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ONE APPROACH TO INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY, EXEMPLIFIED BY THE WRITINGS OF ROBERT KEOHANE AND JOSEPH NYE, IS CONCERNED WITH IDENTIFYING THOSE CONDITIONS MOST LIKELY TO GENERATE CO-OPERATION AMONG STATES. INITIALLY LABELLED THE TRANSNATIONAL ACTOR APPROACH, IT RECOGNIZES TWO FACTORS AS PARTICULARLY CONDUCIVE FOR EXPANDING INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERATION: THE DIFFUSION OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY AND THE EXISTENCE OF INSTITUTIONS PARTICULARLY NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS (NGOS). THE APPROACH PROVIDES A CRITIQUE OF THE CLASSIC REALIST SCHOOL WHICH ASSERTS THAT STATES ARE LIKELY TO BE CONSTRAINED FROM CO-OPERATION BY THE ANARCHIC CONDITION CHARACTERISTIC OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. THIS ESSAY WILL SHOW THAT INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL REGULATION ILLUSTRATES THE CLASSIC PROBLEM INHERENT IN FORGING COLLABORATIVE POLICIES IN A WORLD OF SOVEREIGN STATES. HOWEVER, THROUGH A DISCUSSION OF THE DEBT-NATURE SWAPS THAT FOLLOWS, EVIDENCE IS PRESENTED TO SHOW THAT THE PROCESSES IDENTIFIED BY KEOHANE AND NYE ARE INDEED AT WORK IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. THUS THE INNOVATION OF DEBT-NATURE SWAPS PROVIDES SOME MEANS FOR OVERCOMING ONE MAJOR POLITICAL OBSTACLE TO INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL REGULATION EVEN THOUGH THE IMPETUS FOR THE AGREEMENTS HAS COME LARGELY FROM NGOS.

As colonial rule in the Congo neared its end, western conservationists grew concerned about the potential collapse of the national parks left behind by Belgium. However, despite half a decade of political turmoil following independence, the nature reserves in the central African country survived. The Second Republic under Mobutu then ushered in a new era for the parks. Lobbied by international conservationists, the autocrat authorized harsh repressive measures against 'intruders' and established four new national parks. This created or exacerbated conflicts that still breed violence today. Drawing on archival documents from leading conservation organizations, this article examines the evolution of the Congo's nature protection regime during the crucial 15 years following independence. Thus, it contributes to a growing body of studies critically assessing the role of nongovernmental organizations in shaping contemporary Africa. As I will demonstrate in this article, some international experts swiftly recognized decolonization as an opportunity. To promote authoritarian measures in the parks, they exploited nationalist sentiments and the Mobutu regime's quest for international recognition. Consequently, violence became further normalized as a means of conservation in the Congo.

The article deals with the issue of the process and results of the selection of the main accused for trials at the International Military Tribunal and the International Military Tribunal for the Far East. The evolution of the criteria that formed the basis of such selection is traced. It is shown that the official or unofficial position of a person in the system of the fascist state or Hitler's inner circle was appeared as the first criterion for the selection of the accused. The second criterion proposed was the actual possibility of trying such a person in his presence. The third criterion was the principle of the impossibility of establishing an exact geographical framework for these crimes. Finally, the criterion for the representation of various sectors of the state machine of Nazi Germany and militaristic Japan is singled out. The article also analyzes the criteria that were initially considered acceptable, but which were abandoned at a later stage in the preparation of the indictments. Concludes that the experience of the IMT and the IMTFE in the selection of accused remains relevant for modern bodies of international criminal justice.

Terrorism is used to intimidate the civilian population, influence government policies, and influence the organization of the state by means of kidnappings and killings. The terminology of terrorism itself is actually nothing new, until now terrorism remains an actual thing and continues to grow. Its development is in line with the development of human thought, science and technology and the development of high human movement between countries. These acts of terrorism are a global issue that affects the political policies of all countries in the world, making it a starting point for the perception to fight terrorism as an international enemy. In the War on Terror, the U.S. government is committing an "armed attack" against Afghanistan, with the aim of "self-defense" under article 51 of the U.N. Charter. The war on terror has raised new problems in International Humanitarian Law. The purpose of the study was to determine the status of terrorists in war on terror and understand the relevance of International Humanitarian Law in the context of the Global War on Terror imposed by the United States.Keywords: Humanitarian Law, Terrorism, War on Terror

After the cold war era the United Nations organization was formed for the purposes of maintaining international peace and security. Closely after the formation of the organization the convention for the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide came into force as the first legal document to articulate the definition of the term 'genocide'. Viewed as a serious crime under international law, the contracting parties unanimously agree to suppress acts of genocide not only within their national jurisdiction but also within the international community as a whole. As a party to both the United Nations and the genocide convention, Sudan bears the primary responsibility to fulfill her obligation by protecting its citizens including the Darfur indigenes from acts of human rights violation that could possibly amount to genocide. This paper debates on the contemplation as to whether or not genocide actually materialized in the Darfur conflict. In conclusion, the paper decent that genocide occurred in Darfur and the perpetrators in the name of the Sudanese government and its allies the janjaweed militias should be held accountable for such acts. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n9p51

Russland hat in der Krim zunächst vollendete Tatsachen geschaffen. Im Westen erntet Präsident Putin dafür nicht nur Kritik, sondern auch erstaunlich viel Akzeptanz. Zwei deutsche Altbundeskanzler äußerten Verständnis für sein Vorgehen. Diese Verständnisrhetorik ist vollkommen fehl am Platz, mahnt Jana Puglierin, lässt sie doch außer Acht, welch verheerende Folgen der Streit um die Krim für die internationale Politik nach sich zieht.

In this paper I propose a novel account of international law as a subset of international political argument, in turn understood as a practice of deliberative discourse. I draw on a Habermasian communicative framework to integrate legal and political argument, facilitating a more nuanced and more plausible understanding of how international law and politics interact. Through a detailed examination of two historical cases from the rst decade of the Northern Ireland con ict, involving the United Nations and the European Convention on Human Rights respectively, I illustrate three key dimensions of this framework: the relation between legal and political argument; the relation between domestic and international argument; and the distinction between strategic and communicative uses of legal argument.

Examines national laws providing for amnesty and pardons for offences against human rights and their relation to military justice and states of emergency; compatibility of national impunity laws with obligations of international criminal law.

Real incomes are routinely compared internationally using methods that "correct" for deviations from purchasing power parity. The most widely used of these is the Geary method which, though theoretically suspect, underlies the Penn World Table. This paper provides a theoretical foundation for the Geary method which I call the GAIA ("Geary-Allen International Accounts") system. I show that the Geary method is exact when preferences are non-homothetic Leontief and, more generally, gives a (possibly poor) approximation to the GAIA benchmark. An empirical application suggests that both it and other widely used methods underestimate the degree of international inequality.