Suchergebnisse

Public Opinion in the EU: Factors Determining Attitudes Towards Immigration. The Cases of Sweden and Denmark Since immigration has been indicated to be one of the most important issues in the EU, the public opinion on this matter varies across the countries. Sweden and Denmark were chosen to analyse how two very similar countries in social, economic and cultural terms may have such different points of view towards immigration. Citizens in Sweden have been more supportive of the matter compared to the citizens of Denmark. The aim of this study is to examine what are the main factors contributing to such different public opinion on immigration and how such similar counties can have such opposing views. Economic, identity, contact, threat, mood and cue-taking theories try to explain the factors which influence the public opinion. Economic one argues that well-developed countries usually support the free movement of people and see it as a positive element thing for country's economics because immigrants do not burden strong economies as much as they would concern the economies of poor countries. Identity theory argues that citizens are more concerned that immigrants are a threat to local values and culture which they interfere. Contact theory explains that the more citizens are involved with immigrants, the more positive about immigration they become. Threat theory suggests that locals might become insecure about employment or welfare state. Since immigrants might be seen as a threat to take jobs or use heavily economic benefits especially when immigration flow is sudden and large-scale. Mood theory argues that citizens are usually unaware of politics and the reality of immigration therefore their opinion can be easily manipulated by others including media or an opinion by authoritative personalities, to name a few. Finally, cue-taking theory similarly suggests that opinion is formed by cues made by political parties. Other studies usually analyse and compare two or three theories while in this study it is attempted to combine all the major theories in order to have a much broader picture on the matter. Out of these theories and previous studies, ten hypotheses were established which were tested by implementing opinion polls. Surveys carried by Eurobarometer, European Social Survey and Gallup International were chosen to be thoroughly analysed to support the hypotheses. Furthermore, this study puts an emphasis on a state-level analysis rather than an individual level one since it is aimed to find the differences between the two countries but also because of available statistical data. The results show that identity, threat and contact theories explain the factors determining public opinion on immigration the best. The analysis showed that sudden and large-scale immigration increases the possibility for a more negative perception of immigration. During the migrant crisis, public opinion about immigration became obviously more pessimistic both in Denmark and Sweden. Also, if there is more contact with immigrants, the attitude towards them becomes more positive. The results in Sweden showed that citizens communicate with immigrants more often and they have more close relationships with them, compared to Denmark. Finally, in both countries, public opinion towards immigrants from countries outside the EU or of different ethnicity are way more negative, compared to the immigrants who came from the EU states or countries with similar ethnic background. Other theories suggested little or no support when applied in Sweden and Denmark. The outcome of this study allows a better understanding of what contributes to the construction of negative attitudes towards immigration. Also, why in some countries immigration might seem more of a threat, compared to other countries. It could also help to search for a solution to encourage a more positive perception of immigrants and thus their better integration in the society.

Public Opinion in the EU: Factors Determining Attitudes Towards Immigration. The Cases of Sweden and Denmark Since immigration has been indicated to be one of the most important issues in the EU, the public opinion on this matter varies across the countries. Sweden and Denmark were chosen to analyse how two very similar countries in social, economic and cultural terms may have such different points of view towards immigration. Citizens in Sweden have been more supportive of the matter compared to the citizens of Denmark. The aim of this study is to examine what are the main factors contributing to such different public opinion on immigration and how such similar counties can have such opposing views. Economic, identity, contact, threat, mood and cue-taking theories try to explain the factors which influence the public opinion. Economic one argues that well-developed countries usually support the free movement of people and see it as a positive element thing for country's economics because immigrants do not burden strong economies as much as they would concern the economies of poor countries. Identity theory argues that citizens are more concerned that immigrants are a threat to local values and culture which they interfere. Contact theory explains that the more citizens are involved with immigrants, the more positive about immigration they become. Threat theory suggests that locals might become insecure about employment or welfare state. Since immigrants might be seen as a threat to take jobs or use heavily economic benefits especially when immigration flow is sudden and large-scale. Mood theory argues that citizens are usually unaware of politics and the reality of immigration therefore their opinion can be easily manipulated by others including media or an opinion by authoritative personalities, to name a few. Finally, cue-taking theory similarly suggests that opinion is formed by cues made by political parties. Other studies usually analyse and compare two or three theories while in this study it is attempted to combine all the major theories in order to have a much broader picture on the matter. Out of these theories and previous studies, ten hypotheses were established which were tested by implementing opinion polls. Surveys carried by Eurobarometer, European Social Survey and Gallup International were chosen to be thoroughly analysed to support the hypotheses. Furthermore, this study puts an emphasis on a state-level analysis rather than an individual level one since it is aimed to find the differences between the two countries but also because of available statistical data. The results show that identity, threat and contact theories explain the factors determining public opinion on immigration the best. The analysis showed that sudden and large-scale immigration increases the possibility for a more negative perception of immigration. During the migrant crisis, public opinion about immigration became obviously more pessimistic both in Denmark and Sweden. Also, if there is more contact with immigrants, the attitude towards them becomes more positive. The results in Sweden showed that citizens communicate with immigrants more often and they have more close relationships with them, compared to Denmark. Finally, in both countries, public opinion towards immigrants from countries outside the EU or of different ethnicity are way more negative, compared to the immigrants who came from the EU states or countries with similar ethnic background. Other theories suggested little or no support when applied in Sweden and Denmark. The outcome of this study allows a better understanding of what contributes to the construction of negative attitudes towards immigration. Also, why in some countries immigration might seem more of a threat, compared to other countries. It could also help to search for a solution to encourage a more positive perception of immigrants and thus their better integration in the society.

Public Opinion in the EU: Factors Determining Attitudes Towards Immigration. The Cases of Sweden and Denmark Since immigration has been indicated to be one of the most important issues in the EU, the public opinion on this matter varies across the countries. Sweden and Denmark were chosen to analyse how two very similar countries in social, economic and cultural terms may have such different points of view towards immigration. Citizens in Sweden have been more supportive of the matter compared to the citizens of Denmark. The aim of this study is to examine what are the main factors contributing to such different public opinion on immigration and how such similar counties can have such opposing views. Economic, identity, contact, threat, mood and cue-taking theories try to explain the factors which influence the public opinion. Economic one argues that well-developed countries usually support the free movement of people and see it as a positive element thing for country's economics because immigrants do not burden strong economies as much as they would concern the economies of poor countries. Identity theory argues that citizens are more concerned that immigrants are a threat to local values and culture which they interfere. Contact theory explains that the more citizens are involved with immigrants, the more positive about immigration they become. Threat theory suggests that locals might become insecure about employment or welfare state. Since immigrants might be seen as a threat to take jobs or use heavily economic benefits especially when immigration flow is sudden and large-scale. Mood theory argues that citizens are usually unaware of politics and the reality of immigration therefore their opinion can be easily manipulated by others including media or an opinion by authoritative personalities, to name a few. Finally, cue-taking theory similarly suggests that opinion is formed by cues made by political parties. Other studies usually analyse and compare two or three theories while in this study it is attempted to combine all the major theories in order to have a much broader picture on the matter. Out of these theories and previous studies, ten hypotheses were established which were tested by implementing opinion polls. Surveys carried by Eurobarometer, European Social Survey and Gallup International were chosen to be thoroughly analysed to support the hypotheses. Furthermore, this study puts an emphasis on a state-level analysis rather than an individual level one since it is aimed to find the differences between the two countries but also because of available statistical data. The results show that identity, threat and contact theories explain the factors determining public opinion on immigration the best. The analysis showed that sudden and large-scale immigration increases the possibility for a more negative perception of immigration. During the migrant crisis, public opinion about immigration became obviously more pessimistic both in Denmark and Sweden. Also, if there is more contact with immigrants, the attitude towards them becomes more positive. The results in Sweden showed that citizens communicate with immigrants more often and they have more close relationships with them, compared to Denmark. Finally, in both countries, public opinion towards immigrants from countries outside the EU or of different ethnicity are way more negative, compared to the immigrants who came from the EU states or countries with similar ethnic background. Other theories suggested little or no support when applied in Sweden and Denmark. The outcome of this study allows a better understanding of what contributes to the construction of negative attitudes towards immigration. Also, why in some countries immigration might seem more of a threat, compared to other countries. It could also help to search for a solution to encourage a more positive perception of immigrants and thus their better integration in the society.

The article is a study of the wars of historical memory. The process of increasing use of the historical past in the public life of the present is considered. History has become a political tool through which one or another socio-political system is legitimized or delegitimized. In a number of countries, laws have been passed to punish those who write "wrong". Real "wars of historical memory" have broken out in international relations. The ethnicization of history and the establishment of narratives about one's own nation as exclusively a "victim of history" are gaining momentum, which requires special treatment and appropriate compensation. In particular, the initiators of the proclamation of "wars of historical memory" in different countries are not the same. Remembrance wars are often declared at the highest level, involving officials, including heads of state, who "rebuff" and "put in place the wrongdoers", reminding the nation of the nation's incurable wounds and the terrible crimes of its neighbors. Objectively, the question of the social motives of the "wars of historical memory" is brewing. The authors share the view that the main reason is the escalation of the confrontation between Russia and the collective West. Historical politics, which has taken the form of "wars of historical memory", is a symptom rather than a cause of this confrontation. It has been analyzed that the politicization of historical memory often leads to negative consequences, and there is no easy way out of this situation. And it is difficult to find that decisive link, undertaking which it would be possible to pull out the whole chain of pressing problems. At the same time, it must be acknowledged that the controversy over the role of the Soviet Union in World War II has not been annihilated, but has intensified amid escalating tensions between East and West. Summarizing the evolution of "wars of historical memory" to a sharp aggravation, Marlene Laruel noted: "I interpret the wars for historical memory between Poland, the Baltic states and Ukraine, on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, as narrative «related to the exclusion of Russia from Europe or inclusion in it". ; Стаття є дослідженням війн історичної пам'яті. Розглядається процес усе зростаючого використання історичного минулого в суспільному житті сьогодення. Історія стала політичним інструментом, за допомогою якого легітимізується чи делегітимізується та чи інша соціально-політична система. У низці країн були прийняті закони про покарання тих, хто пише «неправильно». У міжнародних відносинах спалахнули справжні «війни історичної пам'яті». Набирає сили етнізація історії та утвердження наративів про власну націю як виключно «жертву історії», що вимагає до себе особливого ставлення й належної компенсації. Зокрема, ініціатори проголошення «війн історичної пам'яті» в різних країнах не одні і ті ж. Часто війни пам'яті проголошуються на найвищому рівні – в них беруть участь офіційні особи, включаючи глав держав, які «дають відкоша» і «ставлять на місце неправих», нагадують про незаживаючі рани нації й про страшні злочини сусідів. Об'єктивно назріває питання про суспільні спонуки «війн історичної пам'яті». Автори поділяють точку зору, що головна причина полягає у загостренні протистояння між Росією і колективним Заходом. Історична політика, яка набула вигляду «війн історичної пам'яті», є скоріше симптомом, а не причиною цього протистояння. Проаналізовано, що політизація історичної пам'яті досить часто призводить до негативних наслідків, і легкого виходу із цієї ситуації не проглядається. І важко знайти ту вирішальну ланку, взявшись за яку можна було б витягнути увесь ланцюг назрілих проблем. Тим часом слід визнати, що полеміка навколо ролі Радянського Союзу у Другій світовій війні не виникла знічев'я, вона загострилася на фоні посилення напруги між Сходом і Заходом. Узагальнюючи еволюцію «війн історичної пам'яті» до жорсткого загострення, Марлен Ларюель зазначав: «Я інтерпретую війни за історичну пам'ять між Польщею, прибалтійськими державами і Україною, з одного боку, і Росією – з другого, як «стратегічний наратив», пов'язаний із виключенням Росії із Європи або включенням в неї».

Public Opinion in the EU: Factors Determining Attitudes Towards Immigration. The Cases of Sweden and Denmark Since immigration has been indicated to be one of the most important issues in the EU, the public opinion on this matter varies across the countries. Sweden and Denmark were chosen to analyse how two very similar countries in social, economic and cultural terms may have such different points of view towards immigration. Citizens in Sweden have been more supportive of the matter compared to the citizens of Denmark. The aim of this study is to examine what are the main factors contributing to such different public opinion on immigration and how such similar counties can have such opposing views. Economic, identity, contact, threat, mood and cue-taking theories try to explain the factors which influence the public opinion. Economic one argues that well-developed countries usually support the free movement of people and see it as a positive element thing for country's economics because immigrants do not burden strong economies as much as they would concern the economies of poor countries. Identity theory argues that citizens are more concerned that immigrants are a threat to local values and culture which they interfere. Contact theory explains that the more citizens are involved with immigrants, the more positive about immigration they become. Threat theory suggests that locals might become insecure about employment or welfare state. Since immigrants might be seen as a threat to take jobs or use heavily economic benefits especially when immigration flow is sudden and large-scale. Mood theory argues that citizens are usually unaware of politics and the reality of immigration therefore their opinion can be easily manipulated by others including media or an opinion by authoritative personalities, to name a few. Finally, cue-taking theory similarly suggests that opinion is formed by cues made by political parties. Other studies usually analyse and compare two or three theories while in this study it is attempted to combine all the major theories in order to have a much broader picture on the matter. Out of these theories and previous studies, ten hypotheses were established which were tested by implementing opinion polls. Surveys carried by Eurobarometer, European Social Survey and Gallup International were chosen to be thoroughly analysed to support the hypotheses. Furthermore, this study puts an emphasis on a state-level analysis rather than an individual level one since it is aimed to find the differences between the two countries but also because of available statistical data. The results show that identity, threat and contact theories explain the factors determining public opinion on immigration the best. The analysis showed that sudden and large-scale immigration increases the possibility for a more negative perception of immigration. During the migrant crisis, public opinion about immigration became obviously more pessimistic both in Denmark and Sweden. Also, if there is more contact with immigrants, the attitude towards them becomes more positive. The results in Sweden showed that citizens communicate with immigrants more often and they have more close relationships with them, compared to Denmark. Finally, in both countries, public opinion towards immigrants from countries outside the EU or of different ethnicity are way more negative, compared to the immigrants who came from the EU states or countries with similar ethnic background. Other theories suggested little or no support when applied in Sweden and Denmark. The outcome of this study allows a better understanding of what contributes to the construction of negative attitudes towards immigration. Also, why in some countries immigration might seem more of a threat, compared to other countries. It could also help to search for a solution to encourage a more positive perception of immigrants and thus their better integration in the society.

The present article attempts to understand the central features of the foreign strategy of Mauricio Macri´s conservative Argentinian government (2015-2019). A close scrutiny of the final drive to successfully conclude negotiations between Mercosur and the European Union during the closing stages of Mr.Macri´s administration is performed. A qualitative method has been used, based on a detailed inspection of official sources, press reports and news stories covering the talks. It is possible to conclude that besides the Argentinian decision to go ahead with the talks and bring them to a positive conclusion, it was also necessary for the "Progressive" cycle in regional politics, to come to an end. This was greatly expedited by the impeachment of former Brazilian President Dilma Roussef, a development that allowed all Mercosur countries to be in the same page regarding the organization´s relationship with the European partners. The final outcome of the talks made it clear that the Argentinean government had finally accepted to remove all the obstacles that had obstructed its trade with Europe during the post-war period. Instead, a new approach was adopted, based on the belief that free trade would promote enhanced economic growth. The actions undertaken by the Macri administration leading into the opening of the dialogs resulting in the 2019 Agreement, underscore the limitations of his government in grasping the workings of the international system. Finally, this allows to reach a better understanding the main features of the Argentinean model of insertion in the world economy. ; El presente artículo busca comprender, mediante el último impulso al proceso de negociación entre el Mercosur y la Unión Europea llevado adelante durante la Presidencia de Mauricio Macri (2015-2019), cuáles fueron los rasgos fundamentales de la estrategia de relacionamiento externo del Gobierno conservador argentino. Para ello, se ha utilizado una metodología cualitativa recurriendo a fuentes oficiales, reportajes y notas periodísticas que permitieron entrever el proceso de negociación. Se ha podido concluir que además de la voluntad argentina para que la llegada del acuerdo fuese posible, debió producirse el cierre del ciclo progresista, sobre todo desde la destitución de Dilma Rousseff, hecho que puso en sintonía al Mercosur para llevarlo adelante. En el intercambio de compromisos quedó claro que el Gobierno argentino estuvo dispuesto a abandonar los obstáculos que habían existido desde la última posguerra en el intercambio comercial con el Viejo Continente a favor de la creencia en que la apertura generaría crecimiento. De las acciones que culminaron con el anuncio de las negociaciones para la firma del Acuerdo en 2019, se pudo observar las limitaciones de la administración a la hora de comprender cómo funcionaba el sistema internacional, permitiendo también evaluar las características de su modelo de inserción. ; Este artigo busca compreender, por meio do último impulso ao processo de negociação entre o Mercosul e a União Europeia realizado durante a presidência de Mauricio Macri (2015-2019), quais foram os traços fundamentais da estratégia de relações externas do governo conservador argentino. Para isso, utilizou-se uma metodologia qualitativa, recorrendo a fontes oficiais, reportagens e notas jornalísticas que permitiram vislumbrar o processo de negociação. Foi possível concluir que, além da vontade da Argentina de que o acordo fosse possível, o ciclo progressista deve ter sido encerrado, principalmente a partir da destituição de Dilma Rousseff, fato que colocou o Mercosul em sintonia para levá-lo adiante. Na troca de compromissos ficou claro que o governo argentino estava disposto a abandonar os obstáculos que existiam desde o último pós-guerra no intercâmbio comercial com o Velho Continente em favor da crença de que a abertura geraria crescimento. Das ações que culminaram com o anúncio das negociações para a assinatura do Acordo em 2019, foi possível observar as limitações da administração para entender como funcionava o sistema internacional, permitindo também avaliar as características de seu modelo de inserção.

The Education Reform of 2013, was a government policy implemented in Mexican basic education with the aim of giving children and young people better prepared teachers, well-built and equipped schools, and more and better opportunities for study. Now at the end of the government that implemented the reform, it is appropriate to examine the balances left by this policy in terms of management and labor development for public education teachers. Policy formulations for innovation and change in education and teacher's work in Mexico are part of the international logic that has generated a new definition of the relations between schools and society. These policies not only imply the existence of new legal frameworks and guidelines for action, but they also institute a political and ideological program that established a new orientation, new objectives, and new will in society. New regulations on the management and practice of public teaching link politics, culture, economy and the state through guidelines that cover the areas of everyday education. The actions of individuals immersed in management, administrative, academic and content organization tasks reconfigure the meaning of teaching based on rationalist effectiveness and efficiency. ; En 2013, se implementó una política gubernamental de Reforma Educativa en la educación básica mexicana con el objetivo de darle a los niños y jóvenes maestros más preparados, escuelas bien construidas y equipadas, y además la posibilidad de seguir estudiando más y mejor. Al cierre del gobierno que puso en marcha la Reforma, es pertinente hacer una revisión de los saldos que deja la implementación de esta política en la gestión y el desarrollo del trabajo docente en los maestros de educación básica pública. Las formulaciones políticas de innovación y cambio en la educación y el trabajo de los docentes en México, descritas en esta reforma, se inscriben en la lógica internacional que ha ido generando una nueva definición de las relaciones entre la escuela y la sociedad. Estas políticas no sólo implican la existencia de nuevos marcos legales y lineamientos de actuación, sino que instituyen un programa político e ideológico que ha establecido una nueva orientación, objetivos y voluntad en la sociedad. Las nuevas regulaciones de la gestión y práctica de la docencia pública vinculan la política, cultura, economía y el Estado, a través de pautas que cubren los ámbitos de la cotidianidad educativa y el accionar de los sujetos inmersos en este ámbito desde la gestión y organización administrativa, académica y de contenidos, hasta la reconfiguración del sentido de la docencia desde una visión enfocada en la eficacia y eficiencia racionalista. En el presente artículo se presentan de manera exploratoria, los saldos en materia laboral y de sentido de la docencia pública, a partir de la implementación de la Reforma Educativa. ; Em 2013, uma política governamental de Reforma da Educação foi implementada na educação básica mexicana com o objetivo de dar às crianças e jovens professores melhor preparados, escolas bem construídas e equipadas, e também a possibilidade de continuar estudando mais e melhor. No término do governo que implementou a reforma, é pertinente rever os equilíbrios deixados pela implementação desta política na gestão e desenvolvimento do trabalho dos professores da educação básica pública. As formulações de políticas de inovação e transformação na educação e no trabalho dos professores no México, fazem parte da lógica internacional que gerou uma nova definição das relações entre a escola e a sociedade. Essas políticas não só implicam a existência de novos marcos legais e diretrizes de ação, também instituem um programa político e ideológico que estabeleceu uma nova orientação, objetivos e vontade na sociedade. A nova regulamentação sobre a gestão e a prática do ensino público liga política, cultura, economia e Estado, através de diretrizes que abrangem as áreas da educação cotidiana e as ações dos indivíduos desde a gestão e organização administrativa, acadêmica e de conteúdos, até a reconfiguração do significado do ensino a partir de uma visão focada na eficácia e eficiência racionalista.

Premi UAB de la Fundació Autònoma Solidària (FAS) als millors Treballs de Fi de Grau sobre desenvolupament sostenible i justícia global. 4a Edició, curs 2019/2020 ; La producció agroalimentària i la seva relació amb el medi ambient; l'èxode i el desenvolupament rural; el canvi climàtic; i la salut dels consumidors es troben cada vegada més presents en l'agenda internacional. Quins plans té al respecte la Política Agrària Comuna (PAC) de la Unió Europea (UE)? Arran dels darrers estudis publicats, la producció ecològica s'ha posicionat com una opció a tenir en compte, però és realment una eina útil? Aquest estudi analitza, amb base acadèmica, històrica i institucional, la rellevància i evolució de la PAC en relació amb la sostenibilitat i contrasta les externalitats dels mètodes de producció ecològica amb els principals objectius i compromisos adoptats per la UE. L'observació i interpretació de discursos, informes, programes polítics i position papers constitueix la segona part del present treball, estudiant la posició dels actors més destacats en matèria de política agrària a la UE i la seva relació amb la introducció de polítiques que prioritzin una perspectiva sostenible. Finalment, es recomanen diferents accions perseguint un objectiu polític que és alhora un mitjà per aconseguir profunds canvis a nivell social, ambiental, territorial i nutricional: que es recompensi als agricultors que lliuren béns públics a la societat. ; La producción agroalimentaria y su relación con el medio ambiente; el éxodo y el desarrollo rural; el cambio climático; y la salud de los consumidores se encuentran cada vez más presentes en la agenda internacional. ¿Qué planes tiene al respecto la Política Agraria Común (PAC) de la Unión Europea (UE)? A raíz de los últimos estudios publicados, la producción ecológica se ha posicionado como una opción a tener en cuenta, pero ¿es realmente una herramienta útil? Este estudio analiza, con base académica, histórica e institucional, la relevancia y evolución de la PAC en relación con la sostenibilidad y contrasta las externalidades de los métodos de producción ecológica con los principales objetivos y compromisos adoptados por la UE. La observación e interpretación de discursos, informes, programas políticos y position papers constituye la segunda parte del presente trabajo, con un estudio de la posición de los actores más destacados en materia de política agraria en la UE y su relación con la introducción de políticas que prioricen una perspectiva sostenible. Finalmente, se recomiendan diferentes acciones persiguiendo un objetivo político que es a la vez un medio para lograr profundos cambios a nivel social, ambiental, territorial y nutricional: que se recompense a los agricultores que entregan bienes públicos a la sociedad. ; Agri-food production and its relationship with the environment, the exodus and rural development, the climate change, and the consumer health are increasingly present on the international agenda. What plans does the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU) has in this regard? Following the latest published studies, organic production has positioned itself as an option to consider, but is it really a useful tool? This study analyses, on an academic, historical and institutional basis, the relevance and evolution of the CAP in relation to sustainability and contrasts the externalities of organic production methods with the main objectives and commitments adopted by the EU. The observation and interpretation of speeches, reports, political programs and position papers constitutes the second part of this publication, studying the position of the most prominent actors in the agricultural policy field in the EU and its relation to the introduction of policies that prioritize a sustainable perspective. Finally, different actions are recommended in pursuit of a political objective that is, at the same time, the means to achieve profound changes at social, environmental, territorial and nutritional levels: that farmers who deliver public goods to society be rewarded.

El presente articulo busca comprender, mediante el ultimo impulso al proceso de negociacion entre el Mercosur y la Union Europea llevado adelante durante la Presidencia de Mauricio Macri (2015-2019), cuales fueron los rasgos fundamentales de la estrategia de relacionamiento externo del Gobierno conservador argentino. Para ello, se ha utilizado una metodologia cualitativa recurriendo a fuentes oficiales, reportajes y notas periodisticas que permitieron entrever el proceso de negociacion. Se ha podido concluir que ademas de la voluntad argentina para que la llegada del acuerdo fuese posible, debio producirse el cierre del ciclo progresista, sobre todo desde la destitucion de Dilma Rousseff, hecho que puso en sintonia al Mercosur para llevarlo adelante. En el intercambio de compromisos quedo claro que el Gobierno argentino estuvo dispuesto a abandonar los obstaculos que habian existido desde la ultima posguerra en el intercambio comercial con el Viejo Continente a favor de la creencia en que la apertura generaria crecimiento. De las acciones que culminaron con el anuncio de las negociaciones para la firma del Acuerdo en 2019, se pudo observar las limitaciones de la administracion a la hora de comprender como funcionaba el sistema internacional, permitiendo tambien evaluar las caracteristicas de su modelo de insercion. ; The present article attempts to understand the central features of the foreign strategy of Mauricio Macri´s conservative Argentinian government (2015-2019). A close scrutiny of the final drive to successfully conclude negotiations between Mercosur and the European Union during the closing stages of Mr.Macri´s administration is performed. A qualitative method has been used, based on a detailed inspection of official sources, press reports and news stories covering the talks. It is possible to conclude that besides the Argentinian decision to go ahead with the talks and bring them to a positive conclusion, it was also necessary for the "Progressive" cycle in regional politics, to come to an end. This was greatly expedited by the impeachment of former Brazilian President Dilma Roussef, a development that allowed all Mercosur countries to be in the same page regarding the organization´s relationship with the European partners. The final outcome of the talks made it clear that the Argentinean government had finally accepted to remove all the obstacles that had obstructed its trade with Europe during the post-war period. Instead, a new approach was adopted, based on the belief that free trade would promote enhanced economic growth. The actions undertaken by the Macri administration leading into the opening of the dialogs resulting in the 2019 Agreement, underscore the limitations of his government in grasping the workings of the international system. Finally, this allows to reach a better understanding the main features of the Argentinean model of insertion in the world economy. ; Este artigo busca compreender, por meio do ultimo impulso ao processo de negociacao entre o Mercosul e a Uniao Europeia realizado durante a presidencia de Mauricio Macri (2015-2019), quais foram os tracos fundamentais da estrategia de relacoes externas do governo conservador argentino. Para isso, utilizou-se uma metodologia qualitativa, recorrendo a fontes oficiais, reportagens e notas jornalisticas que permitiram vislumbrar o processo de negociacao. Foi possivel concluir que, alem da vontade da Argentina de que o acordo fosse possivel, o ciclo progressista deve ter sido encerrado, principalmente a partir da destituicao de Dilma Rousseff, fato que colocou o Mercosul em sintonia para leva-lo adiante. Na troca de compromissos ficou claro que o governo argentino estava disposto a abandonar os obstaculos que existiam desde o ultimo pos-guerra no intercâmbio comercial com o Velho Continente em favor da crenca de que a abertura geraria crescimento. Das acoes que culminaram com o anuncio das negociacoes para a assinatura do Acordo em 2019, foi possivel observar as limitacoes da administracao para entender como funcionava o sistema internacional, permitindo tambem avaliar as caracteristicas de seu modelo de insercao. ; Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales

It is raised by a reflection about the international migration starting on the proximity of this social and political phenomenon with the forced displacement in the framework of Colombia's armed conflict. Specifically on this interjection's point it is located the experience of "living in foreign land" and their implications for the world of relations, emotions and affections, for mental health. Those reflections have their empirical bases on investigation and accompaniment process to rural communities affected by the armed conflict for the strengthening of community care and collective mental health with the active participation of communities. This process has allowed highlight a collective mental health, with fundament on the relational, historical, and political; also being able to transform the social aspect, in contrast of individualist mental health, functionalistic and centered in sickness. From this perspective it is exposed the notions of "social suffering", "ethic- political suffering" or "social humiliation", "territory, territoriality, and place" and "transnationals cares" in their correlation with mental health –collective– from a perspective of human rights in migration cases. It is proposed an epistemic turn towards the collective mental health and their proposal of a historic- social subject, esthetic and politics that actively participates in the inventions of the new life's forms, which is the starting point in the mental health care's reorientation. ; En este artículo se plantea una reflexión sobre la migración internacional partiendo de las cercanías de este fenómeno social y político con el desplazamiento forzado en el marco del conflicto armado en Colombia. Específicamente, en este punto de intersección se ubica la experiencia de "vivir en tierra ajena" y sus implicaciones para el mundo de las relaciones, las emociones y los afectos, para la salud mental. Estas reflexiones tienen su base empírica en procesos de investigación y de acompañamiento a comunidades campesinas afectadas por el conflicto armado para el fortalecimiento del cuidado comunitario y de la salud mental colectiva, con la participación activa de las comunidades. Este proceso ha permitido resaltar una salud mental colectiva, con fundamento en lo relacional, histórico y político, posibilitadora de la transformación social, en contraposición a la salud mental individualista, funcionalista y morbicéntrica. Desde esta perspectiva se exponen las nociones de "sufrimiento social", "sufrimiento ético político" y "humillación social", "territorio, territorialidad y lugar" y "cuidados transnacionales" en su relación directa con la salud mental –colectiva– desde una perspectiva de derechos en casos de migración. Se propone así un giro epistémico hacia la salud mental colectiva y su propuesta de un sujeto histórico-social, estético y político que participa activamente en la invención de nuevas formas de vida, punto de partida en la reorientación del cuidado de la salud mental. ; Propõe-se uma reflexão sobre a migração internacional a partir das proximidades desse fenômeno social e politico com o deslocamento forçado no contexto do conflito armado em Colômbia. Especificamente, nesse ponto de intersecção localiza-se a experiência de "viver em terra alheia" e suas implicações para o mundo das relações, as emoções e os afetos para a saúde mental. Essas reflexões têm sua origem empírica em processos de pesquisa e acompanhamento às comunidades camponesas afetadas pelo conflito armado para a consolidação do cuidado comunitário e da saúde mental coletiva com a participação ativa das comunidades. Esse processo tem permitido salientar uma saúde mental coletiva com base no relacional, histórico e politico, que possibilita a transformação social. Em contraste com a saúde mental individualista, funcionalista e morbi-céntrica. Nessa perspectiva expõem-se as noções de "sofrimento social", "sofrimento ético-político" e "humilhação social", "território, territorialidade e lugar" e "cuidados transnacionais" e sua relação direta com a saúde mental –coletiva–, desde uma perspectiva dos direitos em casos de migração. Desde esse ponto de vista, propõe-se uma viragem epistêmica para a saúde coletiva e sua sugestão de um sujeito histórico-social, estético e político que participa ativamente na invenção de novos modos de vida, limiar na reorientação do cuidado da saúde mental.

At the beginning of the third millennium in the conditions of rapid globalization a key value was purchased by foreign economic activity (FEA), as one of important macroeconomic factors of development of modern economy. The benefits of this activity were recognized long ago. The subject of research of this article are the main principles and trends in the development of foreign trade commodity flows of the Ukraine in coordination with its macroeconomic situation and world market conditions. The aim is to analyse the principles of the current state of foreign trade, as well as the methods of its regulation and the impact of export-import operations on GDP and the ways of forming foreign trade profits. The task is to research the efficiency of foreign trade market which is determined by the results of foreign trade balance. To provide the higher level of reliable accounting of the Ukrainian export - import data. Analytical necessity of territorial connections which depend on different the requirememts of the state. Estimation on different levels of country's competitiveness is being used. General scientific methods and all methodological palette of statistical indexes are being used. The obtained results provide legislative and executive state bodies with important statistics data aboyt Ukrainian foreign trade and enable the government to take proper decisions and to control the market of the Ukraine. Conclusions: recommendations for further development of foreign economic activities, the development of politics of the Ukraine and international organizations, and also the analytical estimation of current trends on world markets. ; В начале третьего тысячелетия в условиях ускоренной глобализации ключевое значение приобрела внешнеэкономическая деятельность (ВЭД), как один из важных макроэкономических факторов развития современной экономики. Выгоды этой деятельности известны и определены давно. Предметом исследования в статье являются основополагающие принципы и тенденции развития внешнеторговых товарных потоков Украины в увязке с анализом ее макроэкономической ситуации и конъюнктуры мировых рынков. Цель состоит в аналитической оценке современного состояния внешней торговки и ее принципов, а также в рассмотрении методов ее регулирования и влияния экспортно-импортных операций на ВВП и пути формирования внешнеторговой прибыли. Задания: исследование динамики эффективности рынка внешней торговли, которая определяется по результатам внешнеторгового баланса. Обеспечение повышения уровня полного и достоверного учета данных об экспорте и импорте Украины. Аналитическая необходимость территориальных связей благодаря самым различным потребностям в государстве. Оценка конкурентоспособности страны на разных уровнях. Используются общенаучные методы и вся методологическая палитра статистических показателей и методов. Полученные результаты являются фундаментом информационного обеспечения органов исполнительной и законодательной власти данными статистики внешней торговли для принятия ими решений в области государственного регулирования рынка Украины. Выводы: предложены рекомендации о дальнейшем развитии внешнеэкономической деятельности, разработки политики Украины и международных организаций, а также дана аналитическая оценка происходящих процессов. ; На початку третього тисячоліття в умовах прискореної глобалізації ключового значення набула зовнішньоекономічна діяльність (ЗЕД), як один з важливих макроекономічних чинників розвитку сучасної економіки. Вигоди цієї діяльності відомі і визначені давно. Предметом дослідження у статті є основоположні принципи та тенденції розвитку зовнішньоторговельних товарних потоків України в ув'язці з аналізом її макроекономічної ситуації і кон'юнктури світових ринків. Мета полягає у аналітичній оцінці сучасного стану зовнішньої торгівлі та її принципів, а також у розгляданні методів її регулювання и впливу експортно-імпортних операції на ВВП та шляхи формування зовнішньоторговельного прибутку. Завдання: дослідження динаміки ефективності ринку зовнішньої торгівлі, яка визначається за результатами зовнішньоторговельного балансу. Забезпечення підвищення рівня повного та достовірного обліку даних про експорт та імпорт України. Аналітична необхідність територіальних зв'язків завдяки самим різним потребам у державі. Оцінка конкурентоспроможності країни на різних рівнях. Використовуються загальнонаукові методи та уся методологічна палітра статистичних показників та методів. Отримані результати є фундаментом інформаційного забезпечення органів виконавчої та законодавчої влади даними статистики зовнішньої торгівлі для прийняття ними рішень у галузі державного регулювання ринку України. Висновки: запропоновано рекомендації про подальший розвиток зовнішньоекономічної діяльності, розробки політики України і міжнародних організацій, а також дана аналітична оцінка процесів, що відбуваються.

This paper focuses on how African national leaders can make global democracy relevant to sustainable development in Africa. Seeing the problem of sustainable development in Africa from thestructural and functional angles, this paper begins with an introduction and a clarification of terms such as 'democracy', 'globalization' and 'development'. It then analyzes the underlying foundations of global democracy and its implications to cultures of the African peoples. This paper tries to place theimpact of global democracy on Africa in perspectives by weighing the pros and cons of global democracy. Tracing the genesis of functional and developmental problems in the post-colonial Africa to structural problems occasioned by Africa's colonial experience, this paper however strongly contends that the main problem militating against sustainable development in the post-colonial Africa is bad politics and mismanagement of national resources. African peoples need to be taught that some of the African national leaders are responsible for the bad condition of underdevelopment in the global period because of bad political governance ranging from the inability of African leaders to calculate all the relevant factors in the making of their policies as well as failing to provide effective technologies and competent staff to deal with rigging of elections and other electoral problems in addition to corruption and mismanagement of public funds. There is no way for the African nations to survive without production of goods and services in terms of farming, agriculture and diversification of their revenue base. National leaders of the various African nations cannot avoid policies that enable the industrialization of African nations through the provision of the basic infrastructures and viable amenities for social, economic, and political development. They should however be wary of debt traps of International Monetary Fund and World Bank because borrowing nations are often given difficult conditions that often make it difficult for them to obtain the desired benefits in terms of sustainable development. The study recommends that for sustainable development to take place in Africa there is need for national leaders to embrace good political governance that places the people at the centre of development to be manifested in guileless electoral process and effective management of the resources. This paper contends that the realization of sustainable development in African nations requires moral, political, and economic integration. It concludes with perspectives for further research on the issue. ; У статті автори досліджують можливості впливу африканських національних лідерів на встановлення принципів демократії та відповідних соціальних механізмів у Африці, а також аналізують позитивні та негативні наслідки процесу глобалізації для африканських країн. Розглядаючи проблему сталого розвитку в Африці у структурному та функціональному аспектах, автори починають дослідження з уточнення понять «демократія», «глобалізація» та «розвиток». Простежуючи особливості розвитку Африки в колоніальну та постколоніальну добу, автори статті стверджують, що наразі головною проблемою, яка перешкоджає реалізації сталого розвитку постколоніальної Африки, є неефективна внутрішня політика та недоцільне використання національних ресурсів. На думку авторів, африканські народи мають збагнути, що відповідальність за незадовільний стан розвитку африканського суспільства у глобалізованому світі несуть африканські національні лідери. Африканські країни не можуть вижити без виробництва товарів і послуг, сільського господарства та диверсифікації своєї доходної бази. Отже, національні лідери різних країн Африки зобов'язані реалізовувати політику, яка сприяє індустріалізації африканських країн за рахунок побудови базової інфраструктури та забезпечення умов для соціального, економічного та політичного розвитку суспільства. Втім, автори статті вважають, що африканські національні лідери повинні водночас обережно ставитись до Міжнародного валютного фонду та Світового банку, оскільки для країн-позичальників часто створюються складні умови, які перешкоджають отриманню бажаних результатів у плані сталого розвитку. Натомість лідери мають сприяти розповсюдженню ефективних технологій, залучати до керівних структур компетентний персонал та забезпечувати розвиток освіти. Також африканські лідери повинні впроваджувати механізми боротьби з фальсифікацією результатів виборів, корупцією, неефективним розподілом державних коштів тощо. Автори розвідки вважають, що запорукою сталого розвитку в постколоніальній Африці є ефективне політичне управління, орієнтоване на досягнення добробуту та високого рівня життя для більшості громадян. Досягнути такої мети, на думку авторів, можна лише за умов моральної, політичної та економічної інтеграції африканських країн.

06.03.2018 tarihli ve 30352 sayılı Resmi Gazetede yayımlanan "Yükseköğretim Kanunu İle Bazı Kanun Ve Kanun Hükmünde Kararnamelerde Değişiklik Yapılması Hakkında Kanun" ile 18.06.2018 tarihli "Lisansüstü Tezlerin Elektronik Ortamda Toplanması, Düzenlenmesi ve Erişime Açılmasına İlişkin Yönerge" gereğince tam metin erişime açılmıştır. ; Uluslararası ilişkilerde temel aktörlerin davranışlarını açıklamak için birçok teori geliştirilmiştir. Özellikle Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde bu aktörlerin davranışlarını açıklamada kültürel unsurlara giderek daha fazla önem verilmiştir. Bu doğrultuda güvenlik çalışmalarında önemli bir yere sahip olan stratejik kültür devletlerin dış politika tercihlerini ve karar alma süreçlerini şekillendiren kültürel unsurları, kimliği, norm ve mitlerin oluşumunu ve etkilerini ortaya çıkarmayı hedeflemektedir. Bu çalışma, İran'ın devrim sonrası dönemde sergilediği güvenlik ve dış politika yaklaşımını stratejik kültür bağlamında ele almakta ve İran'ın stratejik kültürünün dış politikaya yansımasını incelemektedir. Dünya siyasetinde gerek söylemleri gerek eylemleri ile sıkça tartışma konusu olan İran'ın davranışları Alastair I. Johnston'un kavramsallaştırdığı stratejik kültür çerçevesinde analiz edilmektedir. Buna göre çalışmada başlıca araştırma sorular şunlardır: a) İran İslam Cumhuriyeti'nin kurulduğu günden bu yana tutarlı bir stratejik kültürü var mıdır? Evet ise, bu stratejik kültürün temel özellikleri nelerdir? b) İran'ın stratejik kültürü dış politika kararlarını ve davranışlarını etkilemekte midir? c)Evet ise, İran'ın stratejik kültürünün dış politika davranışı üzerindeki etkisi hangi örnek olay veya eylemlere yansımaktadır? Alaistair Johnston'un kavramsallaştırmasında stratejik kültür devletleri başlıca üç kategoride değerlendirmektedir; uzlaşmacı, savunmacı ve saldırgan. Yukarıdaki sorular ve bulgular ışığında bu çalışma İran'ın temelde savunmacı bir devlet olduğunu ileri sürmektedir. İran'ın savunmacı bir anlayışı benimsemesinin temelinde etrafının sürekli düşmanlarla çevrili olduğu algısı vardır. İranlı karar alıcıların zihinsel arka planında yatan bu düşünce dış politika seçeneklerini daraltmış ve güvenlik eksenli bir tutum sergilenmesi sonucunu beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu stratejik düşüncenin doğal sonucu olarak İran'ın dış politikada alanı daralmış ve bu alanda en belirgin araç olarak caydırıcılık stratejisi yer almıştır. Stratejik kültürün operasyonel kısmını oluşturan bölümde ise İran'ın stratejik kültürünün davranış üzerindeki etkisi İran-Irak Savaşı üzerinde test edilmektedir. ; Several theories have been developed to explain the behavior of key actors in international relations. Especially in the post-Cold War period, cultural elements are given more importance in explaining the behaviors of these actors. In this direction, the strategic culture, which has an important place in security studies, aims to reveal the cultural elements, identity, formation and effects of the norms and myths that shape the foreign policy preferences and decision-making processes of the states. This study examines Iran's security and foreign policy approach in the post-revolutionary era in the context of strategic culture and investigates the reflection of Iran's strategic culture on foreign policy. The behavior of Iran, which is a subject of frequent debates in world politics with its rhetoric and actions, is analyzed within the framework of strategic culture that Alastair I. Johnston conceptualizes. Accordingly, the main research questions in the study are: a) Does the Islamic Republic of Iran have a consistent strategic culture since its inception? If yes, what are the main characteristics of this strategic culture? b) Does Iran's strategic culture influence foreign policy decisions and behaviors of Iran? c) If yes, In which case events or actions does Iran's strategic culture influence its foreign policy behavior? In the conceptualization of Alaistair Johnston, strategic culture evaluates states in three main categories; accommodationist, defensive and offensive. In the light of the above questions and findings, this study suggests that Iran is essentially a defensive state. On the basis of Iran adopting a defensive understanding, there is a perception that its environment is constantly surrounded by enemies. This idea, which lies in the mental background of Iranian decision makers, narrowed its foreign policy options and the result of a security-oriented attitude has brought along. As a natural consequence of this strategic thinking, Iran's foreign policy has narrowed and a deterrence strategy has been the most prominent tool in this field. In the section that constitutes the operational part of the strategic culture, the influence of Iran's strategic culture on behavior is tested on the Iran-Iraq War.

У статті досліджено сучасні методи комунікації, учені пропонують свої методи та нестандартні форми примноження людських ресурсів та наявного потенціалу націй. Група дослідників пропонують своє бачення процесів творення позитивного іміджу лідера і держави у взаємодії зі ЗМІ. Викладено висновки науково-практичної колаборації іміджмейкера-практика В. В. Чекалюк та психолога-філософа А. О. Ільянової, обґрунтовано взаємозв'язок, вплив державного іміджу, тиражованого у ЗМІ, на свідомість громадянина, підвищення патріотизму і формування подальшого іміджу України за кордоном і в самій країні. На основі опрацьованих матеріалів та науково-практичних експериментів, представлено концепцію підсилення бренда України. Запропоновано стратегію позиціонування предмета (об'єкта) іміджу, покрокову програму, що репрезентуватиме нашу державу в світі, конкретні рекомендації щодо участі України у світових рейтингових системах оцінювання державних брендів для успішного просування на міжнародній арені як інвестиційно та туристично привабливої країни. Запропоновано ввести в обіг й використовувати термін «медіаплацебо». Зміст дослідження відображає суть проблематики творення позитивного іміджу України у ЗМІ, підсилення політичної ваги країни, налагодження дипломатичних зв'язків. ; The article researches processes to create a positi ve image of a leader and a state in collaboration with mass media, substantiates the connection, the influence of the public image of the state, as portrayed in mass media, on the conscience of the citizen, strengthening the conscientiousness of citizens, fostering of patriotic feelings in them, further formation of the public image of Ukraine both domestically and abroad. This thesis researches the potential of the methods and resources currently available for creation of the brand, identifies current and future requirements to mass media and work of image-makers on creation of the positive image of Ukraine in mentality of citizens and with international audience. It identifies specific national, regional and mental features of the influence on the formation of the public image of a leader, the perception of the imagemaking tools by different social strata. It complements the existing set of tools for the interaction (collaboration) with the media, the establishment of partnerships. It substantiates new approaches to imagemaking, ways of presenting materials in mass media, relations between the government, mass media and the public. Use patience for advantage. People with emotional intelligence have the learned capacity to process a situation about to go south, get perspective, listen to someone they disagree with without judgment, and hold back from reacting head on. In practicing the virtue of patience, it may mean making the decision to sit on your decision. By thinking it over things with a rational and level-headed mind, you'll eventually arrive at another – state-fundamental, public image. The author's definition implies every citizen's personal interest in thriving of a state, successful commercially and otherwise. It offers a strategy for positioning the object of the image, a step-by-step program that represents our nation in the world, specific recommendations as to Ukraine's participation in global state brand-rating systems to promote it internationally as an investment and touristic attraction. It defines the requirements for the work of image-makers, PR specialists who are to work on the creation and multiplication of the positive public image in mass media, professional techniques and tools to imprint the said image in the info-space. The content of this research for dissertation depicts the essence of the problem of creation of positive public politics image of Ukraine, leader in mass media. by responding, rather than reacting, emotionally-intelligent people step back, create space to consider the situation from all angles, and decide the best approach to handle things. They use their patience for advantage, with emotional intelligence have the learned capacity to process a situation about to go south, get perspective, listen to someone they disagree with without judgment, and hold back from reacting head on. In practicing the virtue of patience, it may mean making the decision to sit on your decision. By thinking it over things with a rational and level-headed mind, you'll eventually arrive at another, more sane conclusion [8].

The article analyzes some aspects of British colonial policy evolution in India in the 1920s. Denote after the First World War, the crisis prompted the British leadership to take certain steps to reform the traditional colonial mechanism. The political and administrative changes that took place in the interwar period in British India, to a large extent laid the foundation formed within the political system of the independent Indian state. One of the important consequences of the First World War was a significant change in the old world order, as well as the formation of a fundamentally new features of world politics. Woodrow Wilson proclaimed the principle of national self-determination coupled with a general change in the balance of power in the international arena could not affect the status of the major colonial system and cause certain changes in relation to the colonies by the major European states.A typical example of systemic change have become the processes taking place in the largest colonial empire, created by the United Kingdom. They were limited mainly to the gradual strengthening of centrifugal tendencies that led, eventually, to the transformation of the British Empire in the British Commonwealth of Nations. In the case of "white" dominions, this evolution is quite fit into the outline of the liberal part of the British colonial ideology assumes empowering self-possession with a substantial part of the European population. Another was the policy in the case of most Asian and African colonies, where the population was considered a priori political and intellectual elite of the UK as a failure to the progressive development and independent political existence.In the first decades of XX in some colonies began the process of active folding of the ideological doctrine of national liberation and the formation of mass political organizations expressing these aspirations. At the same time, the United Kingdom, faced as a result of the war with certain internal difficulties and the limited financial and economic resources has been forced to adjust the form and control methods colonies towards their greater efficiency. Changes in the colonial policy followed by the clash of different political lines and very complex discussions at various levels and in various segments of the British social and political system. ; В статье проанализированы отдельные аспекты британской колониальной политики в Индии в 1920-е годы. Обозначившийся после Первой мировой войны кризис побудил британское руководство предпринять определенные шаги по реформированию традиционного колониального механизма. Политические и административные изменения, произошедшие в межвоенный период в Британской Индии, в значительной степени заложили фундамент формирования политической системы независимого индийского государства. Одним из важных последствий Первой мировой войны стало существенное изменение прежнего миропорядка, а также формирование принципиально новых черт мировой политики. Провозглашенный Вудро Вильсоном принцип национального самоопределения вместе с общим изменением баланса сил на международной арене, не могли не сказаться на состоянии колониальной системы и вызвали определенные изменения в отношении к колониям со стороны крупных европейских государств. Типичным примером подобных изменений стали процессы, происходившие в крупнейшей колониальной империи, созданной Великобританией. Они были связаны, главным образом, с постепенным усилением центробежных тенденций, приведших, в конечном счете, к превращению Британской империи в Британское Содружество Наций. В случае с «белыми» доминионами эта эволюция вполне вписывалась в контуры либеральной британской колониальной идеологии, предполагающей расширение прав и возможностей территорий со значительной частью европейского населения. Принципиально иной характер имела политика в отношении большинства азиатских и африканских колоний, население которых, по мнению политической и интеллектуальной элиты Великобритании, было неспособным к прогрессивному развитию и независимому политическому существованию. В первые десятилетия XX в. в некоторых британских колониях начался процесс активного складывания идеологической доктрины национального освобождения и формирования массовых политических организаций, выражающих эти устремления. В то же время Великобритания, в результате войны столкнувшаяся с определенными внутренними трудностями и ограниченными финансово-экономическими ресурсами, была вынуждена скорректировать форму и методы управления колониями в сторону их большей эффективности. Изменения в колониальной политике сопровождались столкновением различных политических линий и весьма сложными дискуссиями на различных уровнях и в различных сегментах британской общественно-политической системы.