Suchergebnisse

Published also as Johns Hopkins university studies in historical and political science, series XLI, no.2. ; Vita. ; Thesis (Ph. D.)--Johns Hopkins university, 1922. ; Bibliographical footnotes. ; Mode of access: Internet.

THE YEAR 1989 SAW LONGSTANDING KASHMIRI DEMANDS FOR AUTONOMY TRANSFORMED INTO CALLS FOR FREEDOM FROM THE INDIAN STATE. KASHMIR'S TRADITIONAL LEADERS WERE REPLACED BY THE YOUNGER GENERATION WHOSE APPEAL DERIVED FROM THE MOVEMENT'S SUCCESSES IN CHALLENGING THE INDIAN STATE AND FROM ITS PURSUANCE OF THE GOAL OF SELF-DETERMINATION FOR THE PEOPLE OF KASHMIR. SINCE THEN THE MOVEMENT HAS NOT ONLY MAINTAINED A SOLID MOMENTUM IN THE VALLEY ITSELF BUT IT HAS ALSO SPREAD TO THE THREE MUSLIM-MAJORITY DISTRICTS OF THE JAMMU REGION. THIS PAPER ARGUES THAT THE FAILURE OF THE INDIAN STATE TO ACCOMMODATE THE STATE-SPONSORED NATIONALISM WITH THE INFORMAL KASHMIRI NATIONALISM HAS RESULTED IN THE RISE OF ANTISTATE STRUCTURES. THESE STRUCTURES REMAINED SILENT FOR FOUR DECADES DUE TO THE PURSUANCE OF TWO SPECIFIC STATE STRATEGIES: THE REPRESSION OF A LEGITIMATE DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION AND THE PURSUANCE OF PATRONAGE POLITICS. IT IS SUGGESTED THAT ALTHOUGH THESE STRATEGIES ENSURE THE MAINTENANCE OF THE POLITICAL POWER AND MATERIAL SECURITY OF THE POWER HOLDERS OVER A LIMITED PERIOD OF TIME, IF UNACCOMPANIED BY ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT THEY QUICKLY REACH A SATURATION POINT. IN SUCH AN OVERPOLITICIZED STATE, BOTH THE POWER HOLDERS AND THE DISENCHANTED MASSES RESORT TO OVERT POLITICAL VIOLENCE.

This study uses the concepts of national and state identity to examine Turkey's domestic and international politics and explain how the country's position in the international system has changed over the last ten years. State identity is understood as the end result of a transformed national identity, linking both domestic and international levels.

AbstractIn this article, we create, validate, and analyze new dynamic measures of state partisanship, state policy mood, and state political ideology. The measures of partisanship and policy mood begin in 1956 and the measure of ideology begins in 1976. Our approach uses the advantages of two leading techniques for measuring state public opinion—multilevel regression and poststratification (MRP) and survey aggregation. The resulting estimates are based on nearly 500 different surveys with a total of more than 740,000 respondents. After validating our measures, we show that during the last half century, policy preferences in the states have shifted in important and sometimes surprising ways. For example, we find that differences in political attitudes across time can be as important as differences across states.

This article focuses on the case of Germany to demonstrate how the lens of 'uneven and combined development' (U&CD) can help critical scholars of Global Political Economy (GPE) make sense of a worldwide but nationally specific movement towards an augmented role for the state in the regulation of capitalism. The first section finds that the prevailing comparative-institutional literature suffers from a narrow conception of the international environment in which the German political economy is drifting in the direction of its main organisational rival – US-style neoliberalism. By contrast, the second section shows that the alternative lens of U&CD provides a richer picture of the systemic forces experienced by German state actors: they flow from a technologically leading US as well as a leapfrogging China, they increase competition but also present commercial opportunities, and they do not point towards freer markets but rather novel forms of state intervention that are best explored as a creative, if contested, process of 're-combination'. The third section details the structural, strategic and institutional reasons for why the German state cannot emulate either the US or China. It concludes that – in lieu of strong support from capital and labour and independent state capacities like the Chinese party apparatus or the US military-industry complex – German attempts to expand the remit of the state follow a substitutive process of 'bricolage' that patches together foreign and domestic techniques and a motley of special interests.

OBJECTIVE: To synthesize the literature on associations between social determinants of health and pregnancy-related mortality and morbidity in the US and to highlight opportunities for intervention and future research. DATA SOURCES: We performed a systematic search using Medline Ovid, CINAHL, Popline, Scopus and ClinicalTrials.gov (1990–2018) using MeSH terms related to maternal mortality, morbidity, and social determinants of health, and limited to the United States. METHODS OF STUDY SELECTION: Selection criteria included studies examining associations between social determinants and adverse maternal outcomes including pregnancy-related death, severe maternal morbidity, and emergency hospitalizations or readmissions. Using Covidence, three authors screened abstracts and two screened full articles for inclusion. TABULATION, INTEGRATION, AND RESULTS: Two authors extracted data from each article and the data were analyzed using a descriptive approach. A total of 83 studies met inclusion criteria and were analyzed. Seventy eight out of 83 studies examined socioeconomic position or individual factors as predictors, demonstrating evidence of associations between minority race and ethnicity (58/67 studies with positive findings), public or no insurance coverage (21/30), and lower education levels (8/12) and increased incidence of maternal death and severe maternal morbidity. Only 2/83 studies investigated associations between these outcomes and socioeconomic, political and cultural context (e.g. public policy); and 20/83 studies investigated material and physical circumstances (e.g. neighborhood environment, segregation), limiting the diversity of social determinants of health studied as well as evaluation of such evidence. CONCLUSION: Empirical studies provide evidence for the role of race and ethnicity, insurance, and education in pregnancy-related mortality and severe maternal morbidity risk, although many other important social determinants, including mechanisms of effect, remain to be studied in greater depth.

The demonopolization of the regalian functions is mainly studied from the perspective of both European Union with the process of shared soverignty, and the presence of private contractors in public security. The idea of local authorities' involvment in this demonopolization process isn't obvious at first sight. In theory, local authorities and regalian functions are mutually exclusive. Those functions are intimately linked with the sovereignty and are entitled to be monopolized by the State. As the unique titular of the sovereignty, he is the only one able to enforce them. On the contrary, local authorities can't interfere in those functions because they don't posses any part of the sovereignty. This exclusion if guaranteed by the fact that the rules of local authorities originate of the State. Normally, those two concepts are opposed.However, they both go through important evolutions in the recent period. The monopolization of regalian functions by the State knows an increasing numbers of exceptions. Other entities than him are enforcing in his regalian functons as the acknwoledgement of their demonopolization arise. From their end, local authorities are continually strenghten by the decentralization process, especially since 1982-1983. The growth of their means, their jurisdiction and their influence have made them inevitable in the enforcement of public policies. Furthermore, those policies are drawned by the local areas and the comprehensive approach they seek favor the presence of local authorities in the regalian functionDespite theoritical apparences, those authorities have never beean totally excluded of the regalian functions, some historical forms of participation, under State's control, are persistant. The decentralization process have increased interactions between regalian functions and local authorities, although it is still considered to be a borderline. Nowadays, their participation to their enforcement is growing under various forms with the State authorization. But, in certains cases, they go ...

There is an important but underappreciated ambiguity in Hobbes' concept of personhood. In one sense, persons are representatives or actors. In the other sense, persons are representees or characters. An estate agent is a person in the first sense; her client is a person in the second. This ambiguity is crucial for understanding Hobbes' claim that the state is a person. Most scholars follow the first sense of 'person', which suggests that the state is a kind of actor – in modern terms, a 'corporate agent'. I argue that Hobbes' state is a person only in the second sense: a character rather than an actor. If there are any primitive corporate agents in Hobbes' political thought, they are representative assemblies, not states or corporations. Contemporary political theorists and philosophers tend to miss what is unique and valuable about Hobbes' idea of state personality because they project the idea of corporate agency onto it.

The impact of EU rules on Luxembourg's return policies and practices is substantial. This is not least a result of the transposition of Directive 2008/115/EC on return into national law by the Law of 1 July 2011, which was then further developed through amendments in 2014 following the conclusions of the European Commission that Luxembourg was not fully in line with the directive. With regards to the European Commission Recommendation of 7th March 2017 'on making returns more effective when implementing the Directive 2008/115/EC', Luxembourg did not introduce any specific legal or policy change. Most of the referenced provisions already form part of the national legal and/or policy framework. The government's efforts to conclude and apply readmission agreements with third-countries to better organise returns have continued throughout 2016. The Benelux Member States concluded a readmission agreement and a protocol of implementation with the Republic of Kazakhstan on 2 March 2015, which was approved by Law of 31 August 2016. As a result of the relatively high influx of asylum-seekers in 2015/2016, a backlog in the processing of applications for international protection occurred and could only be properly addressed by the Refugees and Return Department of the Directorate of Immigration through an increase and a reorganisation of its administrative staff. On the other side, the impact of the migration situation 2015/2016 did not significantly affect the functioning of the Detention Centre nor its maximum occupation limits. However, the Detention Centre took over the management of the SHUK (Structure d'hébergement d'urgence Kirchberg) a new semi-open facility established for Dublin cases (single men) with a view of transferring them to the responsible Member State. Although vulnerable groups are generally not detained in Luxembourg, the permitted period of detention of families with children was recently (March 2017) extended from 72 hours to 7 days with a view to enhancing the organisation of their return. The controversial extension through law amendment was largely criticised by civil society organisations and hence debated in parliament. The definition of guarantees to avoid the risk of absconding remains a major challenge in the field of return and (alternatives to) detention. In most cases, the applicant fails to provide evidence enabling the reversal of the legal presumption of the existence of a risk of absconding, allowing the Minister to use a detention measure instead of another less coercive measure. As long as the concerned third-country national is unable to indicate a fixed address of stay (reception facilities are not taken into account), the competent authorities cannot rule out the existence of a risk of absconding. The practical implementation of 'home custody' as an alternative to detention is therefore considered problematic, with most potential candidates not having a fixed address in Luxembourg. The substantial amount of the financial guarantee, 5.000€, make it also difficult to practically implement release on bail as an alternative. Although the Law foresees the possibility of combining home custody with electronic surveillance, the electronic tag has not yet been implemented.

Report of the Texas State Auditor's Office related to determining if agencies pay Human Resources Directors at a competitive rate based on agency complexity, and determining if state agencies pay human resources staff appropriately based on job classification with a statewide comparison of positions performing similar work.