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What is often described today as neo-nationalism or nationalist-populism today arguably looks like the old nationalism. What is emerging as genuinely new are the identity-based nationalisms of the centre-left, sometimes called 'liberal nationalism' or 'progressive patriotism'. I offer my own contribution to the latter, which may be called 'multicultural nationalism'. I argue that multiculturalism is a mode of integration that does not just emphasise the centrality of minority group identities but argues that integration is incomplete without re-making national identity so that all can have a sense of belonging to it. In this respect, multiculturalist approaches to national belonging have some relation to liberal nationalism and a majoritarian interculturalism. It makes not just individual rights but minority accommodation a feature of acceptable nationalism. Importantly, however, unlike cosmopolitanism it is national-focused and is not against immigration controls (subject to certain conditions). For these reasons multicultural nationalism unites the concerns of some of those currently sympathetic to majoritarian nationalism and those who are pro-diversity and minority accommodationist in the way that liberal nationalism (with its emphasis on individualism and majoritarianism) or cosmopolitanism (with its disavowal of national belonging and championing of open borders) does not. It therefore represents the political idea and tendency most likely to offer a feasible alternative rallying point to monocultural nationalism.

Abstract This article argues that the current wave of nationalism has to be understood as a response to globalisation and not as evidence for the enduring nature of the national idea, as Smith suggests. It defends the modernist paradigm as a way of explaining nationalism and emphasises the role of war in the construction of nationalism. It puts forward an explanation for the current wave of nationalism in terms of changes in the division of labour, in communications and in war and it describes the key characteristics of what the author calls the 'new nationalism'. The final section defends the idea of a cosmopolitan or European identity.

"This classic volume tells the story of nationalism, the fusion of patriotism with ethnic consciousness. It documents the emergence of nationalism in the modern world and the way that nationalism has become a substitute for religion over the past two centuries. Nationalism, for Hayes, draws its power from cultural and social factors, primarily language. Second to language are historical forces that stem from an accumulation of a people's remembered or imagined experiences. Hayes bases his observations on historic European examples. He sees nationalism as a religion, reacting against historic Christianity and the values of the Western tradition. This combination of powerful forces stresses neither charity nor the brotherhood of man. Historically it has rationalized selfishness, intolerance, and violence. The growth of nationalism, Hayes observed, brings not peace but war. As a testament to its timeless insight, Nationalism remains an informative guide despite the failure of globalization, the Internet, and international communications and connectivity to move us beyond the bonds of nationalism. Hayes's linking of the potent forces of nationalism and religion still rings true: the insurgency in Ukraine, the unrest in the Middle East, and tribal conflicts in Africa are all undergirded by nationalist sentiments."--Provided by publisher

Abstract.Economic nationalism has been regarded as a set of attitudes rather than a coherent theory. However, by using Durkheim's analytical framework and bringing the concept of the nation into political economy, the author argues that economic nationalism can be provided with a systematic theory. This theory for economic nationalism helps us to grasp the reciprocal relationship between the political and economic power of the nation‐state. Economic modernisation, especially industrialisation, needs the powerful state, and the state derives its power from the nation. Economic development can amplify the social imaginary of the nation by expanding mobilisation and communication. Protectionism, industrial policy and Keynesian policy can strengthen not only the economy but also nationalism. The proposed theory for economic nationalism thus paves the way for understanding the role of nationalism in political economy.

International audience ; Both nation and religion tend to resist attempts at a universal and unequivocal definition. It has even been even suggested that the definitions of religion resemble a Tower of Babel. One might rightfully use a similar image to speak of the nation. The founding fathers of social science admitted that they were perplexed when faced with this notion. As Durkheim put it, the concept of the nation is beyond doubt a mystical, an obscure idea. As in the case of religion, attempts to define the nation have gravitated towards two poles. On one end of the spectrum, primordial definitions of the nation border on essentialism. On the other end, scholars opt for various shades of functionalism. The nation does not easily lend itself to unified definitions. Since it was originally coined, the notion has evolved at the intersection between complex, and at times contradictory logics. The nation imposed itself in the 19th century as a new framework of collective identification and a source of political legitimacy more in tune with modernity. Its promotion went alongside the destruction of previous constituent markers of traditional identities and the erosion of imperial logics. Thereby, the nation became a privileged site for those who wished to explore and articulate new symbols of identity and politics. Nationalism, meanwhile, appeared on European soil as a kind of "in-between." It embodied the gap that existed between the initial ambitions of "national movements" and the concrete realities produced by the instrumentalization of the mobilizing powers of the national idea in the service of the State. This led to a situation where the nation, previously a central reference in the European Movement (those who everywhere were fighting against the established Order), was used by political actors as a device to promote and sanction specific kinds of political order.

An analysis & historical view of black nat'lism in the US are presented. It is seen that black nat'list thought is a consequence of the duality of the experience of Afro-Amer's. In its earliest manifestations, during the late 19th cent, pol'al nat'lism sought to separate black people from the US, econ nat'lism sought to break down racial barriers through developing econ strength in the black community, while cultural nat'lism tried to develop racial solidarity & black consciousness. Black nat'lism as a mass movement did not exist until Marcus Garvey after WWI brought the various strands together through the establishment of the Universal Negro Improvement Assoc & African Communities League in New York City. His strongest appeal was to the Southern blacks who were seeking employment in the industr centers of the North. Garvey drew upon the Booker T. Washington philosophy of econ independence & established various commercial enterprises. He exalted everything black. In the early 1920's, Garvey's followers numbered perhaps 500,000. After Garvey's imprisonment in 1925, the movement declined, but the integral form of black nat'lism continued in the Nation of Islam, established in the early 1930's in Detroit. It was led by Elijah Muhammad, who added a signif religious component. Contemporary trends in black nat'lism reflect the profound influence of the late El-Hajj Malik ElShabazz, who broke with the Nation of Islam & linked the struggle of Afro-Amer's with that of oppressed peoples throughout the world, & esp in Africa. He also emphasized human rights rather than civil rights. Pol'al nat'lism has been expanded to include a new & unique emphasis upon land & upon self-determination for black communities & the accountability of black leaders. Attention is also given to a reform of Amer values & behavior. In recent yrs, black consciousness has received added impetus in terms of racial solidarity & a positive selfimage. Cultural nat'lism is growing, though there are indications that black people see themselves as part of US society. Future trends may be signif'ly affected by the most persistent racial barrier in the US: the color line. Modified HA.

Abstract.This article argues that the myth of the Golden Age is a key mobilising element within radical Basque nationalism. By using an ethno‐symbolist approach, this article argues that nostalgia, a catchword for looking back, usually relates to an idealised past. It then proceeds to explain how ETA in particular has domesticated the past to justify its political violence which is currently exalted as a means of honouring the fighting spirit of their ancestors. From this perspective, violence is presented as a redemptive act that can stop the decay of the Basque nation and bring a new political future in which the inspiring ancient virtues will be rediscovered. This nostalgic gaze upon the past continually 'reminds' radical Basque nationalists of an imaginary, yet familiar, past which can only be regained by using revolutionary violence.

When East Pakistan1 broke away from Pakistan to become the independent and sovereign nation of Bangladesh in 1971after nine month long war of independent against west Pakistan, many observers believed that South Asia was irrevocably on its route to a secular nationalism beyond religious 'tribalism'2 and 'two nation theory'3 (G.Allana (ed),1967, Pakistan Movement: Historic Documents,p-77 ) which purported the 1947 partition of British India and establishment of Pakistan on the basis of religious separate identity. As later events proved, they were sadly mistaken. The primacy of Islamic traditions and sentiments cast aside by the Bengalis in East Pakistan in 1971 to fight the Pakistani crackdown and later deliberately excised by the new Bangladesh government, subsequently returned as a resilient and widespread political phenomenon. This was loosely characterized as Muslim identity, different from the Bang alee nationalism which was focused on secularism, language and literature.4 The international community was familiar with 'militant' Islam but Muslim consciousness in Bangladesh was not identical to the global Islamic fundamentalism. The growing Muslim consciousness in Bangladesh was still evolving its goals, strategies and tactics. In its broadest connotation, Muslim nationalism in Bangladesh was the sentiment and spirit of 'Muslim heritage and rule in Bengal. It was also the passion of belonging which girded, the Muslims through a common monotheistic faith and a nexus of culture, values, customs, experiences, traditions, personal laws, ways of life and rituals. These were perceived as their distinctive heritage which might, in fact, be the product of coevolving forces over a history. Its basic appeal was the sense of pride, recognition, a yearning for harmony and a mystique which made them 'feel good' and secure against internal constraints and external threats. However, the real arena of dispute between Islamic identity and Bang alee nationalism was its domestic politics. After the breakup of Pakistan, it was an uphill slog for the Islamists to regroup and reassert themselves as a viable political force. The primary objective of this paper is to examine the cultural and political dynamics of Islam and Muslim consciousness in Bangladesh and their confrontation with the secularists and the Bang alee nationalists and try to give an analysis on the nationalism trends of Bangladesh. DOI:10.5901/ajis.2014.v3n1p439