Suchergebnisse

Resumen:
Mediante la narración postmoderna o la narración liberal, se impone
por igual una conclusión taxativa: la historia ha finiquitado y lo que
queda por hacer es nada o -–para quien no quiera quedar
definitivamente excluido– desarrollar la mejoría infinita de lo mismo
gracias a la biología y la informática. El presente se impone con
absoluta soberanía puesto que ni es necesario mirar atrás para tomar
el empuje hacía un adelante desconocido, ni es necesario rumiar un
futuro ajeno al mero perfeccionamiento del presente. La historicidad
en suspenso crónico. Es en esta perspectiva que nuestra argumentación
deberá focalizarse en la descripción de las causas de esta supuesta
suspensión del tiempo histórico, que nos priva de lo nuevo y encierra
el porvenir, hasta instalarnos en el exceso de un presente dilatado
hasta la saciedad o en el abuso de una absurda retromanía
compensatoria. En cualquier caso, el malestar describe el estado
psicológico que caracteriza el grueso del cuerpo social
Palabras clave: Pobreza, Malestar, Aceleración, Miedo, Copia,
Fin. Abstract: Through the postmodern narrative or
the liberal narrative, a restrictive conclusion applies alike: history
has done and what remains to be done is nothing - or - for who does
not want to be definitely excluded-develop the infinite improvement of
it thanks to the biology and computer science. Present is imposed with
absolute sovereignty since it is not necessary to look back to take
the thrust was an ahead unknown,nor is it necessary to mulling over a
future beyond the mere improvement of the present. Historicity in
chronic suspense.It is in this perspective that our argument should
focus on the description of the causes of this alleged suspension of
historical time, which deprives us of the new and holds the future, to
settle in excess of a dilated present over and over again or abuse of
an absurd compensatory retromania.In any case, upset describes the
psychological state that characterizes the social body thickness
Keywords: Poverty, Discomfort, Acceleration, Fear, Copy,
End

Despite Nigeria's abundant oil, gas and other natural resources, the experience of the majority of its population in rural areas has been, and still is, one of abject poverty. Nigerians remain poor because of the failure of successive governments to manage the country's enormous wealth effectively. Although poverty is equally widespread in urban areas, poor economic and social policies have aggravated the extent of poverty in rural areas. This article utilises a historical analysis technique to examine the nature of rural poverty in Nigeria and also the failure of the government's poverty-reduction strategies. Information was sourced from previous studies, reports of government agencies and institutions, the World Bank, and relevant journals articles. The researchers have found that the limited understanding of the nature of poverty, and the failure to engage the rural poor and the wider community in decision-making processes, especially relating to poverty analysis, have been important factors that have contributed to the failure of past poverty-reduction strategies in the country. The researchers come to the conclusion that involving the poor is placing them at the centre of their own development process.

Cover -- Contents -- Preface -- I. Poverty in India: Conceptualization and Methodological Issues -- 1 The Challenge of Poverty: An Overview -- 2 Conceptualizing Poverty -- 3 Estimation of Poverty -- 4 Poverty Profile of India -- 5 Growth, Inequality and Poverty Eradication -- 6 Labor Market and Poverty -- 7 Government Initiatives for Poverty Eradication -- II. Strategies for Poverty Reduction: Focus on Infrastructure, Financial Inclusion and Social Sector Interventions -- 8 Social Sector Services and Poverty Reduction in India -- 9 Beyond Micro-credit: Financial Inclusion and Micro-enterprise Development for Poverty Reduction -- 10 Infrastructure Development and Poverty Reduction.

Explores conceptual differences in people and place poverty and their geographical distribution based on 1981-95 aggregated county data for three-year averages; concludes that in contrast to static people poverty, place poverty shifts; England. Summaries in French and Spanish.

[Introduction] Debate about national and international poverty measurement continued to evolve (see for example, Abu-Ismail et al., 2012). The basic question of how many poor people there are in the world generally assumes that poverty is measured according to international poverty lines (IPLs). Yet, an equally relevant question could be how many poor people there are in the world, based on how poverty is defined where those people live. In short, rather than a comparison based on monetary values, the latter question is germane to estimates based on a concept - 'poverty' - as defined by countries' specific circumstances and institutions. Clearly, in such case global metrics such as the IPL of US$1.25/day - the construction of which is ultimately based on a pool of 15 national poverty lines (NPLs) - could be less informative (see Chen and Ravallion (2008) for details and Deaton (2010) for critique). Furthermore, as Deaton (2011: 17) has noted, estimates of poverty by NPLs and IPLs operate within quite different policy spaces: "…global measures of development (.) operate in an entirely different political environment than do domestic measures. The latter (.) feed into domestic policymaking are typically subject to oversight procedures that constrain both the statisticians who produce the data and the politicians and policymakers who use them." This begs the question as to whether poverty viewed with an IPL lens looks quite different from poverty viewed from countries themselves using the NPL. Thus an important question is how different are national and international poverty line estimates? By addressing the question of poverty as defined where those poor people live, this paper seeks to offer a new perspective on global poverty and at the same time extend thinking on the 'middle-income countries poverty paradox' - meaning that most of the world's poor people do not live in the world's poorest countries (Sumner 2010; 2012a). Indeed, one could ask whether such patterns are more or less pronounced when one considers ...

This article examines the issue of chronic (i.e. long-term) poverty in developing countries. It presents a method for estimating chronic poverty using cross-sectional data and suggests that researchers need not rely solely on longitudinal or panel data. As such data are unavailable for most developing countries, the method outlined here provides an opportunity to expand our understanding of the distribution and pattern of chronic poverty in many more countries. The article also shows how the methods used to estimate the number of chronically poor in developing countries in the 2005 Chronic Poverty Report contain errors that render them serious underestimates. The problem of chronic poverty is therefore considerably more pressing and more widespread than is currently thought.

"Measuring Global Poverty" published on by Oxford University Press.

Kang Xiaoguang: Report on the survey of microcredit experiment in Yunnan Province. - S. 1-12 Wang Jingxin: On governance structure for poverty reduction in China's transitional period. - S. 13-28 Kwon Soonwon: The Korean experience of poverty reduction. Lessons and prospects. - S. 29-46 Pannhasith, Daopheng: Good governance and poverty reduction in Lao People's Democratic Republic. - S. 47-54 Nawi, Mat Noor: Managing poverty eradication. Malaysia's experience, 1971-1995. - S. 55-60 Ne Win: Policies and strategies of Myanmar for rural development and poverty eradication. - S. 61-70. Suksiriserekul, Somchai: Free medical care for the poor in Thailand. A hit-or-miss poverty reduction scheme. - S. 71-84 Pyon, Elizabeth; Lee Tai Hee: Good governance in poverty alleviation. - S. 85-92

Summary Given the global and local social inequalities and the complex life circumstances of people living in poverty, social workers are called upon to broaden their knowledge with the purpose of developing social services that respond to the needs of this growing population. However, very little research has been done on the kind of knowledge that social workers require in order to care for this population. The present article focuses on the epistemological aspects of service development for people living in poverty and reviews three main issues: What is "poverty knowledge," where does it come from, and what are the barriers to and opportunities for its development? These questions are investigated through a qualitative paradigm among social workers employed in Israel's public social services. Findings Findings reveal a profound epistemological controversy about what poverty knowledge means: Is it objective, consistent, readily available, and transferrable knowledge, or is it a dynamic and reflexive process affected by a great number of fluctuating contexts? Findings stress the dominance of positivist views of poverty knowledge, mostly derived from practice while other sources of knowledge development, such as service users' local knowledge, theory, and research knowledge were seen as less relevant to their needs. Applications Practical recommendations are offered relating to the need for poverty knowledge development processes in social services as well as in social-work education through collaborative, contextual, and reflective learning with and from service users and other stakeholders.

Since the early 2000s, Tanzania has seen remarkable economic growth and strong resilience to external shocks. Yet these achievements were overshadowed by the slow response of poverty to the growing economy. Until 2007, the poverty rate in Tanzania remained stagnant at around 34 percent despite a robust growth at an annualized rate of approximately 7 percent. This apparent disconnect between growth and poverty reduction has raised concerns among policy makers and researchers, leading to a consensus that this mismatch needed to be addressed with a sense of urgency. Over the past few years, the National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty (MKUKUTA) in Tanzania has given high priority to eradicating extreme poverty and promoting broad-based growth. Achieving pro-poor growth has also been widely recognized by the World Bank as a critical strategy for accelerating progress toward its twin goals of eliminating extreme poverty at the global level by 2030 and boosting shared prosperity by fostering income growth among the bottom 40 percent in every country. The official poverty figures announced by the government in November 2013 have revealed that the national strategy against poverty has begun to facilitate reductions. The basic needs poverty rate has declined from around 34 percent to 28.2 percent between 2007 and 2012, the first significant decline in the last 20 years. Identifying the policy mechanisms that have helped to increase the participation of the poor in the growth process and to speed pro-poor growth is therefore important for present and future decision-making in Tanzania on how best to eradicate poverty. Such task requires a rigorous analysis of the evolution of poverty and of the linkages between poverty, inequality, and economic growth. This report uses the availability of the new Tanzanian Household Budget Survey (HBS) for 2011 and 2012, as well as the new rebased GDP figures released in December 2014, as an opportunity to address these issues. More specifically, the report examines the recent trends in poverty and inequality and their determinants and explores how responsive poverty reduction was to economic growth and the obstacles to achieving it.

Poverty and charity in the pre-modern world : causes, perceptions, and strategies -- Poverty in the emerging global economy -- Innovations in early modern poor relief -- Industrialization, imperialism, and world poverty, 1750-1945 -- Poverty, morality, and the state, 1750-1945 -- Poverty and poor relief after 1945.