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"The book tracks and explains the success of extreme right parties in Scandinavia, and argues that the key explanatory factors can be found in the parties themselves"--

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Characters -- Act One -- 1. Don't Stop Me Now -- 2. I Will Survive -- 3. Seven Nation Army -- 4. River Deep, Mountain High -- 5. Macarena -- 6. Good Kisser -- 7. The Rose -- 8. If I Could Turn Back Time -- 9. Delilah -- 10. Oops Upside Your Head -- 11. It's Raining Men -- Act Two -- 12. Eye of the Tiger -- 13. Beat It -- 14. Who do you Think you are? -- 15. Shoes -- 16. Here Comes the Hotstepper -- 17. Kung Fu Fighting -- 18. Don't Leave Me this Way -- 19. Girls Just Wanna have Fun -- 20. Feed Me Diamonds -- 21. Total Eclipse of the Heart -- 22. Laserlight

"H.N.S.C. no. 104-45." ; Shipping list no.: 97-0227-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Microform. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This paper investigates the consequences of immigration, crime and socio-economic depriviation for the performance of right-wing extremist and populist parties in the German city state of Hamburg between 1986 and 2005. The ecological determinants of voting for right-wing parties on the district level are compared to those for mainstream and other protest parties. Parallels and differences in spatial characteristics between right-wing extremist and populist parties' performance are identified. Our empirical results tend to confirm the general contextual sociological theory of right-wing radicalization by general social deprivation and immigration. Nevertheless they indicate that one has to be very cautious when interpreting the unemployment/crime - right-winger nexus. Moreover, crime does not seem to have a strong significant effect on right-wing populist parties' election successes despite its importance for their programmes and campaigns.

This article assesses how socioeconomic and psychological factors explain right-wing extremist (RWE) sentiments. A correlation was expected between two psychological factors: authoritarianism and supernaturalist beliefs, and RWE, and a weaker correlation between socioeconomic variables and RWE, compared to psychological variables. Questionnaires were given to 1,247 Israeli university students. Results confirmed the expectation that psychological variables were better predictors of RWE. These conclusions contradict attributing RWE to socioeconomic factors.

On July 22, 2011 Anders Behring Breivik bombed a government building in Oslo, resulting in the deaths of eight people. A few hours later he attacked a youth camp associated with the dominant liberal Labor Party of Norway killing 69 people, mostly teenagers. His act of mass murder captured world attention, as did his electronic distribution of an infamous document entitled 2083 – A European Declaration of Independence, which proclaims a right-wing world view with unyielding hostility towards multiculturalism and the alleged "Islamization of Europe. While right-wing extremist groups in Norway has been weak and insignificant over the past decades, the large populist right wing party, the Progress Party (Fremskrittspartiet), has sustained a central role in the liberal democracy with a critical position on immigrant issues. My research focuses on the underlying ideology of historical and contemporary right wing extremism in Norway. This includes, among others, the Norwegian Nobel Laureate and Nazi sympathizer Knut Hamsun, the Norwegian fascist party (Nasjonal Samling) and the contemporary presence of xenophobic, anti-immigration and anti-Islamic right wing in Norway, including the larger context of the ideology and behavior of the mass-murderer Breivik. My research, drawing on archival research on the extreme right in Scandinavia and Europe and interviews with several prominent psychiatrists, politicians, authors on Knut Hamsun and experts on radical-right in Norway, suggest that close parallels can be noted between the rhetoric of Nazi anti-Semitism and modern Islamophobia, with incidental differences of group identities and the basis for perceiving a threat. Within the various forms of right wing extremism there are strikingly similar ideological structures used to justify political violence, and Breivik is a textbook example of how the growing presence of the right-wing extremist activity online can only be ignored at our peril. ; Right-Wing Extremism, Anders Behring Breivik, Norway, Terrorism, Extremism, Radical Right, Nazi, July 22, Knut Hamsun, Quisling ; A Thesis submitted to the College of Criminology and Criminal Justice in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major. ; Spring Semester, 2013. ; April 18, 2013.

On July 22, 2011 Anders Behring Breivik bombed a government building in Oslo, resulting in the deaths of eight people. A few hours later he attacked a youth camp associated with the dominant liberal Labor Party of Norway killing 69 people, mostly teenagers. His act of mass murder captured world attention, as did his electronic distribution of an infamous document entitled 2083 – A European Declaration of Independence, which proclaims a right-wing world view with unyielding hostility towards multiculturalism and the alleged "Islamization of Europe. While right-wing extremist groups in Norway has been weak and insignificant over the past decades, the large populist right wing party, the Progress Party (Fremskrittspartiet), has sustained a central role in the liberal democracy with a critical position on immigrant issues. My research focuses on the underlying ideology of historical and contemporary right wing extremism in Norway. This includes, among others, the Norwegian Nobel Laureate and Nazi sympathizer Knut Hamsun, the Norwegian fascist party (Nasjonal Samling) and the contemporary presence of xenophobic, anti-immigration and anti-Islamic right wing in Norway, including the larger context of the ideology and behavior of the mass-murderer Breivik. My research, drawing on archival research on the extreme right in Scandinavia and Europe and interviews with several prominent psychiatrists, politicians, authors on Knut Hamsun and experts on radical-right in Norway, suggest that close parallels can be noted between the rhetoric of Nazi anti-Semitism and modern Islamophobia, with incidental differences of group identities and the basis for perceiving a threat. Within the various forms of right wing extremism there are strikingly similar ideological structures used to justify political violence, and Breivik is a textbook example of how the growing presence of the right-wing extremist activity online can only be ignored at our peril. ; Right-Wing Extremism, Anders Behring Breivik, Norway, Terrorism, Extremism, Radical Right, Nazi, July 22, Knut Hamsun, Quisling ; A Thesis submitted to the College of Criminology and Criminal Justice in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major. ; Spring Semester, 2013. ; April 18, 2013.

Soviet Russia in the western far right perspective : ideology, collaboration, active measures -- Russia's opening to the western far right -- Putin's Russia, an authoritarian kleptocracy with a twist -- Far right election observers in the service of the Kremlin's domestic and foreign policies -- Undermining the West through mass media -- Far right structures in Europe as pro-Moscow front organisations -- The Moscow-Strasbourg-Brussels axis.

Rechtsextremismus heute: Nie war das Bild moderner, die Palette der Stile breiter, die Nähe zu den Ausdrucksformen aktueller Jugendkulturen größer. Die neuen Formen sind zeitgemäß und dynamisch, das gewünschte Image ist cool, subversiv und provokant. Die Inhalte sind jedoch im Kern gleichgeblieben: rassistisch und demokratiefeindlich. Erlebniswelt Rechtsextremismus – der Begriff steht für Mittel und Strategien, um junge Menschen für diese Szene zu gewinnen. "Rechts" zu sein verspricht Action, Tabubruch und Anerkennung, zu den Lockmitteln zählen multimediale Angebote im Social Web, Events wie Flashmobs und Konzerte. Gerade an Jugendliche richtet die Szene ihre wichtigsten Werbebotschaften: Kameradschaft und Zusammenhalt in unsicheren Zeiten. Feindbilder verbinden nach innen und können nach außen Türen öffnen. Zurzeit steht vor allem die Hetze gegen geflüchtete Menschen im Mittelpunkt rechtsextremistischer Kampagnen. Die Propaganda sucht den Anschluss an Stimmungen in der Mitte der Gesellschaft. Manchmal gibt sie sich jung und intellektuell, etwa die 'Identitäre Bewegung', die sich als Neue Rechte versteht. Rechtsextremismus im modernen Gewand fordert die politische Bildung heraus. Auch die gründlich überarbeitete Neuausgabe dieses Bandes verbindet Analysen mit Impulsen für die Praxis: 19 Projektskizzen stellen Methoden und Ansätze vor, wie in der Arbeit mit Jugendlichen der kritische Blick auf den Rechtsextremismus geschärft werden kann. Das Onlineangebot, das Leserinnen und Lesern des Bandes mit dieser Neuausgabe zur Verfügung steht, bietet ergänzendes Material zu jedem Beitrag: Aufsätze, Präsentationen und Arbeitsblätter. Die Publikation will Mut machen – Elemente zu erproben, mit eigenen Ideen zu kombinieren und Ansätze fortzuentwickeln.

This book uses affect theory to analyze the rise of right-wing populism in recent years and discusses the pedagogical implications for democratic education. It provides examples of how affect and emotion play a crucial role in the rise and reproduction of current right-wing populism. The author suggests ideas about affective pedagogies for educators to use (along with recognizing the risks involved) to renew democratic education. The chapters lay out the importance of harnessing the power of affective experiences and adopting strategic pedagogical approaches to provide affirmative practices that move beyond simply criticizing right-wing populism. The book consequently undermines the power of fascist and right-wing tendencies in public life and educational settings without stooping to methods of indoctrination. This volume is a valuable resource for researchers and policy-makers in education, political science and other related fields, who can utilize the affective complexities involved in combatting right-wing populism to their advantage.

This article investigates whether the perceived threat of terrorism explains the support for right-wing Eurosceptic parties and Euroscepticism above and beyond other relevant variables, including perceived economic and immigration threats. We first examined the entire Eurobarometer samples of 2014 and 2015, and then conducted survey experiments in four European Union (EU) countries, that is, United Kingdom (N = 197), France (N = 164), Italy (N = 312), and Romania (N = 144). Our findings suggest that the perceived threat of terrorism has a small effect on the negative attitudes toward the EU above and beyond the effect of immigration and economic threats and other basic control variables. The relationship between these variables varies across countries and it is less linear than we might expect.