Suchergebnisse

El artículo se enfoca en la cuestión étnica en el Medio Oriente ampliado. Busca explicar la multiplicidad de identidades existente hasta nuestros días y el nivel de conflicto étnico, superior al de otras regiones. Tal situación está anclada en el Estado otomano y otros Estados islámicos coetáneos, que no tendieron hacia la uniformidad como los Estados modernos europeos. Hay una explicación histórica: un punto de partida diferente y un desarrollo trunco debido a su debilidad en el moderno sistema mundial. Los Estados del siglo XX agravaron la situación al intentar sin éxito transformarse en entidades políticas monoétnicas. ; The article focuses on the ethnic question in the greater Middle East. It seeks an explanation for the multiplicity of identities subsisting nowadays, and for the level of ethnic conflict, greater than in other regions. Such situation is rooted in the Ottoman state and other Islamic coeval states, which did not tend toward uniformity, as modern European states did. There is a historical explanation for this: their different starting point, and their interrupted development due to their weak position in the modern world system. Twentieth century states aggravated the situation by unsuccessfully trying to transform themselves into monoethnic political bodies. ; 154-171 ; haroldo@servidor.unam.mx ; semestral

The collapse of the Soviet Union a decade ago engendered both hope and fear about the future of Islam in Uzbekistan (and Central Asia in general). Many Muslims from other countries hoped that, freed from the constraints of the Soviet regime, Uzbeks and other Central Asians would rediscover their religious traditions and rejoin the broader Muslim world.1 Other observers feared that Islam would emerge as a political force and threaten the security of the region.2 As the decade progressed and militant Islamist organizations appeared, fear tended to overshadow hope. The events of autumn 2001 in Afghanistan, when fighters belonging to the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) played a prominent role alongside the Taliban, seemed to vindicate the darkest fears,3 and to justify the unremitting campaign that the regime of President Islom Karimov has waged against "religious extremism" since 1998.

Argues that Islam has played a key role in its formation and has been gradually accommodated within the officially secular nationalism of the modern Turkish state founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in 1923 and that the current debate between Islamists and secularists concerns only Islam's importance, not its existence, in shaping national identity.

How long have the United States and their Saudi allies been sponsoring and financing the radical Islamists, and why doesn't anyone stop them? Labévière uncovers the money-laundering, the organized crime and the interlocking world of business and politics