The Nordic countries are often referred to as a group even though their education systems and training models are very different. The aim of this study is to advance understanding of those differences and compare the developments and organisation of initial vocational education and training (IVET) in Finland and Sweden since the 1990s as examples of school-based models of IVET in statist regimes. The research questions address the following: how these two countries have institutionalised school-based IVET since the 1990s; the kinds of legislative reforms that have been decisive for the construction of school-based IVET; and how the models of school-based IVET in these two countries allow access to higher education and the world of work. The analysis shows the heterogeneity of the statist model of school-based IVET systems in two Nordic countries and underlines differences with respect to school-to-work transitions between IVET and different labour market sectors. ; peerReviewed
With a comparative lens, this article explores the trajectory of women's advancement in policing in China and the United States (US), two major countries, one in the Global South and the other in the Northern part of the world. The article describes the rich history of women police in the US and China and compares the development of women policing in these two jurisdictions, which are sharply contrasting in many respects. Starting from the model of women's stage-by-stage integration into policing developed in the Northern contexts, we examine women's evolution in police and their local conditions in the two systems. Framed in Southern Criminology and Southern Theory, we conclude that the US model of sexual integration does not apply to China, where traditional cultural norms continue to reinforce women's gendered roles in policing. More generally, the progress of women is unlikely, nor necessary, to share the same trajectory everywhere.
This article deals with the state of agricultural products grown in agro-industrial enterprises of the country. It also covers the competitive situation and opportunities of enterprises in this area. Today, our government is carrying out reforms to increase its competitiveness in the agricultural sector, as well as in any other sector.
This paper examines the political ecology of a participatory environmental management setting. It argues the failure of participatory forums to meet their goals reveals more generalized features of the state, namely its fractured quality and inconsistent actions. Thus, rather than premise questions of how participatory forums might be more effective, researchers should first consider what cleavages and inconsistencies in the state that participatory forums reveal. How do the various actors involved negotiate these cleavages and inconsistencies? The paper explores disputes surrounding the Cape Hatteras National Seashore, North Carolina, USA. The argument centers on whether or not off-road vehicles might access the Seashore. Parties to the dispute have lobbied elected representatives, participated in a public forum, enacted litigation, and carried out campaigns of public admonishment. While using one part of the state to counteract the actions of another, supporters of off-road vehicles proffer a moral assessment which contrasts "gentlemen-type rules" with "backroom deals". The paper argues this rhetoric acts as a kind of cultural script that people use to corral heterogeneous state institutions into a single discursive framework that premises the kind of face-to-face relations where they are more likely to achieve their goals.Keywords: conservation; state formation; environmentality; environmental governance
The General Assembly Session ended the "short session" as scheduled this year on, Feb. 24 despite lengthy debates on legislation dealing with major policy issues including transportation, energy re-regulation and eminent domain.
AbstractDuring the COVID‐19 pandemic, cities in the United States of America developed more that 100 basic income pilots. This article examines the heretofore hidden impact of the pandemic on the future extension of basic income programmes at the sub‐national level. While the super‐majoritarian requirements of United States federal policy making keep the possibility of national‐level basic income remote, several features of basic income, including unconditional cash transfers and broad programme eligibility, have emerged as viable tools in state and local policy. Drawing on an inventory of basic income pilots and interviews with policy entrepreneurs, this article defines and then examines the phenomenon of "viral cash" and assesses the probability that the wave of basic income pilots will continue to grow after the pandemic. Conventional approaches to evaluating the diffusion of policies across jurisdictions focus squarely on policy. Appraising viral cash's future requires a shift to following the advocacy networks who move, adapt and combine basic income with other programmes.
Introduction. The aim of the work was to analyze the leading directions of interaction between the state and religious authorities in the modern public space. It is shown that the result of this interaction was the politicization of the Russian Orthodox Church (hereinafter ROC). It is proved that in recent decades the Church continues to exert direct and indirect influence on the state, which, in turn, uses its spiritual potential to stabilize the socio-political system. Methods and materials. Institutional and modernization approaches were used as the research methodology. Within the framework of the institutional approach, an analysis of the interaction of government structures and the ROC in the context of adaptation, cooperation and competition in the course of democratic transformations in the country was carried out. Within the framework of the modernization approach J. Haber formulates the fundamental thesis on the increasing role of religion in a secular (modernizing) society and its strengthening in the national state. Analysis. It is noted that in the 1990s the leading direction of interaction between the state and the ROC was exclusively the political sphere, which was associated with the democratization of public life, the involvement of the clergy in political modernization. At the beginning of the 21st century the state proclaimed a course towards depoliticizing the institution of religion. The activities of political religious parties were prohibited. Subsequently, the ruling United Russia party began to focus on mutually beneficial partnership with the ROC, priority was given to the patriotic education of young people. The result of joint activities of the Main Military-Political Directorate of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and the ROC was the formation of a new type of soldier, a bearer of spiritual and moral values, a statesman, defender of the Fatherland. The ROC, as the dominant religious figure in the public space, actively participates in the domestic and foreign policy of the country, challenging other confessional structures. The highest officials of the state and the church share the common values of conservatism, but at the same time, each of them defends its own interests, which initiates the limitation of their mutual support. Results. The state power, together with the ROC, solves internal political problems, including the formation of spiritual, moral, patriotic constants in modern Russian society. In the context of the sanctions policy, the activity of the ROC as a conductor of the "soft power" of the state contributes to the improvement of the countrys image. The result of the interaction of state and religious structures is the formation of a new ideological paradigm based on the principles of religious ethics, conservative values, as well as national identity, patriotism.
Despite African governments' increased interest in tapping the developmentpotential of their diaspora, the transfer of skills by professors andresearchers in higher education institutions abroad has received limitedattention. Known as the academic diaspora, these groups are recognised asreliable mediators for African universities in the midst of unending globalisation,transnationalism and internationalisation of higher education. Thisarticle explores Ghana's policy environment and institutional frameworkto tap the development potential of its academic diaspora for higher education.We conclude that capacity building and the extension of rights andprivileges are important elements that need to be embraced by the governmentto motivate experienced and highly skilled academics to contribute tothe country's higher education sector. Key words: academic diaspora, Ghana, diaspora engagement, highereducation, skills transfer, brain gain
Organizational culture can be the main competitive advantage instrument and employee commitment since they tend to be affected by organizational culture aspects at work. This research discusses the effect of organizational culture on employee organizational commitment. The research objective is to analyze how the effect of organizational culture on organizational commitment through three dimensions consisting of affective commitment, continuance commitment and normative commitment. The research sample involved 130 people from echelon IV officials who were attending the Leadership Education and Training Level IV of the Ministry of Finance using a saturated sampling technique in which all members of the population became research samples. This research employed causality model or relationship or effect. To test the proposed hypothesis, it utilized SEM (Structural Equation Models) analysis techniques. Based on statistical results, organizational culture has a positive and significant effect on organizational commitment. This is evidenced from the results of the p (probability) value of 0.07 > 0.05 and an estimated value of 0.75 which shows a positive result. It means that if the culture of the organization increases, it will affect the increase in organizational commitment.
AbstractGlobally, as we progress toward a more sustainable future, the sustainable development goals (SDGs) must be incorporated into various sectors, including education. This article explores the significant impact of inventive leadership styles on SDGs in education at the secondary school level in Pakistan. Based on this study, four hypotheses were developed using leadership variables such as empowerment of leadership, inspiring learners, resilient visions, and lead transformation. A quantitative survey method was utilized in this study. The researchers selected convenient sampling to collect data from 288 teachers, including heads of schools and administrators from 89 institutions. The data collection process included using a survey questionnaire to collect data on leadership styles and their relationship regarding SDGs within the field of education. In order to analyze the given data, two software programs were used, namely SPSS and Smart PLS 4.0. Several statistical methods were used to examine the collected data, such as confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) and structural equation modeling (SEM), which were implemented to confirm the measurement model. Additionally, path analysis was conducted to determine the relationship between independent and dependent variables. The findings revealed that overall leadership styles have a great positive impact on SDGs in education. Based on results, it has been found that it would be beneficial if leaders/teachers enhance their struggle using inventive leadership styles for achieving SDGs, fostering transformative education, and ensuring that learners and societies benefit from a more equitable and resilient future. Additionally, the need for more resources, resistance to change, and a need for leaders'/teachers' professional development have been identified as potential obstacles. To overcome these challenges, a collaborative approach among stakeholders, policy support, and innovative practices are recommended.
The library of the Department was founded by Thomas Jefferson. In his estimates of expenses of June 17, 1790, he included subscriptions to fifteen American newspapers at an average of four dollars per year for each; $200 to begin a collection of the laws of the States, and twenty-five dollars for the purchase of foreign gazettes, this amount including also payment for American papers to be sent to our agents abroad. To this basis for a library should be added the laws and public documents deposited with the Department under various statutes, and books under the copyright law.It was inevitable that some works on government and international law should find their way into an office occupied by such men of books as Jefferson and Madison. When the British invaded the city in 1814, no attempt was made to save the library and it was burned with the Department building. The work of collecting was taken up again as soon as the office was reestablished. The Department was dependent upon its own library resources and did not have the privilege of drawing books from the Library of Congress, until it was granted by law January 30, 1830; but probably it had the larger collection of the two. By 1831 the documents and laws had become so numerous that Congress appropriated $340 to pay for their storage.
This paper examines resource nationalism in the legal system of Indonesia under the interpretation of Articles 33(2), 33(3), and 18B(2) of the 1945 Constitution. It will describe the evolution of the meaning of resource nationalism since independence to the present day, in the context of foreign investment, to investigate the extent to which resource nationalism has benefited indigenous peoples. This paper argues that resource nationalism in the legal system of Indonesia has been driven by state-centric goals and has strayed far away from considerations of the benefits to the indigenous people (Masyarakat Hukum Adat/MHA), so as to dominantly benefit the elites of government and foreign investors. This paper will introduce a new conceptual framework in order to develop an effective argument about resource nationalism using International Human Rights Law.
