in Ukraine, to determine the role and place of military security in the new strategy and outline the tasks of the Security and Defense Sector in ensuring national security. Paper main body. It is proved that Russia's aggression against Ukraine has changed the European system of military security management. The existing contradictions between the EU and Russia, as a descendant of the USSR after the Cold War, despite the leadership's unsubstantiated declarations of devotion to the democratic vector of Russia's socio-political development, intensified with Putin's rise to power because of his ambition to revive the Russian Empire in its former borders. These ambitions were fulfilled during the war with Georgia and Ukraine. It is accentuated that despite the general condemnation of Russia's policy, which challenges the European community, not all EU countries consider Russia an aggressor due to historical bonds and economic benefits. While supporting Ukraine's membership in the EU and NATO in general, Europeans do not consider it necessary to help Ukraine by providing it with modern weapons. The article proves that in this context, Ukraine should focus its military policy mainly on its own forces, which, in turn, requires the formation and implementation of military policy based on the best world standards. Based on the analysis of draft strategic documents, the priorities, tasks and main ways of the Security and Defense Sector development are determined in the context of new challenges and threats. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies.The adoption of the new National Security Strategy of Ukraine marked a new stage in the development of the theory of security, due to the evolution of the concepts of security and defense of European countries against the background of Russia's aggression against Ukraine. The strategy for the first time proclaimed the creation of a comprehensive defense system, which requires the involvement of all spheres of Ukrainian society in addressing military security issues. As part of the implementation of this Strategy, the country's military policy should ensure the rapid development of the Security and Defense Sector through the introduction of innovative approaches that provide sufficient national defense capabilities to repel armed aggression, and to carry out a comprehensive reform of the national security system to the level acceptable for membership in EU and NATO. ; Визначено завдання воєнної політики держави в контексті реалізації положень нової Стратегії національної безпеки України. Доведено, що агресія Російської Федерації (далі – РФ) проти України змінила європейську систему управління воєнною безпекою. Існуючі протиріччя між Європейським Союзом (далі – ЄС) та РФ як нащадка СРСР після закінчення холодної війни, незважаючи на голослівні обіцянки керівництва у відданості демократичному вектору суспільно-політичного розвитку Росії, з приходом до влади В. Путіна загострилися через його бажання відродити Російську імперію у колишніх кордонах. Ці бажання було втілено під час війни з Грузією та Україною. Підкреслено, що, незважаючи на загальний осуд політики РФ, яка кидає виклик європейській спільноті, завдячуючи історичним зв'язкам та економічним вигодам, не усі країни ЄС вважають РФ агресором. Загалом, підтримуючи членство України в ЄС та НАТО, європейці не вважають необхідним допомагати Україні сучасним озброєнням. Зазначено, що у цьому контексті Україна повинна у політиці воєнної безпеки орієнтуватися переважно на власні сили, що своєю чергою потребує формування та реалізації воєнної політики, заснованої на кращих світових зразках. На основі аналізу проектів стратегічних документів визначено пріоритети, завдання та основні шляхи розвитку Сектору безпеки та оборони в контексті нових викликів та загроз.

The article is a continuation of a number of scientific studies carried out by the authors within the framework of government assignments and grants devoted to identifying the relationship between the economic security of territories and the development of "green" entrepreneurship models on them.Purpose: is to identify the relationship between responsible consumption and ensuring the economic security of subjects of the "green" economy in the context of the global principles of sustainable development and the transformation of consumer preferences.Methods: the study is based on the methodology and principles of sustainable development in "green" entrepreneurship. The use of comparative and comparative analysis methods is due to the need to identify the features of sustainable (responsible) production and consumption in different sectors of the "green" economy. Comparative marketing allows you to clarify the category of "sustainable (responsible) consumption", systematize international experience and best practices of "green" marketing.Results: the authors have identified the most promising market segments of the "green" economy, outlined the advantages of companies that implement the principles of "green" marketing and take into account ESG factors in business models of entrepreneurship. The use of indicative analysis tools made it possible to determine the level of development of individual segments of "green" entrepreneurship in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. Based on the results of Russian practice and on the example of the implementation of the national project "Labor Productivity", the effectiveness of the implementation by companies participating in the national project of responsible and lean production is substantiated. The structural components of the "green" economy and economic security are revealed, the differentiation of Russian regions is shown in the context of indicators of the development of individual segments of the "green" economy. It has been determined that all segments of the "green" economy in Russia are covered by the national project "Labor Productivity".Conclusions and Relevance: according to the results of the study, the relationship of macro- and microeconomic factors in achieving SDG 12 "Responsible consumption and production" by the subjects of "green" entrepreneurship was revealed. The authors propose directions for the implementation of educational measures for the business community in the field of "green" marketing, the influence of ESG factors when changing business models, lean manufacturing, which will help ensure the economic security of subjects of "green" entrepreneurship in the new economic conditions. ; Статья является продолжением ряда научных исследований, проводимых авторами в рамках государственных заданий и грантов, посвященных выявлению взаимосвязей между экономической безопасностью территорий и развитием на них моделей «зеленого» предпринимательства.Цель работы – исследование взаимосвязи между ответственным потреблением и обеспечением экономической безопасности субъектов «зеленой» экономики в контексте глобальных принципов устойчивого развития и трансформации потребительских предпочтений.Методы или методология проведения работы. Исследование базируется на методологии и принципах устойчивого развития в «зеленом» предпринимательстве. Применение методов компаративистики и сравнительного анализа обусловлено необходимостью выявления особенностей устойчивого (ответственного) производства и потребления в разных секторах «зеленой» экономики. Сравнительный маркетинг позволяет уточнить категорию «устойчивое (ответственное) потребление», систематизировать международный опыт и лучшие практики «зеленого» маркетинга.Результаты работы. Авторами выделены наиболее перспективные рыночные сегменты «зеленой» экономики, обозначены преимущества компаний, реализующих принципы «зеленого» маркетинга и учитывающих ESG-факторы в бизнес-моделях предпринимательства. Использование инструментов индикативного анализа позволило определить уровень развития отдельных сегментов «зеленого» предпринимательства в субъектах РФ. По результатам российской практики и на примере реализации национального проекта «Производительность труда» обоснована эффективность реализации компаниями-участниками национального проекта ответственного и бережливого производства. Выявлены структурные составляющие «зеленой» экономики и экономической безопасности, показана дифференциация российских регионов в разрезе индикаторов развития отдельных сегментов «зеленой» экономики. Определено, что все сегменты «зеленой» экономики в России охвачены национальным проектом «Производительность труда».Выводы. По результатам исследования выявлена взаимосвязь макро- и микроэкономических факторов в достижении ЦУР 12 «Ответственное потребление и производство» субъектами «зеленого» предпринимательства. Авторами предложены направления реализации мер обучающего характера для бизнес-сообщества в сфере «зеленого» маркетинга, влияния ESG-факторов при изменении бизнес-моделей, что будет способствовать обеспечению экономической безопасности «зеленого» предпринимательства в новых экономических условиях.

The article analyses the approaches of the key political parties of the Baltic states to the Ukrainian issue: their assessment of the degree of the Russian threat to the regional space, the interpretation of the events of Russian aggression in the Crimea and the Donbass, views on the prospects for relations with Ukraine and the Russian Federation. It is confirmed that most of the Baltic political forces take a solely pro-Ukrainian stance, which makes it possible to assess the prospects for further development of stable cooperation between them and Ukraine as extremely high and practically independent from the electoral cycle. It is noted that the most consistent partners of Ukraine are the right political forces such as the Lithuanian "The Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats" and the Estonian Reform Party. By their ideology, they are natural allies of Ukrainian pro-European political parties. The radical nationalists from the Baltic states (the Estonian Conservative People's Party, the Latvian National Alliance), for whom Ukraine is a natural ally in counteracting the Russian threat, are also extremely friendly to our state. Centrist and left-wing parties from the Baltic states are also showing solidarity with Ukraine in foreign policy matters. The accusations about their possible ties to the Kremlin are usually part of the internal political struggle and have no real basis. However, there are indeed political forces in the Baltic states that hold a pro-Russian stance and, in some cases, even defend the interests of Russia in the European political space, becoming an element of the Kremlin's hybrid strategy aimed o destabilase it. The most influential of them is the Latvian party "Harmony", which retains the largest faction in the parliaments of the last convocations. But the refusal of other political forces to form coalition with it demonstrates the toxicity of such views for the majority of the electorate – so its prospects for influencing state policy are insignificant. Overall, we suggest that there are no effective threats to the unity of the key actors of the Baltic States' political environment around Ukraine's support for its fight for independence and the European future. ; У статті аналізуються підходи ключових політичних партії країн Балтії до українського питання: їхня оцінка ступеня російської загрози для регіонального простору, трактування подій російської агресії в Криму та на Донбасі, погляди на перспективи відносин з Україною та Російською Федерацією. Підтверджується теза про те, що переважна більшість балтійських політичних сил займає виключно проукраїнську позицію, що дозволяє оцінювати перспективи подальшого розвитку стабільної співпраці між ними та Україною як надзвичайно високі та практично не залежні від електорального циклу. Відзначається, що найбільш послідовними партнерами України виступають праві політичні сили литовського "Союзу Вітчизни – Литовських християнських демократів" та естонської Партії Реформ. За своєю ідеологією вони є природними союзниками українських проєвропейських політичних партій. Крім цього, дружню позицію щодо України займають радикальні націоналісти з країн Балтії (естонська "Консервативна народна партія", латвійський "Національний Альянс"), для яких вона є природним союзником у протидії російській загрозі. Центристські та ліволіберальні партії з країн Балтії також демонструють солідарність з Україною в зовнішньополітичних питаннях. Звинувачення, які лунають в їхній бік щодо можливих зв'язків з Кремлем, зазвичай є елементом внутрішньополітичної боротьби, та не мають під собою реальних основ. Однак у країнах Балтії дійсно є політичні сили, які займають стійку проросійську позицію, та в деяких випадках навіть виступають на захист інтересів РФ в європейському політичному просторі, перетворюючись на елемент гібридної стратегії Кремля з внесення розбрату до нього. Найвпливовішою з них є латвійська партія "Злагода", яка в парламентах останніх скликань зберігає за собою найбільшу фракцію. Але відмова інших політичних сил вступати з нею у коаліцію демонструє токсичність таких поглядів для більшості електорату, тому її перспективи впливати на державну політику є незначними. У цілому, це дозволяє говорити про відсутність дієвих загроз єдності ключових акторів політичного середовища країн Балтії щодо підтримки України у боротьбі за незалежність та європейське майбутнє.

Issues of duplication of regular transit routes are of particular importance in the field of transport services provided to population and organisation of passenger transportation from the perspective of ensuring compliance with passengers needs for transportation and of the effects of route duplication on the technical, operational, and economic indicators of performance of these routes and the integral route network.In Russia duplication of regular routes within route networks emerged in the late 1990s – early 2000s in urban transit, other transit modes, and in interconnected transit. In the last decade, these routes have been increasingly subject to revision by local governments and executive bodies of federal constituent entities of the Russian Federation while solving transport planning problems and improving quality of transport services for the population.Evaluation of route duplication, as a rule, is carried out based on the route factor and the route duplication factor, the latter allows pairwise assessment of routes by the length of their overlapping segments.The objective of this article is to show incorrectness of the widespread technique and to present another approach that provides, in the author's opinion, the correct interpretation of the method for determining the route duplication rate. Achieving this objective is based on methods of theoretical research in the field of organising passenger transportation.In development of this logic, the author proposed a new method for determining the route duplication factor using route adjacency factor, which considers directions and volumes of passenger origin-destination flows. Comparison of existing and proposed approaches is given using simple examples. The results of calculations have confirmed the different nature of factors and the absence of a direct relationship between the needs of passengers for transportation by public transport and the length of adjacent sections of routes. The conclusion is made about probable expediency of using the second (author's) approach based on the route adjacency factor, which provides a correct solution to the stated transport planning problem. Besides, the possibility of using a new approach when performing diagnostics or designing route networks of different transport modes is shown both in relation to route matching and regarding their clusters and the entire route network. ; В сфере транспортного обслуживания населения и организации перевозок пассажиров вопросы дублирования маршрутов регулярных перевозок важны с точки зрения обеспечения их соответствия потребностям пассажиров в перевозках, а также их влияния на технико-эксплуатационные и экономические показатели работы этих маршрутов и маршрутной сети в целом.В России дублирование маршрутов регулярных перевозок получило интенсивное развитие в составе маршрутных сетей в конце 1990-х – начале 2000-х годов как в городском сообщении, так и в других видах сообщения и между ними. В последнее десятилетие эти маршруты всё чаще подвергаются ревизии со стороны органов местного самоуправления и субъектов Российской Федерации при решении задач транспортного планирования и повышения качества транспортного обслуживания населения.Оценка дублирования маршрутов, как правило, осуществляется на основе маршрутного коэффициента и показателя дублирования маршрутов, позволяющего попарно оценивать маршруты по длине их совпадающих участков.Цель настоящей статьи заключается в том, чтобы показать некорректность распространённой методики и представить другой подход, обеспечивающий, на взгляд автора, правильную интерпретацию способа определения показателя «дублирование маршрутов». Достижение поставленной цели основывается на методах теоретических исследований в области организации перевозок пассажиров.Предложен новый метод определения показателя дублирования маршрутов с использованием показателя смежности маршрутов, учитывающего направления и объёмы корреспонденций пассажиров. На простых примерах приведено сопоставление существующего и предлагаемого подходов. Результаты расчётов подтвердили разную природу методических подходов к формированию показателей и отсутствие прямой связи между потребностями пассажиров в перевозках на транспорте общего пользования и протяжённостью смежных участков маршрутов. Сделан вывод о целесообразности использования второго (авторского) подхода на основе показателя смежности маршрутов, который обеспечивает корректное решение искомой задачи транспортного планирования. Показана возможность применения нового подхода при выполнении диагностики или проектировании маршрутных сетей в различных видах сообщения как в отношении паросочетаний маршрутов, так и в отношении их «кустов» и всей маршрутной сети.

The subject of the article is the research of public procurement in the context of budget expenditures efficiency.The purpose of the article is to confirm or disprove hypothesis that public procurement planning is the basis of a strategic relationship with the budget process. Their symbiosis can minimize any negative manifestations of a financial, economic and socio-political nature, including the consequences of crisis situations such as a pandemic.The methodology. The authors analyze many Russian and western scientific articles and monographs from the point of view of the budget process and planning of public procurement.The main results, scope of application. Planning of public procurement should be considered not as a separate need of one specific customer or a separate group of customers, but as a set of public consumption of all possible and necessary resources. The opposite approach will inevitably lead to additional budget costs for the elimination of consequences (natural, technological, etc.), associated, first of all, with the lack of a proper and clear understanding of the essence of planning public procurement and public demand for goods, works, services). Proper and carefully balanced procurement planning for all public needs not only ensures the immunity of the budget process for the current and subsequent periods, but also constitutes the basis for the prospective rational use of renewable and non-renewable resources, both internal (national) and external (foreign). This article has significant scientific and practical value. The study focuses on the key problem of public procurement in Russia-the lack of interaction between procurement planning and the budget process, pointing to the identified shortcomings of legal regulation that do not allow to quickly adapt to situational changes from outside. It is proposed to consider the introduction of strategic procurement planning for 5-10 years, which will not only determine the basis for financing public procurement from the budget, but also predict the revenues of the relevant budget, more accurately and correctly prioritize funding needs.The findings of the study allowed the authors to formulate proposals and recommendations. Consideration of the planning of public procurement, taking into account the budgetary process, will make it possible to develop recommendations in terms of adjusting certain norms of Law No. 44-FZ, which would allow the most efficient use of budget funds, both planned in advance and urgent purchases.Conclusions. A global crisis reveals the most pressing problems of governance of any state. The crisis obliges the government of any country to promptly analyze and rebuild the regulatory framework for effective financial, economic, social and political management. De-spite numerous reforms the budget process in the Russian Federation has retained significant bureaucratic costs that do not allow for rapid delivery of budget funds to each customer. The urgent need for rapid reallocation of budget funds for additional and priority purchases has shown the imperfection of the legal regulation of public procurement planning, which should be radically restructured. Since public procurement planning as an integral part of budget expenditure is not actually related to its revenues, such planning should be carried out based on the customer's needs for goods, works, and services for a longer period, which will allow a more meaningful and responsible approach to the issue of effective budget spending and overall resource consumption. Digital technologies in public procurement planning allow you to quickly compare all items of the plan with those planned and completed earlier in order to avoid duplication (unjustified repetition) of a similar purchase. Planning of budget purchases is not only an effective expenditure of budget funds, but also an efficient (lean) consumption of resources, including non-renewable ones. ; Исследуется планирование закупок как основа стратегической взаимосвязи с бюджетным процессом, симбиоз которых способен минимизировать негативные проявления финансово-экономического характера, в том числе последствия таких кризисных ситуаций, как пандемия. Делаются выводы, что бюджетный процесс в России сохранил значительные бюрократические издержки, не позволяющие обеспечить оперативное доведение средств бюджета каждому заказчику; поскольку планирование публичных закупок как составная часть расходов бюджета по факту не взаимосвязана с его доходами, то такое планирование необходимо осуществлять исходя из потребностей заказчика в товарах, работах, услугах на более длительный период (5–10 лет).

The subject. The modern world is constantly changing, which makes it necessary to update the means and methods of legal regulation of public relations. Moreover, these relations themselves are changing, new areas of public relations are emerging, for which it is necessary to create a legal framework. The sphere of financial and legal regulation is no exception. The most important issue, which has been on the agenda of the international community for several years, is the development of the digital economy. The legal realities of digitalization largely determine what place the Russian economy will occupy in the emerging global digital market. It is necessary to develop a comprehensive legal concept that allows ensuring compliance with the fiscal interests of the state in the context of digital transformation. In this regard, the transformation of tax relations and their legal regulation is particularly important.Purpose of the study. The article is devoted to the transformation of the legal regulation of tax relations in the digital economy. In order for Russian financial and legal regulation to contribute to an effective response to the challenges posed by digitalization, it is necessary to develop a comprehensive legal concept that allows ensuring compliance with the fiscal interests of the state in the context of digital transformation. In this regard, the transformation of tax relations and their legal regulation is of particular importance.Methodology. The research was carried out with the application of the formally legal interpretation of legal acts as well as the comparative analysis of Russian and European legal literature. Structural and systemic methods are also the basis of the research. The main results. The necessity to develop legal solutions in the field of taxation of the digital economy is determined by the focus on legal support for the stability of financial and legal regulation and the principle of certainty of taxation. In these circumstances, it is important to implement the control function of financial law. The need to ensure compliance with the fiscal interests of the state, both at present and in the long term, requires the transformation of essential approaches to the legal regulation of the system of taxes and fees, the principles and elements of taxation, tax administration and tax control. In this regard, it is proposed to provide for special rules for calculating and paying income tax on foreign digital companies and, in parallel, to expand tax incentives for Russian companies.Сonclusions. The authors come to the conclusion that the actual scientific task is to develop a methodological position on the directions of reforming the national tax legislation and the international tax doctrine of the Russian Federation in the context of the digital transformation of public relations. According to the results of the study, it is concluded that it is necessary to ensure compliance with the fiscal interests of the state. This requires the transformation of essential approaches to the legal regulation of tax relations, both in the context of determining the appropriate legal forms for regulating the tax base levied in Russia in the context of the emerging digital economy, and for influencing international tax policy in order to use all the advantages provided by international tax cooperation and neutralize the threats caused by international tax competition. ; Рассматривается трансформация правового регулирования налоговых отношений в условиях цифровой экономики. Актуальной научной задачей объявляется выработка методологической позиции относительно направлений реформирования национального налогового законодательства и международной налоговой доктрины Российской Федерации в условиях цифровой трансформации общественных отношений. По итогам исследования делается вывод о необходимости обеспечения соблюдения фискальных интересов государства, что требует трансформации сущностных подходов к правовому регулированию налоговых отношений как в контексте определения надлежащих правовых форм для регламентации налоговой базы, облагаемой в России, в условиях формирующегося цифрового уклада экономики, так и для воздействия на международную налоговую политику с целью использования всех преимуществ, предоставляемых международной налоговой кооперацией, и нейтрализации угроз, вызываемых международной налоговой конкуренцией. В этой связи предлагается предусмотреть специальные правила исчисления и уплаты налога на прибыль иностранных цифровых компаний и параллельно расширять меры налогового стимулирования российских компаний.

The integrated fiducial cross-section and unfolded differential jet mass spectrum of high transverse momentum Z→bbdecays are measured in Zγevents in proton–proton collisions at √s=13TeV. The data analysed were collected between 2015 and 2016 with the ATLAS detector at the Large Hadron Collider and correspond to an integrated luminosity of 36.1fb−1. Photons are required to have a transverse momentum pT>175GeV. The Z→bbdecay is reconstructed using a jet with pT>200GeV, found with the anti-ktR =1.0jet algorithm, and groomed to remove soft and wide-angle radiation and to mitigate contributions from the underlying event and additional proton–proton collisions. Two different but related measurements are performed using two jet grooming definitions for reconstructing the Z→bbdecay: trimming and soft drop. These algorithms differ in their experimental and phenomenological implications regarding jet mass reconstruction and theoretical precision. To identify Zbosons, b-tagged R =0.2track-jets matched to the groomed large-Rcalorimeter jet are used as a proxy for the b-quarks. The signal yield is determined from fits of the data-driven background templates to the different jet mass distributions for the two grooming methods. Integrated fiducial cross-sections and unfolded jet mass spectra for each grooming method are compared with leading-order theoretical predictions. The results are found to be in good agreement with Standard Model expectations within the current statistical and systematic uncertainties. ; ANPCyT ; YerPhI, Armenia ; Australian Research Council ; BMWFW, Austria ; Austrian Science Fund (FWF) ; Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS) ; SSTC, Belarus ; National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) ; Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP) ; Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC) ; Canada Foundation for Innovation ; National Natural Science Foundation of China (NSFC) ; Departamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación Colciencias ; Ministry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech Republic Czech Republic Government ; Czech Republic Government ; DNRF, Denmark ; Danish Natural Science Research Council ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) ; CEA-DRF/IRFU, France ; Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF) ; Max Planck Society ; Greek Ministry of Development-GSRT ; RGC, China ; Israel Science Foundation ; Benoziyo Center, Israel ; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ; CNRST, Morocco ; RCN, Norway ; Ministry of Science and Higher Education, Poland ; NCN, Poland ; Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology European Commission ; MNE/IFA, Romania ; MESTD, Serbia ; MSSR, Slovakia ; Slovenian Research Agency - Slovenia ; MIZS, Slovenia ; Spanish Government ; SRC, Sweden ; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden ; SNSF Geneva, Switzerland ; Ministry of Science and Technology, Taiwan ; Ministry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey ; UK Research & Innovation (UKRI) Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) ; National Science Foundation (NSF) ; BCKDF, Canada ; Beijing Municipal Science & Technology Commission ; European Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) ; European Commission ; Horizon 2020 and Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, European Union ; French National Research Agency (ANR) ; German Research Foundation (DFG) ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Greek NSRF, Greece ; BSF-NSF, Israel ; German-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development ; La Caixa Banking Foundation, Spain ; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya, Spain ; PROMETEO and GenT Programmes Generalitat Valenciana, Spain ; Goran Gustafssons Stiftelse, Sweden ; Royal Society of London ; Leverhulme Trust ; NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden) ; KIT/GridKA (Germany) ; INFN-CNAF (Italy) ; ASGC (Taiwan) ; BNL (USA) ; NRC, Canada ; ANID, Chile ; Chinese Academy of Sciences ; Ministry of Science and Technology, China ; SRNSFG, Georgia ; HGF, Germany ; Hong Kong SAR, China ; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) Netherlands Government ; JINR ; MES of Russia ; NRC KI ; Russian Federation ; DST/NRF, South Africa ; SERI, Geneva, Switzerland ; Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland ; Canarie, Canada ; Compute Canada, Canada ; CRC Canada ; IVADO, Canada ; European Research Council (ERC) European Commission ; EU-ESF, Greece ; ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada) ; CC-IN2P3 (France) ; Netherlands Government ; PIC (Spain) ; RAL (UK)

The Problem setting. General globalization processes on the European continent and the aggressive actions of individual States caused a radical revision of the system of ensuring national security of Ukraine, which transformed in the direction of Euro-Atlantic integration. Dramatic geopolitical changes of the last decade, the military-political confrontation with the Russian Federation radically transformed the whole organization of international relations established after the Second world war. Therefore, the problem of ensuring national security is our country in modern conditions a special, unprecedented, value.Recent research and publications analysis. The availability of scientific publications allows us to conclude that the research of the designated problems is carried out mainly within the framework of political and economic science. Attempts holistic philosophical understanding of the nature and determinants of the direction of development of Ukrainian society in the Euro-Atlantic area are insufficient. Paper objective. The purpose of this article is to attempt a philosophical understanding of the need for Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine in the context of ensuring its national security. Paper main body. Ukraine is becoming a more active player in international relations due to its geopolitical position. Modern Ukraine plays an extremely important role in the development of political and economic cooperation on the European continent and in adjacent areas, providing in conditions of extreme military and information aggressive activity of Russia regional stability and security. For Ukraine, the issue of Euro-Atlantic choice is not rhetorical. History cites many vivid examples that clearly demonstrate that their historical-cultural and mental sources Ukraine has always belonged to the transatlantic space. In the foreign policy priorities of our state, this selection occupies a special place. The modern foreign political course of Ukraine for Euro-Atlantic integration implies the desire to become part of the most efficient and effective collective security system, with clear guarantees of their own security. The intensification of European integration processes means more intensive inclusion of Ukraine in international cooperation for conflict and counter the latest threats in the security sphere. The main directions of ensuring national security in the sphere of international cooperation is integration into the international system of security and cooperation on prevention of illegal actions in the sphere of security. The article highlights how obvious the prospects and benefits of Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine and its possible risks and threats to national security.Conclusions of the research. Despite the fact that a full-fledged member of the Euro-Atlantic space in the short and even medium term, Ukraine will not be able to become, it can significantly increase cooperation with the countries of the West, which will greatly enhance her chances and accelerate the pace of integration. The course of Euro-Atlantic integration is not limited to declarations and statements. This is a concrete, planned, multi-faceted activity. Being interconnected and interdependent, the problems of security and development of modern society require a comprehensive study because of their joint decisions determine the future as a separate country and humanity in General. ; В статье делается попытка философского осмысления необходимости евроатлантической интеграции для Украины в контексте обеспечения ее национальной безопасности. Европейский вектор отечественного государственного развития рассматривается как один из базовых объектов национальной безопасности Украины. Обосновывается, что евроатлантический выбор – это единственный приемлемый путь магистрального развития Украины, соответствующий ее национальным интересам, желанию народа обеспечить свое надежное безопасное будущее. Выделены как вполне очевидные перспективы и преимущества евроатлантической интеграции Украины, так и ее возможные риски и угрозы для национальной безопасности. ; У статті робиться спроба філософського осмислення необхідності євроатлантичної інтеграції для України в контексті забезпечення її національної безпеки. Європейський вектор вітчизняного державотворення розглядається як один з базових об'єктів національної безпеки України. Обґрунтовується, що євроатлантичний вибір – це єдиний прийнятний шлях магістрального розвитку України, який відповідає її національним інтересам, бажанню народу забезпечити своє надійне безпечне майбутнє. Виокремлені як цілком очевидні перспективи та переваги євроатлантичної інтеграції України, так і її можливі ризики та загрози для національної безпеки.