Political populism: a handbook
In: International studies on populism, Band 3
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In: International studies on populism, Band 3
In this paper, populism is regarded as a kind of ideological map that facilitates to the citizens their coping in the political space, as well as a "thin-centered ideology" which has at his center the idea that politics should be a reflection of the will of the people, the idea that a clean and moral nation confronts a corrupt elite and "out groups", "out groups" which actions endanger or impair the rights and values of the nation. The paper focuses on some fundamental theoretical considerations on populism and empirical determination of the elements of populism in the public opinion in Serbia. Based on opinion polls in Serbia it has been shown what is the relationship of citizens to the people, political elites, democracy and its institutions, as well as the attitude towards "out groups". Empirical research conducted in Serbia in 2017 confirms the hypothesis that the gap between citizens and their elected representatives is deep, and it marks also that conventional politics increasingly faces the difficulties to reach citizens, and that lack of trust in political parties is generated in all spheres of representative democracy. In the political life, "out groups" are instrumentally ranked by political actors according to the necessities of the moment, and the empirical research of attitudes shows that they are in the same way as "out groups experienced by the citizens.
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In: Cambridge studies in law and society
"In recent years political movements of a decidedly 'anti-establishment' character have taken many countries by storm, and many observers by surprise. Among the characteristics these movements share is that they, and more particularly their leaders, claim uniquely to represent the true, real people of the country, a claim that does not depend upon, but frequently can boast confirmation in electoral victory. For unlike standard-issue coup-ists and putsch-ists, communists and fascists (also anti-establishmentarian until they become established), these movements are not shy of elections. They feed off them"--
In: Punishment & society, Band 21, Heft 3, S. 295-314
ISSN: 1741-3095
In: Petite encyclopédie critique
"Pour combattre le néolibéralisme, un populisme de gauche est-il possible? La question est posée avec insistance après le Brexit et l'élection de Donald Trump. Mais les électeurs d'extrême droite ne sont pas des victimes dont il faudrait écouter la souffrance. On ne convertira pas leur ressentiment en révolte. Pour la gauche, il n'est pas de bon populisme. Mieux vaut s'adresser à ceux qui refusent de céder aux sirènes du fascisme: les abstentionnistes. La sociologie électorale débouche ici sur la théorie politique. Avant de construire un peuple, il faut construire une gauche."--Page 4 of cover
In: PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO; Vol. 11, No. 1 (2018). Special issue: Socio-political Responses during Recessionary Times in Greece; 202-224
Since the Eighties populist parties have gained a growing electoral consensus in many coun-tries. The current wave of populism, that can be called as "multifaceted populism", is the third of three waves that occurred over the years. Building on Rokkan's cleavage theory, the present study intends to argue that the three different waves were originated by the same cleavage. Such a cleavage is characterized by the opposition between the elite and the people, and by the opposition between a participatory conception of democracy and two other conceptions of democracy, namely the elitist and the constitutional ones. In other words, populism emerges to counteract the overly elitist or procedural traits that democracy can develop. But if, on the one hand, populism can help democracy to revitalize itself, on the other hand, it can promote a radical communitarian form of democracy, which is in contrast with the liberal system of checks and balances and may ultimately lead to an erosion of pluralism.
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In: Journal of political ideologies, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 241-252
ISSN: 1469-9613
In: At Issue Ser
Intro -- Freeman Stevenson served as writer and editor for DeseretNews. com and has also freelanced for outlets like KSL.com and ARANews. com. In 2016, He spent ten months in Syria as part of a Kurdish militia unit fighting ISIS. -- Introduction -- 1. The Origin of Populism Nancy MacLean -- 2. Left and Right Wing Populism Thomas DeMichele -- 3. Understanding the Black Lives Matter Movement Iris Wijers -- 4. Bernie Sanders's Populism Versus Racial Justice Dara Lind -- 5. What Is Digital Populism? Paul Florence and Roderick Jones -- 6. Social Media, Chaotic Pluralism, and Populism Helen Margetts -- 7. The Spoiler Candidates Daniel Bush -- 8. A History of Third Parties Freeman Stevenson -- 9. Sanders, Socialism, and Political Power Philip Locker -- 10. Contemporary Populism's Unstable Meaning Charles Postel -- 11. The Democratic Party's Empty Populism Socialist Worker -- 12. The Threat of a Networked Public Sphere Vyacheslav Polonski -- Organizations to Contact -- Bibliography -- Index
In: Constellations: an international journal of critical and democratic theory, Band 21, Heft 4, S. 467-482
ISSN: 1467-8675
Direct and unmediated communication between the leader and the people defines and constitutes populism. I examine how social media, and communicative practices typical to it, function as sites and modes for constituting competing models of the leader, the people, and their relationship in contemporary Indian politics. Social media was mobilized for creating a parliamentary majority for Narendra Modi, who dominated this terrain and whose campaign mastered the use of different platforms to access and enroll diverse social groups into a winning coalition behind his claims to a "developmental sovereignty" ratified by "the people." Following his victory, other parties and political formations have established substantial presence on these platforms. I examine emerging strategies of using social media to criticize and satirize Modi and offering alternative leader-people relations, thus democratizing social media. Practices of critique and its dissemination suggest the outlines of possible "counterpeople" available for enrollment in populism's future forms. I conclude with remarks about the connection between activated citizens on social media and the fragility of hegemony in the domain of politics more generally.
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Populism is a widespread political phenomenon present in countries across the globe. To explain the success of populist actors and discourses, I claim it is essential to consider the long-term impact of authoritarian legacies on national political culture, individual attitudes, and electoral behavior. In the first section, I discuss the importance of collective memories in molding identities and structures of power. I then present the relevant literature on democratization and authoritarian legacies, explaining how to integrate these strands of literature with the study of populism. In the following section, I examine cases from Europe and Latin America that are suitable to study the populist present through the lenses of collective memories of authoritarian regimes. In the conclusions, I discuss possible directions for future research and suggest that other types of memories, including collective memories about colonialism and civil wars, can have a relevant impact on populism. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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This volume contributes a Latin American perspective to the global debate on populism. It argues that Latin America in its rich and early experience of populism is a valuable laboratory to take our understanding forward and to address the question of whether populism goes beyond the dichotomy of left and right and is a new political phenomenon.
Recent micro-level studies have suggested that globalization - in particular, economic globalization - breeds political polarization and populism. This study examines if those results generalize by examining the country-level association between vote shares for European populist parties and economic globalization. Using data on vote share for 267 right-wing and left-wing populist parties in 33 European countries 1980-2016, and globalization data from the KOF-institute, we find no evidence of a positive association between economic globalization and populism. In many cases, the partial correlation is significantly negative. EU-membership is associated with 5 to 10 percentage units larger vote shares for right-wing populism in both random and fixed effects models.
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In: The Bloomsbury history of modern Russia series
List of illustrations -- Preface -- Introduction: toward a definition of Russian populism -- Origins -- Foundations -- Populism in theory -- Populism in action -- Populist art -- Regrets and revisions -- Neo-populism -- Conclusion -- Selected further reading -- Bibliography -- Index.
In: Cambridge elements. Elements in politics and society in Southeast Asia
World Affairs Online