Suchergebnisse

The Victoria History of the Counties of England. A History of the County of York: East Riding, Vol. HI, ed. by K. J. Allison. (London: Oxford University Press for the Institute of Historical Research. 1976. Pp The Victoria History of the Counties of England. A History of the County of Stafford, Vol. XVII, ed. by R. W. Greenslade. (London: Oxford University Press for the Institute of Historical Research. 1976, PpNicholas Orme.English Schools in the Middle Ages. (London: Methuen, 1973. PpPaul Slack (Ed.). Poverty in Early‐Stuart Salisbury (Devizes: Wiltshire Record Society, vol. XXXI. 1975. PpClive Senior.A Nation of Pirates: English Piracy in its Heyday. (Newton Abbot: David & Charles. 1976. PpWray Vamplew.The Turf: A Social and Economic History of Horse Racing. (London: Allen Lane. 1976. PpAnthony J. Little.Deceleration in the Eighteenth‐Century British Economy. (London: Croom Helm. 1976. PpRichard Gurnham.A History of the Trade Union Movement in the Hosiery and Knitwear Industry, 1776‐1976. (Leicester: National Union of Hosiery and Knitwear Workers. 1976. PpPatricia Branca.Silent Sisterhood: Middle Class Women in the Victorian Home. (London: Croom Helm. 1975. PpPamela Horn.The Rise and Fall of the Victorian Servant. (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, and New York: St Martin's Press. 1975. PpRobert Q. Gray.The Labour Aristocracy in Victorian Edinburgh. (London: Clarendon Press: Oxford University Press. 1976. PpD. J. Lyon (Comp.). The Denny List. (London: National Maritime Museum. 1976. 4 vols. Ill. 8.)R. J. Overy.William Morris, Viscount Nuffield. (London: Europa Publications. 1976 PpGENERALCosmo Rodewald. Money in the Age of Tiberius. (Manchester: The University Press. 1976. PpPierre Bonnassie. La Catalogue du milieu du Xe à la fin du XIe siécle. Croissance et mutations d'une société. (Toulouse: Publications de l'Université de Toulouse—Le Mirail. 1975‐6. 2 vols. Fr. frs. 142,00 + 159,00.)Guy Devailly. Le Berry du Xe siècle au milieu du XIIIe. (Paris and The Hague: Mouton. 1973. Pp History of Technology, first annual volume, 1976. Ed. by A. R. Hall and N. Smith. (London: Mansell. 1976. PpOtto Buusch, Wolfram Fischer, Hans Herzfeld, et al. (Eds.). Industrialisierung und "Europäische Wirtschaft" im 19. Jahrhundert. (Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter for Historische Kommission zu Berlin. 1976. PpW. N. Parker and E. L. Jones (Eds.). European Peasants and their Markets. Essays in Agrarian Economic History. (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1975. PpSara S. Berry. Cocoa, Custom and Socio‐Economic Change in Rural Western Nigeria. (London: Clarendon Press: Oxford University Press. 1975. PpJordi Nadal and Gabriel Tortella (Eds.). Agricultura, comercio colonial y crecimiento económico en la España contemporánea. Actas del Primer Coloquio de Historia Ecónömica de España. (Barcelona: Ariel. 1974. PpJordi Nadal. El Fracaso de la Revolución Industrial en España, 1814‐1913. (Esplugues de Llobregat, Barcelona: Editorial Ariel. 1975. PpMarkos J. Mamalakis. The Growth and Structure of the Chilean Economy: From Independence to Allende. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 1976. PpBernard Michel. Banques et banquiers en Autriche au début du XXe siècle. (Paris: Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques. 1976. PpJ. D. Gribbin (Ed.). Board of Trade: Survey of International Cartels, 1944 and Survey of Internal Cartels, 1946. (London: Central Library, Dept. of Industry. 1976. 2 vols. Paperback 10 for set of 2.)SCANDINAVIAArthur Erwin Imhof.Aspekte der Bevölkerungsentwicklung in den nordischen Ländern, 1720‐50. Teil I‐II. (Bern: Francke Verlag. 1976. PpHans Chr. Johansen.Befolkningsudvikling og familiestruktur i det 18. århundrede. (Odense: Odense University Press. 1975. PpHans Chr. Johansen (Ed.). Studier i dansk befolkningshistorie, 1750‐1890. (Odense: Odense Universitetsforlag. 1976. PpLars Herlitz.Jordegedom och ränta. Omfördelningen av jordbrukets merprodukt i Skaraborgs län under frihetstiden. (Meddelanden från Ekonomisk‐Historiska Institutionen vid Göteborgs Universitet 31. 1974. PpCarl‐Axel Nilsson and Olle Krantz.Swedish National Product. New Aspects on Methods and Measurement. (University of Lund. 1975. PpRagnhild Lundstroum.Alfred Nobel som internasjonell företagare. Den nobelske sprängämnes‐industrin 1864‐86. (Uppsala: Studies in Economic History 10. 1974. PpUNITED STATES OF AMERICACarville V. Earle. The Evolution of a Tidewater Settlement System: All Hallow's Parish, Maryland, 1650‐1783. (Chicago, Ill., The University of Chicago Department of Geography, Research Paper no. 170. 1975. PpRobert V. Wells. The Population of the British Colonies in America before 1776: A Survey of Census Data. (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1975. PpDavid C. Klingaman and Richard K. Vedder (Eds.). Essays in Nineteenth Century History: The Old Northwest. (Athens: Ohio University Press. 1975. PpHoward M. Gitelman. Workingmen of Waltham: Mobility in American Urban Industrial Development, 1850‐90. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. 1974. PpW. Elliot Brownlee, jun. Progressivism and Economic Growth: The Wisconsin Income Tax, 1911‐29. (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press. 1975. Pp

Cacao beans are known in Ecuador as the "goldnugget." This product has had great influence for several centuries in the political, social and economic development of our nation. The exports of cacao beans generated foreign exchange in the country and therefore originated the first economic boom, developing important sectors such as banking, industry and trade. Ecuadorian President, Rafael Correa (in office since 2007), promotes the change of the productive matrix of the country, which aims to decrease the dependence on imports of final goods through industrialization (SENPLADES, 2009). However, according to a statistical report presented by the FAOSTAT in 2015 the cacao exports (2002-2012), remain mostly as raw material in the form of beans (about 96,201 tons per year). Even though, the profit of the industrialized goods exports, like cocoa butter and chocolate are over 238% and 372%, in the same period of time. In this context, the development of a value chain for cacao beans represents a very interesting case of study, because it fits perfectly in the process of changing the productive matrix of the country. Nevertheless, this process will require the intervention of several agents and should be reinforced by the government through the establishment of public policies. This research focuses on the study of public policies established in the 2007-2014 period. The main objective is to measure the effectiveness in the process of change of the productive matrix and simultaneously define in which stage of the chaining is located the process to add value to the production of chocolate. ; El cacao es conocido en el Ecuador como la "pepa de oro." Este producto ha tenido gran influencia durante varios siglos en el desarrollo político, social y económico de nuestra nación. La exportación de la "pepa de oro" dio como resultado la generación de divisas dentro del país y así el nacimiento de los primeros capitales, desarrollando sectores importantes como la banca, industria y el comercio. El proyecto del cambio de la matriz productiva se emprende con el ingreso del actual presidente y está enfocada a disminuir la dependencia de importaciones de bienes finales por medio de una industrialización (Secretaria Nacional de Planificación y Desarrollo B, 2009). Sin embargo, según la estadísticas presentada por el FAOSTAT en el 2015 la evolución de las exportaciones de cacao entre el período 2002-2012, sigue siendo en su mayor parte como materia prima en forma de pepa (alrededor de 96 201 toneladas anuales). Pero si se realiza un análisis del margen de ganancia entre la exportación de cacao como materia prima y la exportación de sus derivados nos encontramos que la manteca de cacao tiene un precio superior a la pepa de cacao en un 238%, mientras que con el chocolate el precio se incrementa hasta un 372%. El estudio de la construcción de una cadena de valor represente un caso de estudio muy apropiado en este proceso de cambio de la matriz productiva debido a que se trata de un proceso de encadenamiento mediante el cual a un producto adquiere un valor agregado y se tiene la intervención de varias fases y agentes. Sin embargo, este proceso tiene que estar afianzado con la creación acompañado con la instauración de políticas públicas que se enmarquen en este sentido. La presente investigación se centra en el estudio de las políticas públicas creadas en el período 2007-2014, para por una parte medir el grado de efectividad en el proceso de cambio de la matriz productiva y a su vez localizar en qué etapa de encadenamiento se encuentra el proceso de agregación de valor del cacao al chocolate.

All ACP Agricultural Commodities Program, European Commission, ACP Group of States ; Despite losing global market share over the last 20 years, Uganda remains a major coffee producer, accounting for approximately 2.5 percent of global coffee production. In 2008-2009, coffee exports accounted for almost a quarter of Uganda's formal export earnings and were estimated to generate income and employment for up to 1.3 million Ugandan households. As such, the coffee industry is extremely important to both the rural population and the Ugandan economy. However, the sector exhibits significant levels of production volatility, caused in part by unmanaged risks. Despite the occurrence of numerous risks, the sector has always managed to produce significant, albeit variable, volumes of coffee for export, but the historic resilience of the sector does not automatically imply that the industry will avoid longer-term decline if it fails to proactively manage potential risks going forward. The government of Uganda and the Uganda Coffee Development Authority (UCDA) has already implemented a number of initiatives and programs to mitigate some of the above-mentioned risks. However, many of the existing initiatives need to be strengthened, and some new activities added, to ensure insofar as possible the comprehensive management of all key risks facing the coffee supply chain. An in-depth evaluation of individual solutions was beyond the scope of this exercise; an exhaustive listing of potential risk management solutions, and an assessment of the cost-benefit ratio of different risk management options, needs to be undertaken by the government of Uganda and UCDA.

The relative prosperity enjoyed by Uganda during the 1960s, based largely on the traditional exports of coffee, tea, cotton, and tobacco, was eroded by a devastating civil war over the period 1971 to 1985. The paper is based upon interviews with selected respondents, including government authorities, exporting companies, donors, and practitioner organizations, carried out in 2007 and 2008. The paper is divided into four sections. Section one provides a brief historical perspective on the emergence of the Ugandan fruit and vegetable export industry and examines the role played by different government and donor initiatives in the initial shaping of the sector, between the late 1980s and late 1990s. Section two highlights the strategic commercial approaches adopted by Ugandan exporting companies and farmers during the 2000s in response to past performance and in the face of evolving regulatory and market requirements, especially in the European Union. Section three examines the rationale for, means of support of, and apparent efficacy of a range of recent programs seeking to improve or sustain the competitiveness of Uganda's fruit and vegetable exports via improved compliance with regulatory or private standards. Lessons are drawn from this experience. Section four provides a brief set of general conclusions.

SUMMARY OF METHODS AND FINDINGS: In order to analyse the problematic impact of oil on Ghana's development, this study relied on qualitative methods, supported by descriptive statistics, tables and graphs. These qualitative and quantitative methods complement each other to explain the problematic impact of oil. Qualitative methods used for data collection include semi-structured interviews, focus groups and document reviews. A survey was conducted with fisher-folks to assess the impact of the oil exploration on local livelihoods, income, poverty and the relationship with oil companies and the government. Triangulation of diverse methodologies helped to present the diversity of views, increased the credibility and trustworthiness of the data and research findings. Twenty-five key informant interviews were conduct to understand the impact of the oil industry on Ghana. The key informants included politicians and policy makers in Ghana, CSOs, executives from Kosmos and Tullow. Institutions and CSOs that informant interviewees were chosen from included; Ghana National Petroleum Corporation, Ministry of Petroleum, Ministries of Finance and Economic Planning, Ministry of Agriculture, Ghana Energy Commission and Environmental Protection Agency. Others included the Ghana Statistical Service, Bank of Ghana, Institute of Social, Statistical and Economic Research, Commission on Human Right and Administrative Justice, Integrated Social Development Centre, Centre for Democratic Development, and Africa Centre for Energy Policy. Themes discussed with the informants differ based on the knowledge of oil industry and how the activities of institution are related to it. Issues discussed included; the impact of oil on employment, agriculture and industrial development, governance, institutions and corruption and conflicts. Other issues focused on the impact of oil on economic growth, currency movement and environmental challenges such as gas flaring, pollution, waste management, and loss of biodiversity. Eighty semi-structured interviews were conducted in Dixcove with fishermen, fishmongers and other community members to explore the impact of oil on local incomes, employment, economic activities, poverty and inequality, provision of social services, oil-related conflicts, and environmental pollution. Three focus groups were also organised to discuss how fishing restrictions impacted local incomes, livelihoods and employment. A survey was used to collect data from Dixcove to assess the impact of the oil exploration on local livelihoods, income, poverty and their relationship with oil companies. Data for this research was analysed by identifying common and divergent ideas, developing themes and relating them to existing ones. Descriptive statistics such as tables and graphs were used to illustrate changes in incomes, currency movement, GDP, agricultural and industrial and impact of oil on local employment. This study revealed that oil is problematic for development in developing countries, even in a democratic setting due to the negative impacts of oil; global, national and local politics and interests. The impact of oil on Ghana showed that although resources windfalls are problematic for development, the challenges are socially produced, shaped and conditioned by a country's political economy and its interaction with the negative impacts of oil, global politics, structures and actors, which formed a 'globalised assemblage'. How oil windfalls are utilised is shaped and conditioned through interactions between heterogeneous actors, agencies and structures. Due colonial legacy, the economy of Ghana is characterised by a lop-sided dependence on the export of raw materials, and the import of manufactured goods. Ghana's economy is integrated into the global economy in ways that makes unfavourable and ensures structural dependency. Oil has only help Ghana to diversify its dependency on gold, timber and cocoa. There have not been structural changes in the national economy, it is instead reinforcing and reconstruction of the country's deep seated structural dependency. Ghana's case also revealed that although democracy does not insulate a country from the problematic impacts of oil, it can mitigate them. The Ghana case also revealed that the directionality of the problematic elements associated with oil-based development is not predetermined. For instance, while the resource curse literature noted that resource windfalls often leads to local currency appreciation, the Ghana cedi has defied this. Oil export has not reversed the depreciation of the local currency, indicating that the impact resources windfalls on currency movement are embedded in the globalised socio-economic and political conditions. This study also revealed that there are temporalities and spatialities to the problematic nature of oil and development in the developing world. Temporally, increased Ghana government borrowing, backed by oil is creating a 'deferred or delayed debt curse' where future generation will be burdened with, and spatially, whereas oil has had positive impacts on the provision of social services and generated some employment, the fisher-folks experienced decline in income due to restrictions on fishing in the sea near their locality. The study revealed that whereas the incidence of poverty in Dixcove is not as bad as compared to other parts of the country, it is unevenly distributed among the people, with fishermen and fishmongers in the area experiencing decline in income. The impact of oil on development is differentiated across sectors and spaces, and manifest unevenly. This study argues that while democracy does not insulate a country from the problematic impacts of oil, it mitigates them. The directionality of the problematic elements associated with oil development is not predetermined, they have temporal and spatial dimensions and are embedded in the existing socio-economic and political conditions SUMMARY OF METHODS AND FINDINGS: In order to analyse the problematic impact of oil on Ghana's development, this study relied on qualitative methods, supported by descriptive statistics, tables and graphs. These qualitative and quantitative methods complement each other to explain the problematic impact of oil. Qualitative methods used for data collection include semi-structured interviews, focus groups and document reviews. A survey was conducted with fisher-folks to assess the impact of the oil exploration on local livelihoods, income, poverty and the relationship with oil companies and the government. Triangulation of diverse methodologies helped to present the diversity of views, increased the credibility and trustworthiness of the data and research findings. Twenty-five key informant interviews were conduct to understand the impact of the oil industry on Ghana. The key informants included politicians and policy makers in Ghana, CSOs, executives from Kosmos and Tullow. Institutions and CSOs that informant interviewees were chosen from included; Ghana National Petroleum Corporation, Ministry of Petroleum, Ministries of Finance and Economic Planning, Ministry of Agriculture, Ghana Energy Commission and Environmental Protection Agency. Others included the Ghana Statistical Service, Bank of Ghana, Institute of Social, Statistical and Economic Research, Commission on Human Right and Administrative Justice, Integrated Social Development Centre, Centre for Democratic Development, and Africa Centre for Energy Policy. Themes discussed with the informants differ based on the knowledge of oil industry and how the activities of institution are related to it. Issues discussed included; the impact of oil on employment, agriculture and industrial development, governance, institutions and corruption and conflicts. Other issues focused on the impact of oil on economic growth, currency movement and environmental challenges such as gas flaring, pollution, waste management, and loss of biodiversity. Eighty semi-structured interviews were conducted in Dixcove with fishermen, fishmongers and other community members to explore the impact of oil on local incomes, employment, economic activities, poverty and inequality, provision of social services, oil-related conflicts, and environmental pollution. Three focus groups were also organised to discuss how fishing restrictions impacted local incomes, livelihoods and employment. A survey was used to collect data from Dixcove to assess the impact of the oil exploration on local livelihoods, income, poverty and their relationship with oil companies. Data for this research was analysed by identifying common and divergent ideas, developing themes and relating them to existing ones. Descriptive statistics such as tables and graphs were used to illustrate changes in incomes, currency movement, GDP, agricultural and industrial and impact of oil on local employment. This study revealed that oil is problematic for development in developing countries, even in a democratic setting due to the negative impacts of oil; global, national and local politics and interests. The impact of oil on Ghana showed that although resources windfalls are problematic for development, the challenges are socially produced, shaped and conditioned by a country's political economy and its interaction with the negative impacts of oil, global politics, structures and actors, which formed a 'globalised assemblage'. How oil windfalls are utilised is shaped and conditioned through interactions between heterogeneous actors, agencies and structures. Due colonial legacy, the economy of Ghana is characterised by a lop-sided dependence on the export of raw materials, and the import of manufactured goods. Ghana's economy is integrated into the global economy in ways that makes unfavourable and ensures structural dependency. Oil has only help Ghana to diversify its dependency on gold, timber and cocoa. There have not been structural changes in the national economy, it is instead reinforcing and reconstruction of the country's deep seated structural dependency. Ghana's case also revealed that although democracy does not insulate a country from the problematic impacts of oil, it can mitigate them. The Ghana case also revealed that the directionality of the problematic elements associated with oil-based development is not predetermined. For instance, while the resource curse literature noted that resource windfalls often leads to local currency appreciation, the Ghana cedi has defied this. Oil export has not reversed the depreciation of the local currency, indicating that the impact resources windfalls on currency movement are embedded in the globalised socio-economic and political conditions. This study also revealed that there are temporalities and spatialities to the problematic nature of oil and development in the developing world. Temporally, increased Ghana government borrowing, backed by oil is creating a 'deferred or delayed debt curse' where future generation will be burdened with, and spatially, whereas oil has had positive impacts on the provision of social services and generated some employment, the fisher-folks experienced decline in income due to restrictions on fishing in the sea near their locality. The study revealed that whereas the incidence of poverty in Dixcove is not as bad as compared to other parts of the country, it is unevenly distributed among the people, with fishermen and fishmongers in the area experiencing decline in income. The impact of oil on development is differentiated across sectors and spaces, and manifest unevenly. This study argues that while democracy does not insulate a country from the problematic impacts of oil, it mitigates them. The directionality of the problematic elements associated with oil development is not predetermined, they have temporal and spatial dimensions and are embedded in the existing socio-economic and political conditions ; TARA (Trinity?s Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie

Faced with a large and increasing obesity epidemic, the Mexican Government in the last years has increased efforts to prevent and control it. In October 2013, Mexico's Congress passed legislation imposing taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) and calorie-dense foods of low nutritional value. These taxes were part of a comprehensive strategy to prevent and control obesity, overweight and diabetes. In addition to fiscal policy and regulation, this strategy included other health promotion and prevention interventions as well as measures to ensure better access to effective health care services. The decision to implement this fiscal policy was the result of a long advocacy process in which different actors participated, including civil society organizations and government agencies, which provided needed evidence on the status of the epidemic and options to fight against it. The taxes were designed to avoid, as much as possible, the substitution of consumption of the taxed goods for other unhealthy foods and beverages not subject to taxation. These taxes have been successful in increasing both the fiscal revenues and the price of the products taxed. There is also evidence that they have reduced consumption, particularly of SSBs. The taxes seem to have the highest impact among people in the poorest quintiles of the income distribution, who had experienced the highest increase in consumption of the goods under taxation in the last years. A debate remains on the actual impact of the taxes, particularly on health outcomes. Thus it is important to continue monitoring the impact of the taxes through the development of price and volume indicators, based on publicly available data, as well as health outcome indicators.

This report presents a comparative analysis of the food legislation requirements of the European Union (EU) and the Customs Union. Its purpose is to guide food business operators and public authorities engaged in reforming national food safety systems in the peculiarities of EU and Customs Union legal requirements and help them evaluate their capabilities in meeting those requirements. This report supports the International Finance Corporation's efforts to facilitate the opening of new markets for the producers in emerging markets. This report compares the most critical aspects of food legislation of the EU and the Customs Union, such as: requirements and arrangements of food control; requirements to food quality; requirements to food labeling; food and food-related articles and materials that require special authorization; and laboratory control and food safety criteria. Ensuring food safety and consumer protection increasingly occupy the agendas of governments, which are looking to expand their trade networks. Likewise, food businesses interested in widening their export range need to understand quality and safety requirements in their target markets. This report offers unique, up-to-date information on the similarities and differences of the food safety requirements of the EU and Customs Union, with detailed assessments of the regulations that govern food safety.

This is a companion to the Global Economic Prospects 2010. Most commodity prices reached historical highs in mid-2008, giving rise to the longest and broadest commodity boom of the post-WWII period. Apart from strong and sustained economic growth, the boom was fueled by numerous factors including years of low prices and low investment; a weak dollar; and investment fund activity. Rapid economic growth caused global stocks of many commodities to fall to levels not seen since the early 1970s, in turn accelerating the price increases that peaked in 2008. Further exacerbating the demand and supply mismatch were the diversion of some food commodities to the production of biofuels, adverse weather conditions, and government policies such as export bans and prohibitive taxes. The financial crisis that erupted in September 2008 and the subsequent global economic downturn relieved most of the demand-side pressures and induced sharp price declines across most commodity sectors. The largest declines occurred in industrial commodities such as metals (which had also registered the greatest gains in the early 2000s). Between July 2008 and February 2009, prices of energy declined by two-thirds while those of metals dropped by more than half. Prices of agricultural goods retreated by more than 30 percent, with prices of edible oils dropping by 42 percent. The troughs in energy and non-energy indices broadly coincided with troughs in global economic activity (particularly in China and East Asia).

Legislation based on international standards and harmonized between trade partners facilitates trade and enables products from developing countries to be competitive in the international market. Countries looking to export to the EU should aim to harmonize legislation with EU rules. If exporting to EU markets is not a priority, countries should follow requirements of the WTO SPS agreement and thus ensure that their products can access markets of all WTO member states. Both the EU and WTO legislative models for food safety require a risk-based approach to food safety controls, prioritizing funds and activity on the most risky areas. Reforms in this area should be primarily focused on ensuring food safety, although ensuring that consumers are receiving the quality of food that they expect is also a consideration. When planning legislative reform, the burden on business should be carefully considered, and consultation with the business community is strongly recommended to obtain a good understanding of the business perspective. Public awareness on the need for reforms can be important and it is essential to outline the benefits of improved food safety legislation to consumers and their representative bodies as they can help to support reforms and sustain their results.

In order to enable future generations to lead a decent life, human consumption of natural resources and impacts on the environment must urgently be reduced. A cornerstone among all human activities is food consumption, which is responsible for roughly one third of all environmental impacts of consumption. The food supply chain is inefficient, as present studies estimate roughly one third of the edible food to be wasted globally. There are numerable political commitments to dramatically reduce FW, notably the UN's recently released Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) calling to halve per-capita retail and consumer food waste (FW) by 2030. In order to identify promising interventions for FW reduction and to involve the key stakeholders able to successfully implement such interventions, detailed quantitative information on the amount, origin, and environmental impact of FW is needed. There has been an increasing body of literature related to FW in the past years. Nevertheless, due to data inconsistency and a narrow temporal, geographical, and food supply chain coverage in present literature, FW quantification is still associated with large uncertainties and based on many assumptions. Due to insufficient data about the composition and the treatment methods of FW, existing environmental assessments are rough estimations. Thus, the present state of knowledge is insufficient to under-stand the current situation and to quantify the future reduction potential. The goal of this dissertation was to provide methods and data to identify FW hotspots in terms of amounts and environment and assess reduction measures. We therefore developed a new approach that can be applied to food systems of any region or country and that would provide a solid information base to support the identification, prioritization, and implementation of effective strategies for FW reduction. To reach this goal, we defined three subgoals: 1) The creation of a simplified model of the food value chain in form of a mass flow analysis (MFA) in order to understand the system and to quantify FW by origin and type of food. 2) The extension of the model with life cycle assessment (LCA) in order to quantify environmental impacts of FW and to identify hotspots of environmental relevance. 3) For a selection of hotspots identified in subgoal 2, the assessment of case studies, in which measures for FW reduction are exemplarily implemented and their effect measured in terms of mass and environmental impacts. The thesis starts with a bottom-up quantification of FW across the entire food system related to Swiss food consumption. We chose this life-cycle consumption based perspective, which includes domestic production and net imports, in order to capture the FW-related resource use and emissions induced by Swiss consumers. The result is an MFA of the entire food value chain including the stages 'agricultural production', 'trade', 'processing', 'retail', 'food services', and 'households' and encompassing relevant methods of FW treatment ('animal feeding', 'anaerobic digestion', 'composting', 'incineration', 'disposal in the sewer'). We thereby differentiated 33 food categories as well as edible and inedible parts of food (avoidable and unavoidable FW). Since the unit "wet weight" of FW, which was used in the MFA, is not an appropriate indicator for the nutritional value of food, we converted the MFA into an energy flow analysis (EFA) based on the nutritional value of food and FW. The results identify wasted 'fresh vegetables' and 'cereals' to be the main quantitative hotspots in terms of mass and 'cereals' and 'oils and fats' in terms of nutritional energy. The stage of the food value chain contributing most to total FW amounts were 'households' (40% in terms of energy). However, these results do not necessarily reflect the environmental relevance of FW. In the next step we therefore coupled the MFA with life cycle inventory data. We adopted and extended the system boundary of the MFA in order to take the entire life cycle of all inputs into account (agricultural production, transport, cooling, processing, cooking, and partly packaging). In addition, we modelled the environmental impacts of FW treatment. In order to consider useful outputs from FW treatment (e.g. energy and fertilizer from anaerobic digestion), we adopted the method of 'system expansion' and substituted heat from natural gas, electricity from the Swiss grid, nutrients by inorganic fertilizer, and organic matter by peat. Since the nutritional values of the products within some of the 33 modelled food categories varied considerably, we allocated environmental impacts to consumed and wasted food based on their nutritional value. This is important since allocation by mass would imply that, for instance, 1kg of whey can substitute 1kg of cheese, which is unrealistic. The life cycle impact assessment was carried out for the impact categories 'climate change', 'biodiversity loss due to land and water use', and the aggregated method 'ReCiPe'. The results showed that the total climate change impacts of food consumption could be reduced by 25% if all edible FW was avoided. Furthermore 'fresh vegetables', 'whey', and 'beef' were identified as hotspots for climate change and 'cocoa', 'beef', and 'wheat' as hotspots for 'global biodiversity loss'. The impact assessment confirmed the results of the MFA that 'Households' are key actors for FW, contributing 51% to the climate change impacts and 41% to biodiversity loss caused by total FW. Since it is unrealistic to avoid all FW, in a next step we analyzed the effect of measures for FW reduction in real case studies. We therefore selected the food service sector, since the rate of FW has been identified to be largest in households and food services and since the Swiss Federal Office for the Environment chose the food service sector as a starting point to develop its strategy to reduce FW. We analyzed 13 case studies, in which food services implemented measures for FW reduction and measured their FW before and after implementation. We then extrapolated the achieved reduction to the entire food service sector, by weighing the subsectors 'restaurants', 'school and university canteens', 'hospitals and care centers', 'business canteens', and 'hotels' proportionally to the number of meals consumed in each subsector. In order to increase the reliability of the status quo FW amounts in individual subsectors, we included additional publications from Germany, Austria, Finland, and the UK and thus based our results on 1'042 measurements of status quo FW amounts. Considering the FW composition in the status quo and the reduction scenario, we calculated the environmental benefits of potential future FW reduction. In addition to this base scenario, which assumes that all food services achieve the same reduction as our case studies in the corresponding subsector on average, we calculated an extended scenario, in which food services additionally buy 50% of their vegetables from non-marketable origin and thus prevent them from being wasted in the supply chain. The results show that in-house FW is reduced by 38% and related climate impacts by 41% in the base scenario. In the extended scenario an additional 32% of FW and 17% of climate impacts can be saved by using products which otherwise would have been wasted in the supply chain. Thus, the SDG of halving per-capita FW was not reached in the food service sector by the base scenario, but by the extended scenario it was. This shows the importance of considering all stages of the food value chain in order to develop effective reduction strategies. Additionally, we quantified FW per meal in the entire supply chain of a progressive restaurant specialized on FW minimization. With 26 g/meal FW over the entire food value chain, this restaurant only causes 10% of the 252 g/meal estimated for average food services, suggesting that FW reduction on the long-term is larger than the achievements in our case studies, if innovative approaches are implemented. Another way of reducing FW is to improve supply chains logistically, e.g. due to improved cooling systems or packaging for enhanced food preservation. In addition to the environmental benefits from reducing FW, in such cases also the additional environmental impacts of the improved cooling or packaging system need to be considered. We therefore coupled the LCA with a quality evolution model based on the thermophysical cooling history of the product. With the new methodology we exemplarily analyzed different supply chain options for oranges imported from South Africa and Spain to Switzerland, differentiating 3 cold chains ('forced-air precooling', 'cold storage', 'ambient loading') and three types of packaging ('standard box', 'supervent box', 'opentop box'). The results identify a trade-off between direct environmental impacts of the cold chain and indirect environmental impacts from potential FW reduction due to better quality, which can only be evaluated by coupling the product's quality evolution empirically to the FW amounts. While this was not yet done in the current study, in some cases the optimal solution could be identified without further analyses, e.g. in the case of precooling with solar energy, which saves environmental impacts compared to diesel-driven cooling in the container and provides better quality of the products. We conclude that the method applied in the thesis of coupling MFA and EFA with LCA turned out to be an appropriate methodology to calculate environmental impacts of FW. The methodology represents a solid basis for further development and extensions into a model to evaluate scenarios and to support stakeholders in the food industry and policymakers to develop successful strategies to reduce FW and related environmental effects. By combining LCA with quality evolution modelling (and its implications on FW), such a model could be used to logistically improve supply chains. Digitalization and monitoring of parameters influencing the products' quality (such as temperature, quality, degrees brix, etc.) can give new insights about the products' storage life and help to improve food management. A further breakdown of food categories and the integration of a dynamic transport and seasonality model, which calculate environmental impacts depending on the season and the origin of the food, would further improve the quality of the results.

Because agriculture is the economic backbone of most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, including Ethiopia, any meaningful sustainable development program in the continent must therefore be anchored in the sector. The concept for this study on agribusiness indicators was based on the vital role that agribusiness plays in agricultural development. The study focuses on agribusiness indicators (ABI) to identify and isolate the determining factors that lead private investors and other stakeholders to participate in agribusiness and to engage in discourse regarding its development. A more thorough empirical understanding of these determinants in turn can usefully inform the types of policy reforms that can promote agribusiness in Africa. In Ethiopia, the ABI team focused on the following success factors: a) access to critical factors of production of certified hybrid seeds, fertilizer, and mechanical input; b) enabling environment in terms of access of credit and transportation; and c) government expenditures on agriculture, and trade and regulatory policies that currently influence the agribusiness environment. The factors and indicators that the research team has included in this study are not exhaustive but rather are intended to serve as a pilot that could be scaled up to include more variables and countries. The findings of the study revealed the dominant role of the government in the seed and fertilizer markets. In the seed sub-sector, perennial shortages of both basic and certified seeds have greatly limited agricultural productivity in Ethiopia.

Cotton is an important cash crop in many developing economies, supporting the livelihoods of millions of poor households. In some countries it contributes as much as 40 percent of merchandise exports and more than 5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). The global cotton market, however, has been subject to numerous policy interventions, to the detriment of nonsubsidized producers. This examination of the global cotton market and trade policies reaches four main conclusions. First, rich cotton-producing countries should stop supporting their cotton sectors; as an interim step, transfers to the cotton sector should be fully decoupled from current production decisions. Second, many cotton-producing (and often cotton-dependent) developing economies need to complete their unfinished reform agenda. Third, new technologies, especially genetically modified seed varieties, should be embraced by developing economies; this will entail extensive research to identify varieties appropriate to local growing conditions and the establishment of the proper legislative and regulatory framework. Finally, cotton promotion is needed to reverse or at least arrest cotton s decline as a share of total fiber consumption.

The process by which different ecological conditions and historical trajectories interacted to create different social and cultural systems resulted in major differences in economic development performance within Southeast Asia. In the late 19th century, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand commonly experienced vent-for-surplus development through exploitation of unused lands. Nevertheless, different agrarian structures were created. Indonesia s development was mainly based on the exploitation of tropical rain forest under Dutch colonialism. It resulted in the bifurcation of the rural sector between rice-farming peasant proprietors and large plantations for tropical export crops based on hired labor. In the Philippines, exploitation of the same resource base under Spanish rule resulted in pervasive landlessness among the rural population. Relatively homogeneous landowning peasants continued to dominate in Thailand, where delta plains that were suitable only for rice production formed the resource base for development. These different agrarian structures associated with different social value systems have accounted for differential development performance across the three economies in the recent three decades.

This report highlights the great potential of the agribusiness sector in Africa by drawing on experience in Africa as well as other regions. The evidence demonstrates that good policies, a conducive business environment, and strategic support from governments can help agribusiness reach its potential. Africa is now at a crossroads, from which it can take concrete steps to realize its potential or continue to lose competitiveness, missing a major opportunity for increased growth, employment, and food security. The report pursues several lines of analysis. First, it synthesizes the large body of work on agriculture and agribusiness in Africa. Second, it builds on a diagnosis of specific value chains. As part of this effort, the value chain for Africa's largest and fastest-growing food import, rice, is benchmarked in Senegal and Ghana against Thailand's rice value chain. Third, 170 agribusiness investments by the Commonwealth Development Corporation (CDC) in Africa and Southeast Asia are analyzed to gain perspective on the elements of success and failure. Fourth, the report synthesizes perspectives from the private sector through interviews with 23 leading agribusiness investors and a number of other key informants. In conclusion, the report offers practical policy advice based on the experience of countries from within and outside Africa. The huge diversity of Africa's agro-ecological, market, and business environments, however, necessarily means that each country (and indeed regions within countries) will need to adapt the broad guidance provided here to the local context. Annex 1, concerning the rice value chain, was authored by John Orchard, Tim Chancellor, Roy Denton, Amadou Abdoulaye Fall, and Peter Jaeger. Annex 2, containing interviews with 23 leading agribusiness players in Africa, was authored by Peter White.

The performance of Senegal's agricultural performance exemplifies the impact of unmanaged risk on productivity among vulnerable smallholder crop producers and pastoralists. The government of Senegal has historically responded to drought and other shocks with direct financial support to farmers as well as general assistance to the rural population. The World Bank, with support from the group of eight (G-8) and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and in collaboration with the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Equipment (MARE), commissioned the present study. The objective of this assessment was to assist the government of Senegal to: (1) identify, analyze, quantify, and prioritize principal risks facing the agricultural sector; (2) analyze the impact of these risks; and (3) identify and prioritize appropriate risk management interventions that may contribute to improved stability, reduced vulnerability, and increased resilience of agricultural supply chains in Senegal. This report presents a summary of the assessment's key findings. Chapter one gives introduction. Chapter two provides an overview of the agricultural sector in Senegal and a discussion of key growth constraints. An assessment of the main agricultural risks is presented in chapter three. Chapter four analyzes the frequency and severity of highlighted risks and assesses their impact. Chapter five presents some stakeholder perceptions of risks and evaluates levels of vulnerability among various livelihood groups. The study concludes in chapter six with an assessment of priorities for risk management and a broad discussion of possible risk management measures that can help to strengthen the resiliency of agricultural supply chains and the livelihoods they support.