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During 2009-2011, Chinese writings on South Korea and the history of the Korean nation grew more somber in tone. They widened the national identity gap at the same time the gap was being widened with the United States and Japan. Views of successive periods grew more negative. Chinese authors wrote that Koreans should look back with gratitude rather than resentment at having been China's neighbor in premodern times. They sided with North Korea and Roh Moo-hyun in their stress on insufficient South Korean vigilance in dealing with collaborators and the legacy of Japan's occupation. Mainstream Chinese coverage of the Korean War ignores who invaded and why in order to emphasize the US entry into the war as an imperialist aggressor and China's just involvement. The legacy of the anticommunism of the Cold War era is deemed to persist after both the democratization of South Korea and the normalization with Chin a that followed. Thus, history pervades Chinese writings on South Korea. North Korea fares much better by comparison. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

Cover -- Endorsement Page -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- Credits List -- Preface -- References -- Introduction -- References -- Chapter One: "The Feminine Unconscious" -- The Patriarchal Myth -- Problems of Data Collection -- The Primary Feminine Experience -- References -- Chapter Two: The Therapist's Maternal Capacity -- Who is mother? -- How do men mother? -- The pre-representational transference -- The pre-representational countertransference -- Sarah, a case study -- References -- Chapter Three: Clytemnestra: A Mythical Madness -- The Oresteia -- References -- Chapter Four: The Old Testament: Mother as Womb -- References -- Chapter Five: Old Testament Remnants in Psychoanalysis -- Biblical Narrative -- Structure over Personal -- Castration, Circumcision and the Male Body as Prototype -- Compassion versus Appropriation -- References -- Chapter Six: Quilters: Remnants of Women's Lives -- References -- Chapter Seven: Relational Theory and the "Absent Presence" -- References -- Chapter Eight: The Maternal Body in Psychoanalysis -- References -- Chapter Nine: A Theory of Matricide -- References -- Chapter Ten: The Case of Tina -- When the Political Becomes Personal -- References -- Chapter Eleven: If the Ego is a Body Ego… -- Chapter Twelve: Maternal Grief/Maternal Madness -- References -- Chapter Thirteen: Time Out of Mind: Dissociation in the Virtual World -- A Virtual Tsunami -- Internet Use and the Development of the Self -- Time Out of Mind -- Timmy-The Boy Who Lived in Toontown -- Casey and the House People -- Discussion -- References -- Chapter Fourteen: Maternal Trauma -- References -- Chapter Fifteen: The Dissociated Maternal Self -- References -- Chapter Sixteen: Mother: An Eternal Enigma -- Reference -- Chapter Seventeen: Resolutions -- References -- Index.

Reprinted from "Studies in Southern history and politics." New York, 1914. ; Cover-title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

It is of particular concern that despite slavery being abolished in international law with a clear international legal framework existing (ILO Conventions, Slavery Convention, Supplementary Convention and Palermo Protocols) which criminalises slave labour and human trafficking and imposes duties on state actors, these practices are condoned by both state and non-state actors. The world of sports for instance, is a lucrative industry generating a significant level of income, which sometimes exceeds states' GDP. The FIFA world cup is the biggest sporting event that oversees countries bidding to host. The benefits to a host country include tourism, creation of jobs, accommodation and transport infrastructure. Qatar will be hosting the next world cup in 2022 and have come under intense scrutiny and criticism for abusive labour practices. Recording 185 Nepalese deaths in Qatar in 2013 while building world cup infrastructure, an estimation of the death of 4000 migrant workers before the launch of the word cup. FIFA's mission to build a better future for all through football has been questioned while Qatar officials echoed the outrage stirred by media reports expressing shock at the deplorable conditions migrant workers have been subjected to. In collaboration with the International Labour Organisation (ILO), Qatar has agreed to oversee reform with enforcement mechanisms in place to ensure maximum protection for over 2 million migrant workers, with the ultimate aim of scrapping this exploitative system of sponsored labour. Although Qatar has duties under international law and has to report to the United Nations and the ILO, the question is whether oversight can be exercised over international sports organisations where main actors/stakeholders such as FIFA are captured under this framework. FIFA was prompted to take action on particular issues and to take an active stance against certain abusive labour practices, which prevail in Qatar. This paper is contributing to the ever-increasing debate that in a globalised society, we need to move away from the state-centred focus of international law and move towards creating legal frameworks that capture non-state actors, creating binding obligations on them. This paper provides an insight into practices condoned by states, which create avenues for the perpetration of this transnational crime. With a growing discourse on the emergence of modern slavery and human trafficking on the political and legislative agenda, and with human trafficking estimated to generate billions in illicit proceeds, this discussion re-ignites the debate that activities of state and non-state actors need to fall within the sphere of international law in combatting modern slavery and human trafficking.

The title of this article may promise too much. First, this article will limit itself only to the problems of Socialist states in universal, worldwide organizations, not in all kinds of international organizations, as the title implies. Second, the wording of the title may incorrectly suggest that the unique economic, social, and ideological characteristics of the Socialist system determine the nature of Socialist participation in international organizations. In fact, however, Socialist states act much as other states in their relations with international organizations. Third, the title and content of the article may imply that all Socialist states behave identically in regard to international organizations. It seems necessary, therefore, to emphasize that treating the Socialist states as a group is merely a recognition of the greater community of interests and higher degree of cohesion within the group than between members of the group and states outside it. There remain, however, different viewpoints on some issues among members of the group. Membership in the group may be formal, e.g., participation in a caucusing group, or informal, e.g., sharing in a feeling of responsibility for the welfare of the Socialist world. A formulation of the general attitudes of the Socialist group consists in setting forth policies which result from similar or common economic and social systems, ideology, interdependence, and, last but not least, dangers. In the author's opinion the relevance of establishing and recognizing diese common attitudes despite individual deviations cannot be denied.

Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and the state contribute considerably to the unique state of Caribbean politics, yet their relationship is turbulent, which prevents effective policymaking. Specifically, the problem this study addressed is the turbulent relationship between NGOs and the state in Trinidad and Tobago from a postinternational framework. The purpose of this research was to provide an explanation of the NGO-state relationship through the postinternational concepts of turbulence and distant proximities using a qualitative research approach.

"Note by the editors" (p. 63) signed: Chauncey F. Black, Samuel B. Smith. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Signature of Jno. W. Daniel on fly-leaf.

AbstractOver the last 10 years, a great deal of research has been conducted in what had been a neglected field—state legislative campaign finance. Much of this research is motivated by concerns about the impact of money on democracy in state legislative elections. This essay reviews that work critically, looking particularly at studies of spending levels, campaign contributions and fundraising, spending and voting, and campaign finance reform. Comparing campaign finance systems across the states facilitates theory building, provides empirical leverage with which to test hypotheses developed at the congressional level, and allows us to test the efficacy of campaign finance reforms.

Since 1978 China has been undergoing a dual process of:– systemic transformation from a centrally-planned state-command economic model to a market-based open economic model, and– the acceleration of socio-economic development to become a high income economy.This article argues that to accelerate economic growth in the transformational period, China has been following the provisions of the Post-Socialist Developmental (PSDS) model. This model fuses two processes: post-socialist economic transformation (PST) and the establishment of the developmental state (DS). Historically, the DS model is believed to be the systemic, institutional and policy arrangement responsible for spectacular civilizational advancements of East Asian economies in the second half of the twentieth century.In effect China is attempting to imitate its developmentally successful neighbours, in particular, Japan and Korea, despite being significantly different in terms of its capacity and historical-institutional experiences. It does so by introducing economic nationalism as the paramount state ideology, by creating a central economic bureaucracy to guide reforms, by keeping planning as an important state instrument, and, foremost, by maintaining a strong and authoritarian state in charge of development and keeping the society relatively weak, nevertheless engaging it in the process of policy creation. At the same time the PSDS model's implementation results in the state's preference for a gradual path of systemic reformulation.Moreover, China's economic policies resemble the economic policies of Japan and Korea. The industrial policy is focused on targeting certain sectors and industrial production is, to a large extent, aimed at export. The state utilises market distortive instruments in its policy of international economic expansion.Even the current efforts at economic liberalization by the administration of president Xi Jinping are not aimed at dislocating the PSDS principles. In fact, many recent institutional and organizational changes prove that the state's leadership is willing to continue its PSDSdetermined path. Moreover, external and internal factors contribute to this conviction; hence China's interventionist state will prevail in the foreseeable future.

There is a need to evaluate entrepreneurial education programs (EEPs) to see the impact they have on a country's development. Previous work has focused mostly on entrepreneurial intentions, mainly in a university context. Additionally, literature reviews on the impact of entrepreneurial education have not yet been conclusive, mainly due to the use of subjective indicators and a low consideration of objective indicators. The purpose of this article is to respond to some of these challenges. Specifically, this study used an objective indicator, Total Early-Stage Entrepreneurial Activity (TEA), in a non-university context. A database was created that included programs categorized by autonomous communities. The analysis showed that EEPs significantly influenced the entrepreneurial activity of autonomous communities. This implies that entrepreneurial education should be a prioritized objective in the educational policy of these communities. The recommendations derived from these results are, among others, to promote role models, continue supporting the financing of entrepreneurial initiatives through education and training, continue implementing government policies to support entrepreneurship, and carry out evaluations on the impact that these programs have on skills acquired in the short and medium terms, as well as their maintenance over time.

The objective of Scott Pegg's book is to examine the role of the de facto state in the

international system. The book begins with a description of quasi-states, entities defined as

ineffective states that possess internationally recognized sovereignty as indicated by membership

in the United Nations. The de facto state, by contrast, is a political movement that possesses

substantial control over a specified territory and population but lacks recognition of its

sovereignty by the international community. As expressed by Pegg, "The quasi-state is

legitimate no matter how ineffective it is. . . . The de facto state, on the other hand, is a

functioning reality that is denied legitimacy by the rest of international society" (p. 5).