Suchergebnisse

Contact with the carceral state—ranging from police stops to prison time—is a frequent experience in the United States, particularly in communities marginalized on the basis of race and class. In recent years, political scientists have sought to measure the impacts of these encounters on individuals' and communities' political engagement. This review describes the main sources of evidence in this literature and what we learn from them. I present a series of stylized facts about the carceral state and political behavior, highlighting places where we know a great deal (such as the relative underrepresentation of people with criminal convictions among voters) and places where more work is needed (such as nonvoting participation and community spillovers). Then, I discuss policy proposals that seek to mitigate the political impacts of the carceral state, and what is and is not yet known about what they might accomplish.

Taking political participation seriously / Ellen Lust-Okar -- Participation under authoritarian rule -- The nature of political participation / Holger Albrecht -- Formal and informal venues of engagement / Laila al-Hamad -- Negotiating the electoral arena -- Intra-elite struggles in Iranian elections / Günes Murat Tezcür -- Competing for resources in Jordinian elections / Ellen Lust-Okar -- Inside Egyptian parliamentary campaigns / Samer Shehata -- Local elections in Gaza / Dag Tuastad -- Beyond electoral politics -- Opposition groups in Bahrain / Katja Niethammer -- Mapping participation in Egypt / Nihad Gohar -- The dynamics of civil society in Morocco / Driss Maghraoui -- The Moroccan parliament / Saloua Zerhouni -- Trade unions in Tunisia / Delphine Cavallo -- Conclusion -- Looking forward / Saloua Zerhouni

pt. 1. Political communication : empowering or disempowering? -- pt. 2. Political participation in mediated spaces : merely 'soft' empowerment? -- pt. 3. Citizen (public) mediated acts of empowerment : challenging the status quo? -- pt. 4. Conclusion.

448 S'S FROM 3 PREDOMINANTLY BLACK COLL'S, BLACK SCHOOL AGE NONSTUDENTS, BLACK JOB-TRAINING-PROGRAM (FOR UNEMPLOYED OR UNDER-EMPLOYED) ENTRANTS & S'S FROM A PREDOMINANTLY WHITE COLL, WERE STUDIED IN THE SOUTH IN 1968-69. BOTH COLL GROUPS WERE HETEROGENEOUS IN SE BACKGROUND; THE NONSTUDENT GROUPS WERE FROM LOW SE LEVELS. A QUESTIONNAIRE BASED ON PERSONAL-ANOMIE, POLITICAL EFFICACY, & POLITICAL CYNICISM SCALES MEASURED 4 FACTORS OF ALIENATION: (1) FOCUS (FROM SOCIETAL NORMS, GOVERNMENT OR PEOPLE RUNNING THE GOVERNMENT); (2) FORM (DISTRUST & HOPELESSNESS); (3) MODE (TRADITIONAL PROTESTS OF GIVING MONEY, TALKING POLITICS, ETC OR ACTIVE PROTESTS OF PICKETING, MARCHING & SITTING-IN), & (4) AGENT (CAUSE). SOUTHERN BLACK YOUTH ARE ALIENATED IN THE AREA OF POLITICAL CYNICISM & SCORE HIGH ON PERSONAL MORALE & POLITICAL EFFICACY. HIGH FEELINGS OF MOTIVATION & EXPECTATION TOWARD POLITICS BALANCE GROWING MISTRUST & EXPECTED LACK OF RESPONSE FROM THE GOVERNMENT. ALIENATION COMBINED WITH APATHY WOULD MAKE NO CHANGE; ALIENATION COMBINED WITH HIGH ACTIVITY MAY LEAD TO OVERT POLITICAL REVOLUTION. FINDING RELATIVE OPTIMISM & POSITIVE ATTITUDES IN THESE SOUTHERN BLACK YOUTH SUGGESTS THEIR DIFFERENCE FROM YOUTH IN THE REST OF THE NATION. THE RESPONSIVENESS OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM TO THIS SENSE OF ACTIVISM & CYNICISM WILL MAKE THE DIFFERENCE TOWARD EVENTUAL ACTION. 10 TABLES. T. BABITSKY.

Consumers have the possibility of expressing political opinion by changing their consumption patterns. Political consumerism, a politically motivated consumer choice of producers & products, is an old phenomenon. Historically, consumerism has mainly been a negative choice in form of boycotts, whereas positive boycotts & global concerns are becoming more dominant today. Consumerism is particularly important as channel for women's political engagement. Relevant distinctions are introduced. 1 Figure, 77 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThe paper explores the relationship between crime victimization and political participation, making the argument that the observed (and oft-cited) relationship in surveys is the result of response bias. We show that people who are more extroverted, efficacious, and opinionated are more likely to respond positively to a question about victimization, and they are more likely to participate in politics. The implications of this finding are important and widespread—both for survey researchers interested in sensitive questions and for research on the relationship between crime and political engagement.

"The chapter gives an overview of recent developments within participation and electoral research, and discusses the current state of affairs with regard to data provision and access. It concludes with several recommendations: (a) to tag a small number of key political variables as constant elements of the future question programmes of both the ALLBUS and the GSOEP, thereby creating substantial amounts of synergy at little marginal cost; (b) to establish a National Election Study in Germany by providing the current GLES project (which is funded by the DFG to study the 2009, 2013 and 2017 national elections) with a constant logistic and methodological support infrastructure by GESIS, and on the long run by providing a regular follow-up study to this project with a stable basis of reliable public funding and a firm institutional embedding, preferably by including it into the remit of GESIS; (c) to adapt the data services of the statistical offices in several respects more closely to the data requirements of participation and electoral research; (d) to establish a formal obligation for public agencies to submit survey data collected under their auspices in due time to the public domain for purposes of secondary analysis." (author's abstract)

This research addresses the extent to which political participation is a function of misinformation. A large body of work links information with participation, but relatively few authors have addressed the relationship between misinformation and participation. We use data from a 1997 random-digit-dial survey of 810 adults in San Diego to test the hypothesis that misinformation (confident beliefs in false facts) is associated with political participation even after controlling for other explanations, including information. We find that while both misinformation and information tend to increase participation levels, their specific impacts vary. This research ends a period of speculation by presenting empirical evidence of misinformed participation for the first time in the literature.

Despite it being a debated issue in recent decades, there is in fact no consensus regarding the potentialities of the Internet for the strengthening of citizens' political participation and – by extension – of democracy itself. Nonetheless, this "new medium", and, in particular, its Web 2.0 version has become the cornerstone of communication strategies for both political parties and their candidates. Several questions emerge from the debate about the impact of the internet on political participation. First of all, the very concept of political participa- tion. Despite its importance in the theory of democracy, this concept is not always easy to define with rigor particularly when it comes to the form and boundaries of such participation. Actually, the ultimate issue is whether we are currently witnessing a "crisis of participation" or quite the contrary, the rise of alternative forms thereof. Secondly, the debate about the so-called "crisis of democracy" is also central when thinking about political participa- tion in our times. Democratic societies are experiencing a democratic deficit, to a large extend a crisis of confidence in traditional political parties, by which citizens feel misrepresented and hence alienated from righteous participation in their political destiny.

Describes the migration flow from Yugoslavia to Sweden in the context of large-scale international labour migration in post-war Europe. Further, an empirical comparative analysis is carried out on the basis of the Swedish Level of Living Survey. The aim is to compare political participation of Yugoslavs and Swedes. (Abstract amended)