Suchergebnisse

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- List of Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Justice in a Complex World: An Introduction -- Part I Human Rights and the World Economy: Questions of Scope -- 2 The (Difficult) Universality of Economic and Social Rights -- 3 Economic Justice and the Minimally Good Human Life Account of Needs -- Part II The Applicability of Global Principles - Some Contemporary Dilemmas -- 4 Toward Another Kind of Development Practice -- 5 Three Approaches to Global Health Care Justice: Rejecting the Positive/Negative Rights Distinction -- 6 Restitution and Distributive Justice -- Part III Justice and International Institutions -- 7 Narrow Versus Comprehensive Justification in Humanitarian Aid: A Case Study of the CERF -- 8 Global Justice and the Mission of the European Union -- Index

With oil accounting for roughly 40 percent of its GDP, 45 percent of its government revenues, and nearly 85 percent of its exports in 2014, Gabon's economic growth prospects depend on how it copes with the recent oil-price slumps. Past major oil-price declines caused a contraction in non-oil economic activity. Statistical analysis (including regression analysis) indicates that a major deceleration of Gabon's non-oil economy is likely, albeit at a slower pace than in the past

"Genocide in Kurdistan" most often refers to events that are recognized as having occurred in Iraq during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Scholars also connect it with events in Turkey's early years as a republic. This article describes how some scholars' expansive conception of Kurdistan encompasses regions that also witnessed genocides as large as or larger (in quantitative terms) than these two cases. Armenians, Assyrians, Yezidis, Mandaeans, Shi'i Arabs, and Greek Orthodox Christians witnessed extermination campaigns at various points in Ottoman, Persian, Iraqi, and Turkish history. What is remarkable about Upper Mesopotamia is that these genocides may have reduced native populations in absolute numbers, as compared with ancient or early medieval figures, and to a greater extent than after the genocides of the Kurds or other groups. Like the work of Raphael Lemkin, this article's analysis will not be limited to the period since the Genocide Convention entered into force. Instead, it presents evidence of continuities between the denationalization strategies, official pretexts, and regions mentioned in histories of the various genocides in Upper Mesopotamia.