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The article by Chantal Medici that opens this issue of the magazine discusses critical contributions to the conventional theory of collective action inherited from the works seminars of Charles Tilly and the assumption of the sharpness of a hypothetical boundary between the public and the private, grouping them into three types of approach: those that emphasize the institutional activism of the State, those that do it in the construction of networks or communities of political attention and those that give special to the public / private articulation in the construction of the problem and in its implementation. Revised contributions are connected with a variety of approaches from Political Science, in particular the thesis of Lindblom on the relationship between states and markets in policymaking public, Migdal's statement about "the State in society" or, in our America, the Carlos Matus' theory on the complexity of the social game. Sofya Surtayeva's text shows the strategic role of the State in gestation and development of a public policy in a highly complex matter, in a country on the semi-periphery of the capitalism. Almost two decades ago our compatriot Hugo Notcheff demonstrated the close linking the dependent character of Argentine capitalism and the consequent fragility of science and technology policy, with the guidance of the economic leadership towards the appreciation of its capital by means of obtaining extraordinary profits from the exploitation of natural resources, the availability of cheap labor and the obtaining of subsidies and other state-owned, much more than the stimulus to innovation technological scientist and a policy aimed at its development. The corollary is a modernization of the economy based on the importation of innovations from the central economies, favored by close integration with foreign capital, with an effect on the fragility of scientific and technological development policies and the preservation of dependency. Taking as a common thread the role of the National Atomic Energy Commission in the development of nanotechnology the author shows the peculiarities of a process of innovation in a double facet: the promotion of an area of knowledge and the promotion by the CNEA of its own approach more akin to a sustainable development strategy and greater national autonomy. The article also provides a detailed approach to plurality of actors and interests, the relevance of leadership in the definition of politics and the gravitation of all this in the scientific-technological development and the insertion in the subject and the gravitation of the different possible responses in the insertion of Argentina in the global system. In this line of elaboration, Mariano Gil describes the public policies implemented in the province of Santa Fe to address problematic substance use. His work highlights the various public, private and community actors that intervene with unequal effectiveness in the construction of the problem, the incidence of that construction in the actions and organisms that will have to face it, the modifications that the adopted policy undergoes as it is being implemented and that same implementation introduces changes in the settings, in the subjects to whom it is addressed, in the state apparatuses and in the agents who are in charge of implementation. Bureaucrats, political decision-makers, non-governmental organizations, families, public security organizations, professionals and health technicians make up a wide range of subjects that intervene in the management of politics. For his part Miguel Alfredo and Pablo Granovsky deal with two experiences of training centers professional within the framework of actors that intervene at the intersection between education policies, labor policies and categorical organizations: the management cases of professional training policies of the UOCRA (Unión Obrera de la Construcción of the Argentine Republic) and the SMATA (Union of Mechanics and Transport Related Automotive). The article by Pablo Schamber and Francisco Suárez offers a detailed analysis of an experience of state / social actors articulation in the execution of a policy urban environment, through the inclusion of informal collectors of recyclable waste in the state policy of waste management. An experience that, in the opinion of authors, surpasses any other existing in the world. Beyond the specificity of their study topics, the three articles highlight the plurality of actors who participate from both "side" of the public-private differentiation in each of these topics, in the effort to configure a policy that is forever tool of a construction of power that, insofar as it institutionalizes some form of transaction between those who participate, is projected towards more broader than the specific ones. The promotion of public education is normally presented as a way for the reduction of levels of social inequality: a typical "window of opportunity". Judith Pinos Montenegro discusses this issue in her work on the promotion of basic education in Ecuador during the governments of the Citizen Revolution. The polysemy of the word equality stands out as it appears in official documents, increased due to the multiethnic nature of Ecuadorian society and the cultural contradictions and of class that are registered between public and private education. Jose Candelario Osuna García addresses the issue from the perspective of the temporary displacement of thousands of low-income Mexican families for work reasons, which leads to the interruption of the school career of the children and young people involved in these migrations and relativizes in this regard, the principle of equality in access to the right to education. Article focuses on the Education Program for Migrant Populations prepared by the government of the state of Baja California, in order to minimize the risks in terms of training school and cultural derived from the insertion of families in the cross-border structure of the labor market and the productive system. It is easy to see then that the mode of insertion in the social matrix conditions the effective access to rights. Poor peasants, migrant workers, native populations referred to in the preceding texts see their opportunities reduced education because of the position they occupy in that social matrix; in the absence of intervention state inequalities are strengthened because the educational system does not comply with these subjects the promotional function that should contribute to a change in their position in the structure. The political regime, with its own conception of equality, reinforces and expands or limits and neutralizes the dominant system of inequalities. Aristotle twenty-five centuries ago He emphasized that the prevailing ideas regarding equality and inequality and their causes vary according to the political regime, that is, to the organization and distribution of power. By changing the political regime, sooner or later the ideas of equality change, and therefore justice promoted by the State and public policies. The assumption in Uruguay in March 2020 of a neoliberal government implied important changes in policies social in general and care in particular, in sharp contrast to those that characterized to the fifteen previous years of government of the Broad Front. Ximena Baráibar Ribero analyzes the conceptualization of the new government's policy of assistance to populations in situation of poverty: a set of actions to encourage individual self-improvement and personal responsibility of those affected, and a residual role of the State. Poverty and inequality are, in the intellectual design of the new authorities, individual phenomena both in its causes as well as its effects. Social policies would have no other purpose than to facilitate a transit to individual opportunities that are assumed discursively, not discussed as reality and leave aside the question of the social, that is, collective, factors that create conditions for the gestation and development of individual situations. Carlos M. Vilas director ; El artículo de Chantal Medici con que se inicia este número de la revista discute contribuciones críticas a la teoría convencional de la acción colectiva heredera de los trabajos seminales de Charles Tilly y del supuesto de la nitidez de una hipotética frontera entre lo público y lo privado, agrupándolas en tres tipos de abordaje: las que ponen énfasis en el activismo institucional del Estado, las que lo hacen en la construcción de redes o co[1]munidades de políticas y las que dan especial atención a la articulación público/privado en la construcción del problema y en su implementación. Las contribuciones revisadas entroncan con una variedad de enfoques desde la Ciencia Política, en particular la tesis de Lindblom sobre la relación entre estados y mercados en la formación de las políticas públicas, el planteo de Migdal sobre "el Estado en la sociedad" o, en nuestra América, la teoría de Carlos Matus sobre la complejidad del juego social. El texto de Sofya Surtayeva muestra el rol estratégico del Estado en la gestación y desarrollo de una política pública en un asunto de alta complejidad, en un país de la semiperiferia del capitalismo. Hace casi dos décadas nuestro compatriota Hugo Notcheff demostró la estrecha vinculación del carácter dependiente del capitalismo argentino y la consiguiente fragilidad de la política de ciencia y tecnología, con la orientación de la cúpula del poder económico hacia la valorización de su capital por la vía de la obtención de ganancias extraordinarias de la explotación de recursos naturales, la disponibilidad de trabajo barato y la obtención de subsidios y otras preferencias estatales, mucho más que del estímulo a la innovación científico tecnológica y a una política encaminada a su desarrollo. El corolario es una modernización de la economía basada en la importación de innovaciones provenientes de las economías centrales, favorecida por la estrecha integración con capitales extranjeros, con efecto en la fragilidad de las políticas de desarrollo científico y tecnológico y la preservación de la dependencia. Tomando como hilo conductor el papel de la Comisión Nacional de Energía Atómica en el desarrollo de la nanotecnología la autora muestra las particularidades de un proceso de innovación en una doble faceta: el impulso a un área de conocimiento y la promoción por la CNEA de un enfoque propio más afín a una estrategia de desarrollo sostenible y mayor autonomía nacional. El artículo brinda asimismo una detallada aproximación a la pluralidad de actores e intereses, la relevancia del liderazgo en la definición de la política y la gravitación de todo ello en el desarrollo científico-tecnológico y la inserción en el tema y la gravitación de las diferentes respuestas posibles en la inserción de Argentina en el sistema global. En esta línea de elaboración, Mariano Gil describe las políticas públicas ejecutadas en la provincia de Santa Fe para el abordaje del consumo problemático de sustancias. Su trabajo destaca los varios actores públicos, privados y comunitarios que intervienen con desigual eficacia en la construcción del problema, la incidencia de esa construcción en las acciones y organismos que habrán de encararlo, las modificaciones que la política adoptada experimenta a medida que va siendo implementada y esa misma implementación introduce cambios en los escenarios, en los sujetos a quienes se dirige, en los aparatos del estado y en los agentes que tienen a cargo la implementación. Burócratas, decisores políticos, organizaciones no gubernamentales, familias, organismos de seguridad pública, profesionales y técnicos de la salud integran un arco amplio de sujetos que intervienen en la gestión de la política. Por su parte Miguel Alfredo y Pablo Granovsky se ocupan de dos experiencias de centros de formación profesional en el marco del entramado de actores que intervienen en la intersección entre políticas de educación, políticas laborales y organizaciones categoriales: los casos de gestión de políticas de formación profesional de la UOCRA (Unión Obrera de la Construcción de la República Argentina) y del SMATA (Sindicato de Mecánicos y Afines del Transporte Automotor). El artículo de Pablo Schamber y Francisco Suárez ofrece un detallado análisis de una experiencia de articulación estado/actores sociales en la ejecución de una política ambiental urbana, a través de la inclusión de los recolectores informales de residuos reciclables en la política estatal de gestión de los residuos. Una experiencia que, a juicio de los autores, supera cualquier otra existente en el mundo. Más allá de la especificidad de sus temas de estudio, los tres artículos destacan la pluralidad de actores que participan desde uno y otro "lado" de la diferenciación público-privada en cada uno de esos temas, en el empeño de configurar una política que es siempre herramienta de una construcción de poder que, en la medida en que institucionaliza alguna forma de transacción entre quienes participan, se proyecta hacia ámbitos más amplios que los específicos. El fomento de la educación pública es presentado normalmente como una vía para la reducción de los niveles de desigualdad social: una típica "ventana de oportunidades". Judith Pinos Montenegro discute este asunto en su trabajo sobre la promoción de la educación básica en Ecuador durante los gobiernos de la Revolución Ciudadana. Destaca la polisemia del vocablo igualdad como aparece en los documentos oficiales, incrementada por la naturaleza pluriétnica de la sociedad ecuatoriana y las contradicciones culturales y de clase que se registran entre la educación pública y la privada. José Candelario Osuna García encara el tema desde la perspectiva del desplazamiento temporal de miles de familias mexicanas de bajos ingresos por razones laborales, que lleva a la interrupción de la trayectoria escolar de los niños, niñas y jóvenes involucrados en esas migraciones y relativiza a su respecto el principio de igualdad en el acceso al derecho a la educación. El artículo enfoca el Programa de Educación para Poblaciones Migrantes elaborado por el gobierno del estado de Baja California, con el fin de minimizar los riesgos en materia de formación escolar y cultural derivados de la inserción de las familias en la estructura transfronteriza del mercado de trabajo y el sistema productivo. Fácilmente se advierte entonces que el modo de inserción en la matriz social condiciona el acceso efectivo a derechos. Los campesinos pobres, los trabajadores migrantes, las poblaciones originarias a quienes se refieren los textos precedentes ven reducidas sus oportunidades de educación por la posición que ocupan en esa matriz social; en ausencia de intervención estatal las desigualdades se potencian porque el sistema educativo no cumple respecto de esos sujetos la función promocional que debería contribuir a un cambio en su posición en la estructura. El régimen político, con su propia concepción de la igualdad, refuerza y expande o acota y neutraliza el sistema dominante de desigualdades. Hace veinticinco siglos Aristóteles destacó que las ideas predominantes en materia de igualdad y desigualdad y sus causas va[1]rían de acuerdo al régimen político, es decir a la organización y distribución del poder. Cambiando el régimen político, cambian antes o después las ideas de igualdad, y por tanto de justicia promovidas desde el Estado y las políticas públicas. La asunción en Uruguay en marzo 2020 de un gobierno de corte neoliberal implicó cambios importantes en las políticas sociales en general y asistenciales en particular, de fuerte contraste con las que caracterizaron a los quince años precedentes de gobierno del Frente Amplio. Ximena Baráibar Ribero analiza la conceptualización de la política del nuevo gobierno de asistencia a poblaciones en situación de pobreza: un conjunto de acciones de estímulo a la superación individual y la responsabilidad personal de los afectados, y un papel residual del Estado. Pobreza y desigualdad son, en el diseño intelectual de las nuevas autoridades, fenómenos individuales tanto en sus causas como en sus efectos. Las políticas sociales no tendrían otro fin que facilitar un tránsito a oportunidades individuales que se asumen discursivamente, no se discuten como realidad y dejan de lado la pregunta sobre los factores sociales, es decir colectivos, que crean condiciones para la gestación y desarrollo de las situaciones individuales. Carlos M. Vilas Director

This doctoral thesis examines how European merger control law is applied to the energy sector and to which extent its application may facilitate the liberalisation of the electricity, natural gas and petroleum industries so that only those concentrations will be cleared that honour the principles of the liberalisation directives (IEMD and IGMD ). In its communication on an energy policy for Europe, adopted on 10/01/2007, the Commission emphasized that a real internal European energy market is essential to meet Europe's three energy objectives, i.e. competitiveness to cut costs for citizens and undertakings to foster energy efficiency and investment, sustainability including emissions trading, and security of supply with high standards of public service obligations (Art. 106 TFEU). The EU issued three pre-liberalisation directives since the 1990s. Dissatisfied with the existing monopolistic structures, i.e. in Germany through demarcation and exclusive concession agreements for the supply of electricity and natural gas, which were until 1998 exempted from the cartel prohibition provision (§ 1 GWB), and the prevalence of exclusive rights on the energy markets, the Commission triggered infringement proceedings against four member states under Art. 258 TFEU. The CJEU confirmed that the Commission has the power to abolish monopoly rights under certain circumstances and the rulings had the effect of convincing the member states to enter into negotiations for an opening up of energy markets owing to the internal market energy liberalization directives of 1996 / 1998 / 2003 / 2009 / 2019 (IEMD and IGMD) . The core element of the IEMD and IGMD is to abolish exclusive rights and offer primarily at least large industrial electricity and gas consumers to choose their supplier (market opening for eligible consumers) and to grant negotiated or regulated third party access to transmission and distribution grids so to address natural monopolies. The second liberalization package of 2003 brought a widening of market opening and acceleration of pace of market opening to a greater number of eligible customers (all non-household consumers since July 2004 and all consumers since July 2007) and an increase in the provisions on management and legal unbundling. In parallel, two regulations regulate the access to cross-border electricity infrastructure (interconnectors) and the third party access to gas transmission networks. Two further Directives addressed the security of natural gas and power supply and a third deals with energy end use efficiency and services , a fourth dealt with the promotion of co-generation and a fifths covers marine environmental policy (Marine Strategy Framework Directive in combination with the Hydrocarbons-Licensing Directive ) backed by the public procurement directive in the energy sector. A regulation covers energy statistics. The implementation of the second energy package was slow and the Commission launched infringement proceedings against 5 member states in front of the CJEU (Art. 258, 256 TFEU). The 3rd energy package of 2009 addressed ownership unbundling of key-infrastructure ownership and energy wholesale and retail supply consisting of three regulations and two directives, deals with independent regulators, an agency for the cooperation of energy regulators (ACER) and cross-border cooperation (the European Network for transmission system operators for electricity and gas [ENTSO-E/G] and a regulation on cross-border grid access for electricity and natural gas. Another new regulation deals with market integrity and transparency . Hence, new regulations regulate guidelines on electricity balancing, congestion management, long-term capacity allocation, the code for grid access and transmission system operation . Other regulations address the guidelines for a European cross-border energy infrastructure, which has to be interpreted in the context of European environmental impact assessment law, the submission of data in electricity markets, establish a network code on demand connection , rule on a network code for grid access for direct current transmission systems, define guidelines on electricity transmission system operation, regulate a network code on electricity emergency , deal with security of natural gas supply and establish a programme to aid economic recovery by granting financial assistance. Finally, Directives promote the usage of renewable energies, regulate common oil stocks, the safety of offshore oil and gas production and the quality of petrol and diesel fuels. The 4th liberalization package consists of a new IEMD2019 and IGMD2019, of a new regulation on European cross-border electricity trade, of a regulation on risk preparedness in the electricity sector, of a new agency for the cooperation of European energy regulators, addresses energy efficiency and rules on good governance in the energy union. Since 2008, the Art. 194 I-II TFEU governs the ordinary legislation procedure in the energy sector (internal market in energy, security of energy supply, energy efficiency, energy saving, renewable energies, interconnection of energy grids) notwithstanding of unanimous decision making in case of energy taxation matters (Art. 194 III TFEU). A brief analysis of the economic implications of concentrations is followed by an assessment of the evolution of European merger control law under Art. 66 ECSCT, Art. 101 and 102 TFEU, the merger control regulation of 1989 and its significant amendments of 1997 and 2004. Then, the theoretical findings are contrasted to the results of recent merger proceedings in the energy sector with a focus on the VEBA/VIAG decision. Several deficiencies are established which limit the efficacy of merger control as a tool of offsetting shortcomings in the secondary EC law with regard to the liberalisation of the electricity and gas supply industry (IEMD and IGMD). Commitments proposed by the parties of a given concentration and accepted by the Commission as being sufficient to remedy a serious potential of dominance may only be of subsidiary relevance to the liberalisation of sectors owing to a number of analytical and practical drawbacks. One dominant drawback relates to the fact that the commitments depend always on parties' proposals and can never be imposed ex officio. Others relate to the blunt authorisations provided by the wording of Art. 6 and 8 MR1997 and MR2004 as to the implementation of undertakings. With regard to acquisitions of U.K. regional electricity companies by EdF, it is elaborated that the current merger control law leaves no scope for reciprocity considerations regarding acquisitions by incumbent companies in liberalised markets even though the acquirer is a protected public undertaking. Moreover, it is established that different decisions apply inconsistent market definitions. By means of the VEBA/VIAG and RWE/VEW cases, the question is addressed which causes are responsible for the established analytical and practical deficiencies of merger control in the energy sector. It is stated that the weaknesses of the IEMD 2009/72/EC and IGMD 2009/73/EC are partly responsible for weak undertakings which do not sufficiently remove the scope for dominance on the affected markets and which do not rule out any possibility of impediments of effective negotiated or regulated TPA and do not remove any commercial incentive of the grid subsidiaries of the vertically integrated companies as to access which discriminates between intra and extra group applicants. It is reported that another argument relates to the limited scope that the Commission has if it wants to remedy deficiencies of written primary law owing to the extraordinary nature of the implied powers doctrine based on the principle of constitutional state. Adverse political influence against competition authorities is also judged. Further, it is analysed that accidental regulation based on incidental provisions imposed on undertakings which may or not implement a concentration is by no means a consistent and non-discriminatory and predictable tool to overcome drawbacks of primary or secondary European law in a given sector owing to the democratic principle and the constitutional state doctrine. It is discussed that secondary legislation with regard to energy networks is inter alia restricted by Art. 345 TFEU and provisions of national constitutions which protect property rights against dis-proportionate expropriations or re-definitions of property. Further, legal authorisations of said calibre will have to be connected to a system of state liability law. Adverse political pressures are considered. The same is true for egoistic national policies which abstain from transnational task forces in order to settle difficulties and disputes. Furthermore, the adverse effect of different stages of the maturity of domestic markets, different consumer patterns and a potential isolation of the system is not neglected, because these conditions make it more difficult to apply consistent standards as to the appropriate market definition in order to facilitate harmonisation. The implementation of the VEBA/VIAG merger is discussed, as the former was further complicated owing to specifically evaluated circumstances which were difficult to predict. Nevertheless, the Commission is not exempted from the duty to take due care concerning potential impediments as to the realisation of parties' commitments. In contrast to the negative aspects, it can be highlighted that the Commission quickly realised flaws of the energy liberalisation project as expressed by the present form of the IEMD and IGMD. Consequently, the co-ordinative and innovative mechanisms of Florence and Madrid were created in order to boost the development of effective cross border trade - i.e. tariff systems and interconnector congestion management. It will be concluded that undertakings put forward by the parties and accepted by the Commission should be restricted to a subsidiary legal instrument, only applied if strictly necessary to overcome certain detrimental aspects of given concentrations in order to provide a hint for the legislator, to specify its legislation. Competition as a de-central distributor of risk, wealth and power will be extended to its maximum extent, if wholesale consumers benefit from lower energy prices which allow greater productivity of European products on the world markets in combination with higher environmental standards owing to modern, cost-efficient plants. A successful implementation will be described by liquid spot markets for power accompanied by tools of financial risk management like forwards, futures and options. These will be valuable indicators of efficient liberalisation of the European electricity and gas supply industries. ; Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht wie das Europäische Fusionskontrollverfahrensrecht auf den Energiesektor angewendet wird und in welchem Ausmaß seine Anwendung die Liberalisierung der Elektrizitäts-, Gas- und Erdölmärkte unterstützt, so dass nur solche Unternehmenszusammenschlüsse freigegeben wurden, die die Prinzipien der Liberalisierungsrechtsakte (Binnenmarktstromrichtlinie und Binnenmarktsgasrichtlinie). In ihrer Mitteilung über eine Energiepolitik für Europa, angenommen am 10.01.2007, betonte die Kommission, dass ein realer Energiebinnenmarkt essentiell ist, um Europas drei Energieziele zu erreichen, d.h. Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, um Kosten für Bürger und Unternehmen zu senken, um Energieeffizienz und Investitionen zu fördern, und Nachhaltigkeit, darin eingeschlossen ein Emissionshandel, und Energieversorgungssicherheit mit hohen Standards von öffentlichen Dienstleistungspflichten (Art. 106 AEUV). Die EU erließ drei Prä-Liberalisierungsrechtsakte seit den 1990er Jahren . Unzufrieden mit den existierenden monopolartigen Strukturen, d.h. in Deutschland durch Demarkationsverträge und ausschließliche Konzessionsverträge für die Versorgung von Strom und Erdgas, die bis 1998 vom allgemeinen Kartellverbot ausgenommen waren (§ 1 GWB), und die Vorherrschaft von ausschließlichen Rechten auf den Energiemärkten, löste die Kommission Vertragsverletzungsverfahren gegen vier Mitgliedstaaten gemäß Art. 258 AEUV . Der Gerichtshof bestätigte, dass die Kommission das Recht hat, ausschließliche Rechte unter gewissen Bedingungen abzuschaffen, und die Urteile hatten den Effekt, die Mitgliedstaaten zu überzeugen, in Verhandlungen für eine Marktöffnung der Energiemärkte gemäß den Energiebinnenmarktrichtlinien von 1996, 1998, 2003, 2009 und 2019 einzutreten (Strombinnenmarktrichtlinie und Gasbinnenmarktrichtlinie). Das Kernelement der Strombinnenmarktrichtlinie und Gasbinnenmarktsrichtlinie ist es, ausschließliche Rechte abzuschaffen und primär zumindest großen industriellen Strom und Gasverbrauchern das Recht einzuräumen, ihren Versorger frei zu wählen (Marktöffnung für auswählbare Verbraucher) und einen verhandelten oder regulierten Drittparteizugang zu Übertragungsnetzen und Verteilungsnetzen zu gewähren, um natürliche Monopole zu regulieren. Das zweite Liberalisierungspaket von 2003 brachte eine erweiterte Marktöffnung und Beschleunigung der Geschwindigkeit der Marktöffnung zu einer größeren Zahl von auswählbaren Verbrauchern (alle Nicht-Haushaltskunden seit Juli 2004 und alle Konsumenten ab Juli 2007) und eine Ausweitung der Vorschrift über Management- und rechtliche Entflechtung . Parallel dazu regeln zwei Verordnungen den Zugang zu grenzüberschreitenden Elektrizitätsinfrastrukturen (Interkonnektoren) und den Drittparteizugang zu Gas Übertragungsnetzwerken. Zwei weitere Richtlinien adressieren die Versorgungssicherheit von Erdgas und Strom und eine dritte behandelt die Energieendnutzungseffizienz und Dienstleistungen , eine vierte Richtlinie beschäftigte sich mit der Förderung von Kraft-Wärme-Kopplung und eine fünfte deckt Meeresumweltschutzpolitik ab (Marine Strategie Rahmenrichtlinie in Verbindung mit der Kohlenwasserstoff-Lizensierungsrichtlinie, verstärkt durch die Richtlinie über das öffentliche Auftragswesen im Energiesektor. Eine Verordnung behandelt Energiestatistiken. Die Umsetzung des zweiten Energiepakets war langsam und die Kommission leitete Vertragsverletzungsverfahren gegen 5 Mitgliedstaaten ein beim Europäischen Gerichtshof (Art. 258, 256 TFEU). Das dritte Energiepaket von 2009 adressierte die eigentumsrechtliche Entflechtung von Schlüssel-Infrastrukturen und die Energiegroßhandelsversorgung und die Kleinkundenenergieversorgung bestehend aus drei Verordnungen und zwei Richtlinien, beschäftigt sich mit unabhängigen Energieregulierungsbehörden, einer Agentur für die Zusammenarbeit von Energieregulierungsbehörden (ACER) und der grenzüberschreitenden Kooperation (das Europäische Netzwerk für Übertragungsnetzwerkoperatoren für Strom und Gas [ENTSO-E/G] und eine Verordnung über grenzüberschreitenden Netzzugang für Strom und Erdgas . Eine andere Verordnung behandelt die Marktintegrität und Transparenz. Außerdem regulieren neue Verordnungen Grundzüge der Strom-Balancierung, Verstopfungsmanagement, langfristige Kapazitätszuweisung, den Kodex für den Netzzugang und die Operation des Übertragungsnetzes. Andere Verordnungen regulieren die Grundsätze für eine europäische grenzüberschreitende Energie-Infrastruktur, welche im Kontext des europäischen Umweltverträglichkeitsprüfungsrechts interpretiert werden muss, die Einreichung von Daten über Strommärkte, etablieren einen Netzwerkkodex über Nachfrageverbindung, regeln einen Netzwerkkodex für den Netzzugang für Gleichstromübertragungssysteme, definieren Richtlinien über Stromübertragungssystemoperation, regulieren einen Netzwerkkodex über Stromversorgungsnotfälle, behandeln Erdgasversorgungssicherheit und etablieren ein Programm, um der ökonomischen Wiederherstellung zu helfen, indem finanzielle Hilfen gewährt werden. Schließlich fördern Richtlinien die Nutzung von erneuerbaren Energien, regulieren gemeinsame Erdölvorräte, die Sicherheit der Hochsee Erdöl- und Erdgasproduktion und die Qualität von Benzin und Diesel Kraftstoffen. Das vierte Liberalisierungspaket besteht aus einer neuen Strombinnenmarktrichtlinie 2019 und einer Erdgasbinnenmarktrichtlinie 2019, aus einer neuen Verordnung über europäischen grenzüberschreitenden Stromhandel, aus einer Verordnung übrer Risikovorbereitung im Stromsektor, aus einer neuen Agentur für die Zusammenarbeit der Europäischen Energie-Regulatoren, adressiert Energieeffizienz und regelt die gute Geschäftsführung in der Energieunion. Seit 2008 regelt Art. 194 I-II AUEV das ordentliche Gesetzgebungsverfahren im Energiesektor (Binnenmarkt für Energie, Energieversorgungssicherheit, Energieeffzienz, Energieeinsparung, erneuerbare Energien und die Interkonnektion von Energienetzen) unabhängig vom einstimmigen Entscheiden im Bereich von Energiebesteuerungen (Art. 194 III AEUV). Eine kurze Analyse der wirtschaftlichen Implikation von Unternehmenszusammenschlüssen folgt die Untersuchung der Evolution des Europäischen Fusionskontrollverfahrensrechts gemäß dem ehemaligen Art. 66 EGKSV, Art. 101 and 102 AEUV, der Fusionskontrollverfahrensverordnung von 1989 und ihrer signifikanten Änderungen von 1997 und 2004. Dann werden die theoretischen Ergebnisse den Resultaten der Fusionskontrollverfahren im Energiesektor gegenübergestellt mit einem Schwerpunkt auf der VEBA/VIAG Entscheidung. Mehrere Schwachstellen werden herausgestellt, welche die Effektivität der Fusionskontrolle im Energiesektor herausstellen, die die Effektivität der Fusionskontrolle als ein Werkzeug zum Ausgleich der Schwachstellen im Sekundärrecht der EU mit Bezug auf die Liberalisierung der Strom- und Erdgasversorgungsindustrien mindern (Elektrizitätsbinnenmarktrichtlinie und Erdgasbinnenmarktrichtlinie). Verpflichtungszusagen auf Vorschlag der Partien eines Unternehmenszusammenschlusses, die von der Kommission angenommen worden sind, um hinreichend zu sein, um ein seriöses Potential von Marktbeherrschung zu adressieren können nur auf hilfsweise Relevanz zur Liberalisierung on Wirtschaftssektoren dienen gemäß einer Anzahl von analytischen und praktischen Nachteilen. Ein relevanter Nachteil bezieht sich auf das Faktum, dass die Verpflichtungszusagen der Parteien immer auf den Parteivorschlägen fußen und dass sie niemals ex officio auferlegt werden können. Andere Nachteile beziehen sich auf die grobe Autorisierung der Kommission, wie sie nahegelegt wird durch den Wortlaut von Art. 6 and 8 Fusionskontrollverordnung 1997 und 2004 bezogen auf die Umsetzung von Nebenbestimmungen. Mit Bezug auf die Akquisition von regionalen Stromunternehmen im Vereinigten Königreich durch EdF wird herausgearbeitet, dass das gegenwärtige Fusionskontrollverfahrensrecht keinen Ansatz für Reziprozitätserwägungen lässt mit Bezug auf Akquisitionen durch amtierende Unternehmen in liberalisierten Märkten, auch wenn der Erwerber eine geschützte öffentliche Unternehmung ist. Außerdem wird herausgearbeitet, dass unterschiedliche Entscheidungen inkonsistente Marktdefinitionen herausarbeitet. Durch die VEBA/VIAG and RWE/VEW Entscheidungen wird die Frage beantwortet, welche Ursachen verantwortlich sind für die etablierten analytischen und praktischen Nachteile der Fusionskontrolle im Energiesektor. Es wird herausgestellt, dass die Schwächen der Elektrizitätsbinnenmarktrichtlinie 2009/72/EG und der Erdgasbinnenmarktrichtlinie 2009/73/EG zu gewissen Anteilen verantwortlich sind für schwache Nebenbestimmungen, die nicht hinreichend den Anwendungsbereich für Marktbeherrschung auf den betroffenen Märkten eliminieren und die nicht jedwede Möglichkeit von Erschwernissen des verhandelten oder regulierten Drittparteizugangs zu Infrastrukturen ausschließen und welche nicht den kommerziellen Anreiz der Netztochtergesellschaften der vertikal integrierten Unternehmen entfernen, zu unterscheiden zwischen Intra- und Extra-Gruppen Netzzugangspetenten. Es wird geschildert, dass sich ein anderes Argument auf den limitierten Anwendungsbereich bezieht, dass die Kommission, wenn sie es möchte, um Nachteile zu adressieren des primären Gemeinschaftsrechts gemäß der außergewöhnlichen Natur der impIizierten Befugnisse Doktrin basieren auf dem Prinzip des Rechtsstaates. Gegenteilige politische Einflussnahme gegen Wettbewerbsbehörden wird außerdem untersucht. Darüber hinaus wird analysiert, dass akzidentielle Regulierung basierend auf Nebenbestimmungen, die vielleicht oder nicht einen Unternehmenszusammenschluss implementieren unter keinem Gesichtspunkt ein konsistentes und vorhersehbares Werkzeug ist, um Nachteile des primären oder sekundären Europäischen Rechts in einem gegebenen Sektor zu überwinden gemäß dem Demokratieprinzip und dem Rechtsstaatsprinzip. Es wird diskutiert, dass sekundäre europäische Rechtssetzung mit Bezug auf Energienetzwerke unter anderem durch Art. 345 AEUV begrenzt wird und dass Vorschriften nationaler Verfassungen, die Eigentumsrechte garantieren, gegen die unverhältnismäßige Enteignung oder Inhalts- und Schrankenbestimmungen des Eigentum schützen . Darüber hinaus werden rechtliche Ermächtigungen des besagten Kalibers gewürdigt und mit einem System von Staatsverantwortlichkeitsrecht verbunden. Gegenteilige politische Drücke wurden erwogen. Das gleiche trifft zu für egoistische nationale Politiken, die von nationalen Taskforces Abstand nehmen, um Schwierigkeiten und Streitigkeiten zu adressieren. Außerdem wird der gegenteilige Effekt von unterschiedlichen Phasen der Reife häuslicher Märkte, unterschiedlichem Verbraucherverhalten und einer möglichen Isolation des Systems untersucht und nicht vernachlässigt, weil diese Bedingungen es schwieriger machen, konsistente Standards mit Bezug auf die sachgerechte Marktdefinition anzuwenden, um die Harmonisierung zu erleichtern. Die Einflüsse der VEBA/VIAG Fusion wird diskutiert, weil diese Entscheidung weiter erschwert war und kompliziert wurde durch spezielle ausgewertete Umstände, die schwierig vorherzusehen waren. Dennoch war die Kommission nicht befreit von der Verpflichtung, um notwendige Sorgfalt anzuwenden bezogen auf potentielle Erschwernisse bezogen auf die Realisierung der Verpflichtungszusagen der Parteien. Im Gegensatz zu den negativen Aspekten kann herausgestellt werden, dass die Kommission schnell Schwachstellen des Enerigeliberalisierungsprojektes erkannt hat, wie es durch die gegenwärtige Form der Elektrizitätsbinnenmarktrichtlinie und der Erdgasbinnenmarktrichtlinie geprägt wird. Konsequenterweise wurden die koordinierenden und innovativen Mechanismen der Foren von Florenz und Madrid geschaffen, um die Entwicklung effektiven grenzüberschreitenden Energiehandels voranzutreiben, d.h. Tarifsysteme und Interkonnektorenverstopfungsmanagements. Es wird der Schluss gezogen, dass Unternehmen, vorangetrieben durch die Parteien und angenommen durch die Kommission, davon ausgenommen wurden sollen, ein subsidiäres rechtliches Instrument zu begrenzen, um gewisse schädliche Aspekte einer gegebenen Unternehmenskonzentration zu überwinden, um für einen Hinweis and den Gesetzgeber zu sorgen, seine Gesetzgebung zu spezifizieren. Wettbewerb als ein dezentrales Verfahren zur Verteilung von Risiko, Wohlstand und Macht wird ausgedehnt zu seinem maximalen Ertrag, wenn Großhandelsverbraucher von geringeren Energiepreisen profitieren, die eine gesteigerte Produktivität Europäischer Produkte auf den Weltmärkten bewirken in Kombination mit höheren Umweltstandards durch den Einsatz moderner, kosteneffzienter Produktionsstätten. Eine erfolgreiche Implementierung wird beschrieben durch liquide Spot-Märkte für Energie, begleitet durch Werkzeuge des finanziellen Risikomanagements wie Forward-Derivate, Future-Derivate und Optionen. Diese wurden wertvolle Indikatoren einer effizienten Liberalisierung der Europäischen Elektrizitäts- und Erdgasversorgungsindustrien sein.

Der Schutz der biologischen Vielfalt ist eine gesellschaftlich sehr wichtige Aufgabe, deren Bedeutung in den letzten Jahrzehnten zunehmend auch politisch erkannt wird. Nationale wie globale Zielsetzungen, den Verlust der biologischen Vielfalt aufzuhalten und eine positive Trendwende zu erreichen, wurden bislang allerdings verfehlt. Als wichtige Ursachen für den Verlust der Artenvielfalt werden sowohl der Landnutzungswandel als auch Klimaveränderungen gesehen. Landnutzungsintensivierungen haben insbesondere seit der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts zu einem zunehmenden Rückgang der Artenvielfalt in der Agrarlandschaft geführt. Die Ursachen für diesen Rückgang sind vielfältig. Sie umfassen eine Abnahme der Nahrungsgrundlage vieler Arten, u.a. durch den Einsatz von Herbiziden und Insektiziden, und den Verlust von geeigneten Fortpflanzungs- und Nahrungshabitaten durch einen Rückgang der Strukturvielfalt und des Anteils naturnaher Habitate. Seit Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts rückt zunehmend auch der Klimawandel als Einflussgröße für den Rückgang der Artenvielfalt in den Fokus. Einhergehend mit steigenden Temperaturen wurden bereits Verschiebungen von Verbreitungsgrenzen und Veränderungen in der Phänologie von Arten beobachtet. Bis zum Ende des 21. Jahrhunderts werden neben weiter steigenden Temperaturen die Zunahme von Hitzewellen und extremen Niederschlagsereignissen, eine Veränderung der Niederschlagsverhältnisse und ein weiterer Anstieg des Meeresspiegels erwartet. Zwischen Klima und Landnutzung gibt es vielfältige Wechselwirkungen und sich gegenseitig verstärkende Effekte - auch in ihrer Wirkung auf einzelne Arten und die biologische Vielfalt. Hier gilt es, Methoden zur Erfassung und Bewertung von Auswirkungen landnutzungs- und klimawandelbedingter Umweltveränderungen zu entwickeln und aufzuzeigen, durch welche Maßnahmen negative Auswirkungen auf die Artenvielfalt vermieden oder vermindert werden können. Akteure zur Umsetzung solcher Maßnahmen sind einerseits der behördliche und ehrenamtliche Naturschutz. Andererseits ist gerade in der Agrarlandschaft auch die Einbindung von Landwirten entscheidend, um möglichst dauerhafte und großflächige Wirkungen zu erzielen. Ein Weg der Einbindung von Landwirten in naturschutzfachliche Maßnahmenprogramme führt über die lebensmittelerzeugenden Unternehmen, die Abnehmer ihrer Produkte sind. Solche Unternehmen, gerade aus der Biobranche, suchen zunehmend nach Möglichkeiten, ihren Kunden transparent und glaubwürdig zu kommunizieren, was ihre Zulieferlandwirte für den Erhalt und die Förderung der Artenvielfalt leisten. Flächendeckende Vor-Ort-Erfassungen von Arten sind dabei aber sowohl aus Kosten- als auch aus Zeitgründen unrealistisch. Einfache Modelle bzw. Indikatorensets, die die Artenvielfalt auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen valide abbilden und dabei zeiteffizient und praxisnah in der Datenerhebung und Anwendung sind, werden daher dringend benötigt, fehlen aber bislang. Auf Basis solcher Modelle können auch Maßnahmen für die Betriebsebene und deren Potenzial zur Steigerung der Artenvielfalt abgeleitet werden. Im Hinblick auf Auswirkungen des Klimawandels auf Tierarten fehlen derzeit vor allem auf regionaler Ebene Einschätzungen über die Empfindlichkeit von Artengemeinschaften gegenüber den projizierten Klimaänderungen und darüber, wie sich klimabedingte Arealverschiebungen auf die Zusammensetzung regionaler Artengemeinschaften auswirken könnten. Solche Einschätzungen braucht es aber, um den naturschutzfachlichen Handlungsbedarf für Anpassungsstrategien und -maßnahmen zu identifizieren und zu konkretisieren. Zu entsprechenden Anpassungsmaßnahmen gibt es bereits eine Reihe von Empfehlungen, die allerdings häufig unspezifisch bleiben, so dass vielen Praktikern unklar ist, welche Maßnahmen Priorität haben und wie diese konkret umgesetzt werden sollen und können. Daher ist es erforderlich, solche allgemeinen Maßnahmenempfehlungen für die jeweilige regionale Ebene unter Berücksichtigung der Empfindlichkeit der dort vorkommenden Arten und möglicher klimabedingter Ein- und Abwanderungsprozesse zu konkretisieren. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Wissenslücken war das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit, einen Beitrag dazu zu leisten, Auswirkungen landnutzungs- und klimawandelbedingter Umweltveränderungen auf Tierarten auf der regionalen bzw. lokalen Ebene zu ermitteln und zu bewerten, um darauf aufbauend geeignete und für die jeweilige Ebene hinreichend konkrete naturschutzfachliche Maßnahmen zur Verminderung negativer Auswirkungen ableiten zu können. Dazu wurde exemplarisch für einzelne Regionen, Lebensräume und Tierartengruppen untersucht, 1) anhand welcher Indikatorensets und Modelle sich die Artenvielfalt auf der Ebene landwirtschaftlicher Betriebe praxistauglich, zeiteffizient und valide abbilden lässt, 2) an welchen Kriterien eine Empfindlichkeit von Tierarten gegenüber klimatischen Veränderungen auf naturräumlicher Ebene festgemacht werden kann, 3) wie sich ein klimawandelbedingter Turnover in Artengemeinschaften eines Naturraums abschätzen lässt, 4) welche Maßnahmen zum Erhalt und zur Förderung der Artenvielfalt basierend auf den Ergebnissen solcher Analysen auf lokaler und regionaler Ebene abgeleitet werden können, 5) welche Synergien sich im Hinblick auf Maßnahmen zur Verringerung negativer Auswirkungen von Klimawandel und Landnutzung ergeben und welche Grenzen die entwickelten Methoden zur Einschätzung solcher Auswirkungen aufweisen. Hinsichtlich der Auswirkungen landnutzungsbedingter Umweltveränderungen auf Tierarten wurde untersucht, ob und wie sich die Artenvielfalt und mögliche Veränderungen durch die Landnutzung oder durch Naturschutzmaßnahmen auf der Ebene landwirtschaftlicher Betriebe mit Hilfe von einfach handhabbaren Modellen und Indikatorensets abbilden lassen. Dazu wurden in umfangreichen Literaturstudien mögliche Einflussvariablen identifiziert, die für die Artenvielfalt von Tagfaltern auf Rainen und die Artenvielfalt von Vögeln in Hecken sowie auf Äckern von Bedeutung sein können. Auf sieben über Deutschland verteilten landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben wurden sowohl Daten zu diesen möglichen Einflussvariablen erhoben als auch Erfassungen der Artengruppen Tagfalter und Vögel durchgeführt. Durch multiple lineare Regressionsanalysen wurden aus dem Set der möglichen Einflussvariablen anhand der auf den Betrieben erhobenen Daten diejenigen identifiziert, die die Artenvielfalt von Tagfaltern und Vögeln am besten vorhersagen. Bei Tagfaltern auf Rainen sind dies die Heterogenität der umgebenden Landschaft, der Mahdzeitpunkt, die Breite, Länge und das Gräser-Kräuter-Verhältnis des Rains sowie die Bewirtschaftungsart angrenzender Felder. Für die Artenvielfalt von Vögeln in Hecken wurden die Variablen Länge und Breite der Hecke, die Anzahl der Gehölzarten, das Vorkommen von Höhlen/Totholz, das Vorhandensein von Dornsträuchern sowie die Breite des angrenzenden Krautsaums als wichtigste Einflussfaktoren zur Vorhersage der Artenvielfalt ermittelt. Ein Modell zur Vorhersage der Artenvielfalt von Vögeln auf Äckern wurde verworfen, da die Ergebnisse deutlich von der Datenlage der Stichprobe geprägt waren und nur zum Teil den Erkenntnissen aus der zuvor durchgeführten Literaturstudie entsprachen. Die aus den Modellergebnissen ableitbaren Maßnahmen für die Betriebsebene beziehen sich auf die jeweils bedeutsamen Einflussfaktoren - z.B. das Mahdregime bzw. den Mahdzeitpunkt bei Rainen und die Anlage oder Verbreitung von Krautsäumen zwischen Hecken und den an diese angrenzenden Feldern - und betreffen sowohl die Optimierung vorhandener Strukturen als auch die Neuanlage von Landschaftselementen. Diese stellen einen Baustein im Spektrum sinnvoller Maßnahmen auf landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben dar und sollten durch weitere flankiert werden. Dazu ist eine gesamtbetriebliche Perspektive wichtig, die die betriebs- und landschaftsraumspezifischen Voraussetzungen einbindet. Zur Unterstützung hierbei kann einerseits landwirtschaftliche Beratung, andererseits aber auch eine vom Landwirt selbst bedienbare naturschutzfachliche Managementsoftware dienen. In eine solche Software (MANUELA - Managementsystem Naturschutz für eine nachhaltige Landwirtschaft) wurden die in der vorliegenden Arbeit entwickelten Modelle bereits implementiert und ergänzen dort bereits vorhandene Tools, zum Beispiel zur Ermittlung und Bewertung der Pflanzenartenvielfalt auf Äckern, aber auch zum Landschaftsbild und zum Biotopverbund. Hinsichtlich der Auswirkungen klimawandelbedingter Umweltveränderungen wurde untersucht, an welchen Kriterien sich eine Empfindlichkeit von Tierarten gegenüber solchen Umweltveränderungen auf naturräumlicher Ebene festmachen lässt und welche Eigenschaften eine Anpassung an sich ändernde Umweltbedingungen erschweren. Mit Hilfe einer auf solchen Kriterien basierenden Empfindlichkeitsanalyse wurde ermittelt, wie viele Tierarten in den naturräumlichen Regionen "Harz" und "Lüneburger Heide und Wendland" eine erhöhte Empfindlichkeit gegenüber klimawandelbedingten Umweltveränderungen aufweisen. Dabei wurden Vertreter der Artengruppen Brutvögel, Amphibien, Reptilien, Heuschrecken, Tagfalter und Libellen mit einbezogen. Eine voraussichtlich erhöhte Empfindlichkeit gegenüber spezifisch klimawandelbedingten Umweltveränderungen lässt sich bei jeweils ca. 39% der untersuchten Tierarten in den naturräumlichen Regionen "Harz" und "Lüneburger Heide und Wendland" feststellen. Dabei scheinen insgesamt mehr Arten negativ von einer Abnahme der Sommerniederschläge betroffen zu sein als von einer Erhöhung der Temperaturen. Weiterhin wurde ermittelt, wie klimabedingte Veränderungen der Zusammensetzung von Vogellebensgemeinschaften in einem Naturraum abgeschätzt und Prognosen über mögliche klimabedingte Zu- und Abwanderungen von Arten getroffen werden können. Dazu wurde der Artenpool des Naturraums Lüneburger Heide mit den Artenpools zukünftig klimaanaloger Räume verglichen. Zukünftig klimaanaloge Räume sind Gebiete, die gegenwärtig klimatische Verhältnisse aufweisen, die zukünftig für das Untersuchungsgebiet projiziert werden. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Mehrzahl der Vogelarten die für den Zeitraum 2071-2100 erwarteten Klimabedingungen im Naturraum Lüneburger Heide vermutlich tolerieren kann, die Artenvielfalt insgesamt aber möglicherweise abnehmen wird. Viele der potenziell aus dem Naturraum abwandernden Arten sind an Feuchtgebiete als Lebensraum gebunden. Zur Verringerung negativer klimawandelbedingter Auswirkungen auf Tierarten können zum einen derzeitige Gefährdungsursachen und Stressoren minimiert werden, um die Habitatverfügbarkeit und qualität zu erhöhen und die Resilienz sowie das Anpassungspotenzial von Arten zu stärken. Als prioritäre Maßnahmen sind je nach naturräumlicher Region die folgenden anzusehen: Maßnahmen zum Schutz und zur Wiederherstellung von Feuchtlebensräumen, Maßnahmen zur Verhinderung von Nährstoffeinträgen bzw. Eutrophierung und zur Extensivierung landwirtschaftlicher Nutzung, Maßnahmen zur Erhöhung der Konnektivität in der Landschaft und zur Verringerung des Landschaftsverbrauchs, Maßnahmen zur Offenhaltung von Lebensräumen und Maßnahmen zur naturnahen Waldrandgestaltung bzw. Waldbewirtschaftung. Zum anderen kann zur Verringerung negativer klimawandelbedingter Auswirkungen auf Tierarten die Konnektivität in der Landschaft gefördert und der Erhalt und die Schaffung von Biotopverbundstrukturen gestärkt werden, um den Arten eine Anpassung durch die Verschiebung ihrer Verbreitungsareale zu ermöglichen. Besonders auf überregionale Biotopverbundmaßnahmen zur Anpassung an den Klimawandel angewiesen sind in beiden naturräumlichen Regionen Arten des Offenlandes, in der naturräumlichen Region "Lüneburger Heide und Wendland" zusätzlich auch Arten der Gewässer. Da viele der derzeitigen Gefährdungsursachen potenziell klimaempfindlicher Arten nutzungsbezogen sind und auch direkte oder indirekte Folge landwirtschaftlicher Nutzung sein können, sind Synergien zwischen Maßnahmen zur Verminderung negativer Auswirkungen von Landnutzungs- und Klimawandeleinflüssen offenkundig. Dies betrifft auch die Stärkung des Biotopverbunds. Hier spielen Raine und Hecken in der Agrarlandschaft eine wichtige Rolle - auch vor dem Hintergrund des Klimawandels, da viele der auf Biotopverbund als Anpassungsmaßnahme angewiesenen Arten Bewohner des Offenlandes sind. Ein besonderes Gewicht kommt im Hinblick auf den Klimawandel dem Schutz bzw. der Renaturierung und Schaffung von Feuchtlebensräumen zu. Diese werden bislang nur zum Teil durch die Modelle zur Abschätzung der Artenvielfalt auf landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben abgedeckt, so dass in der Erweiterung der Modelle um die Lebensräume Feuchtgrünland und Grünland im Allgemeinen eine mögliche Weiterentwicklung der vorliegenden Arbeit zu sehen ist. Da ein Großteil der Fläche Deutschlands landwirtschaftlich genutzt wird, kommt der Landwirtschaft bei der Bewahrung der Artenvielfalt eine Schlüsselrolle zu. Die vermehrte Integration naturschutzfachlicher Ziele in die Landbewirtschaftung kann daher wesentlich zum Erhalt und zur Förderung der Artenvielfalt beitragen, nicht nur im Hinblick auf landnutzungsbezogene sondern auch auf klimawandelbezogene Einflüsse. Die vorliegende Arbeit liefert dazu wichtige Ansätze. ; The conservation of biodiversity is a task of great importance for society. In recent decades, political awareness for biodiversity issues has risen, yet, global as well as national objectives to halt the loss of biodiversity have failed. Important causes of biodiversity loss include land use change as well as climatic changes. From the second half of the twentieth century, agricultural intensification has increasingly led to a decline of farmland biodiversity. This decline is caused by a multitude of factors, particularly a loss of semi-natural habitats and structural diversity as well as a shortage of food supply due to a usage of herbicides and insecticides. Since the end of the twentieth century, climatic changes have increasingly become apparent as another threat to biodiversity. Along with increasing temperatures, shifts of distribution ranges as well as in the phenology of species have already been observed. By the end of the 21st century, further increasing mean temperatures, an increase of hot extremes, a decrease of cold periods, a shift in annual precipitation regimes and a further rise of sea levels can be expected. Climate and land use interact in a variety of ways - as do their effects on species and overall biodiversity. Thus, methods to capture and evaluate the effects of land use and climatic changes on species, and measures to prevent or mitigate the impacts, are greatly needed. Important stakeholders for the implementation of such measures are nature conservation authorities and organisations. However, protecting farmland biodiversity also requires the involvement of farmers to ensure sustainable and long-term effects. One way to involve farmers in nature conservation programs is to address the food companies they supply their products to. Food companies, especially from the organic sector, are increasingly looking for ways to transparently and credibly communicate to their customers how farmers (the suppliers) preserve and enhance biodiversity on their land. As company-wide biodiversity surveys of species in the field are not feasible, easy-to-use models and indicator sets projecting biodiversity on farmland, in both a sound and time-efficient way, are greatly needed. Such models could also help to identify and allocate nature conservation measures for a given farm and assess what biodiversity enhancement potentials are associated with which measure. Regarding climate change impacts on animals, assessments on regional levels evaluating the sensitivity of animals towards such changes are largely missing. So too are estimations on how distribution shifts might alter regional species communities. However, such information is greatly needed to identify and specify appropriate adaptation strategies and measures. While recommendations for such adaptation strategies and measures already exist, they are mostly vague making it difficult for stakeholders to prioritise and implement them. Thus, it is necessary to specify general recommendations for given regions that take into account the climate sensitivity of the region's species as well as alterations in the region's species community. Considering these knowledge gaps, the objective of this dissertation was to contribute to the assessment and evaluation of impacts of land use and climate change on animals on a regional and local level and, based on these assessments, derive measures suitable to aid in the mitigation of negative impacts. Single regions, habitats and animal species groups were therefore investigated in order to assess; 1. which indicator sets and models are suitable to project biodiversity on a farm level in a practical, time-efficient and sound way; 2. which criteria indicate a sensitivity of animals towards climatic changes within an ecoregion; 3. how climate change induced turnovers in species communities within an ecoregion can be estimated; 4. which measures to preserve and enhance biodiversity can be derived based on such analyses for the local and regional level; 5. which synergies exist between measures for mitigating the negative impacts of land use and climate change and what are the limitations of the methods for the assessment of such impacts. With respect to the impacts of land use on animals, I investigated if and how biodiversity and possible changes caused by land use or nature conservation measures can be projected with farm level based easy-to-use models and indicator sets. Therefore, I identified possible predictor variables effecting the species numbers of butterflies on field margins and birds in hedgerows and on arable fields. This was accomplished on the basis of an extensive literature review. Subsequently, the possible predictor variables, as well as butterflies and birds, were recorded on seven farms throughout Germany. By means of multiple linear regression analyses based upon the data recorded on the farms, variables were identified that best predicted the species numbers of butterflies and birds. In terms of butterflies, these variables included the landscape heterogeneity of the surroundings, the time of mowing, the width, length and the grass-herb-ratio of the margin as well as the management of the adjacent field. For birds in hedgerows, the variables length and width of a hedgerow, the number of woody species, the presence of tree holes, the presence of thorny shrubs, and the width of the herbaceous margin bordering the hedgerow were identified as the best predictors for species numbers. The model for predicting bird species numbers on arable fields was rejected as the results were significantly influenced by the examined sample and were only partly compatible with the results of the literature review. Measures for the farm level are related to the predictor variables of the models in question, e.g. recommendations for the time of mowing of field margins or, for hedgerows, the establishment or extension of herbaceous margin strips between the hedgerow and bordering fields. These measures concern the improvement of existing landscape elements as well as the establishment of new ones. They should be seen as one component within a set of adequate measures for farms that ought to be accompanied by others. Therefore, a whole-farm perspective is needed which integrates farm specifics as well as specific landscape preconditions. To support this process, assistance by farm consultants may be reasonable but so too is GIS-based management software which aids farmers in addressing nature conservation issues. The models of this dissertation have already been implemented in such management software, MANUELA (Managementsystem Naturschutz für eine nachhaltige Landwirtschaft - Management System Nature Conservation for a Sustainable Agriculture). Within this software, the models complement other nature conservation tools, e.g. one that assesses the diversity of plant species on arable fields and others that evaluate landscape aesthetics or the connectivity of habitats. With respect to the impacts of climatic changes on animals, I examined which criteria are relevant for evaluating the sensitivity of species towards these changes. Based on these criteria, I investigated how many animal species from the 'Harz' and 'Lüneburger Heide und Wendland' ecoregions are probably sensitive towards climatic changes projected for the end of the 21st century. These sensitivity analyses included Red List species of breeding birds, reptiles, amphibians, dragonflies and damselflies, grasshoppers and crickets, and butterflies. About 39% of the examined species are probably sensitive towards these climatic changes. Overall, more species seem to be affected by a decrease of summer precipitation than by an increase of mean temperatures. In addition, I assessed how climate change induces turn-overs in bird communities of a given region can be estimated. Hence, the species pool of the 'Lüneburger Heide' ecoregion was compared to species pools of future climatically analogous regions. Future climatically analogous regions are regions which currently have similar climatic conditions to the ones projected for the study area in the future. The results of these analyses show that the majority of species in the 'Lüneburger Heide' are probably able to tolerate the climatic conditions projected for 2071-2100 but that bird species richness, in general, may decline. Species that might potentially leave the regional species community in the course of climate change were often associated with inland wetland habitats. To mitigate negative climate change induced impacts on animals, current non-climatic stressors can be reduced in order to increase habitat availability and quality and to strengthen the resilience and adaptation potential of species. Measures of high priority in this regard - depending on the respective region - include: measures for maintaining and promoting wetlands, measures for reducing eutrophication and for the extensification of agriculture, measures for increasing habitat connectivity and reducing land consumption, measures for the preservation of open landscapes, and measures for a nature-oriented forest management. In addition to reducing non-climatic stressors, habitat connectivity should be increased in order to help species to adapt to climatic changes by shifting their distribution ranges. In both examined ecoregions, most of the potential climate-sensitive species, which depend on an increased habitat connectivity for the adaptation to climatic changes, live in open land. Within the 'Lüneburger Heide und Wendland' ecoregion, additional emphasis in this regard should be put on waterbodies. As many of the current non-climatic stressors impacting potentially climate-sensitive species are related to land use, synergies between measures mitigating negative impacts of land use and climate change are obvious. This is also true for the strengthening of habitat connectivity. Here, field margins and hedgerows play an important role - especially as many of the species that depend on habitat connectivity to adapt to climatic changes live in open land. In light of climate change, a special emphasis has to be put on the maintenance and restoration of grassland and wetlands. So far, grassland and wetlands are only partly covered by the models for the assessment of biodiversity on farmland. An inclusion of these habitats into the MANUELA model toolbox is, therefor, a possible future development. As a large part of Germany is covered by agriculture, farmers have a key role in preserving biodiversity. Integrating nature conservation objectives into farm management is therefore very beneficial not only with regard to mitigating possible impacts of land use but also of climate change. This dissertation provides important approaches for this task.

La presenza di residui chimici negli alimenti, costituiti sia da composti farmaceutici che da contaminati ambientali, è un argomento di crescente interesse e preoccupazione per la sanità pubblica. L'Unione Europea periodicamente sancisce leggi e rapporti aggiornati, con lo scopo di condurre piani di monitoraggio e linee guida sull' impiego di tali composti a livello industriale, agricolo e terapeutico e livelli massimi residuali (LMR e ML) negli alimenti, al fine di prevenire il rischio per il consumatore. Sulla base di queste considerazioni, il presente elaborato ha lo scopo di studiare la presenza di residui chimici in diversi alimenti di origine animale, al fine di caratterizzare il rischio per il consumatore. In primo luogo, ci siamo focalizzati sullo studio di alimenti provenienti dal settore ittico, che è un'ottima fonte di nutrienti, con importanti benefici per la salute umana. Ci siamo concentrati su cozze e vongole, animali filtratori e bioindicatori adatti per le loro caratteristiche a bioaccumulare un'ampia gamma di inquinanti ambientali. Lo scopo del primo elaborato è stato quello di valutare il rischio per il consumatore dei principali metalli (Hg, Cd, Pb, Ni, Cre As), attraverso il consumo di molluschi sulla base dei limiti massimi dichiarati dall'Unione Europea o, ove disponibili, sulla base dei valori soglia dichiarati dall'EFSA. Dal primo lavoro è emerso che vi è un basso rischio per il consumatore medio; tuttavia, i consumatori ai percentili superiori, possono essere soggetti a lesioni cutane e/o neoplasie polmonari, cutanee e vescicali per l'elevata assunzione di As. Soggetti Ni sensibili, possono invece essere soggetti a dermatiti allergiche. Il secondo lavoro di ricerca si è invece concentrato sulla ricerca dei medesimi metalli nel tonno, il cui consumo è in aumento secondo i dati della commissione europea, per le sue capacità di bioaccumulo. Sono stati, così, analizzati 131 campioni provenienti da diverse zone FAO. Dai risultati, è emerso che solo un tonno rosso, proveniente dal mare Adriatico e 11 tonni gialli hanno superato i livelli massimi residuali di Pb; tre tonni rossi provenienti da diverse sottozone del 7 Mediterraneo hanno superato i livelli massimi consentiti per il mercurio. La valutazione degli effetti tossicologici cumulativi ha indicato un rischio trascurabile sia per i medi che alti consumatori. L'obiettivo del terzo studio è stato quello di studiare la presenza di inquinanti organici persistenti e di antimicrobici nei salmoni selvatici e di allevamento di diverse aree geografiche. I salmoni d'allevamento hanno mostrato una presenza di contaminanti ambientali superiore a quelli selvatici, probabilmente a causa di un maggiore impatto demografico. Il rischio legato ai composti organofosforati, agli idrocarburi policiclici aromatici, ai policlorobifenili e ai pesticidi organoclorurati derivanti dall'assunzione di salmone si è rilevato molto basso, mentre la presenza di polobromodifenilietere congenere 99 (PBDE99) e acido perfluoroottanoico (PFOA) suscita maggiore preoccupazione. Gli antibiotici sono stati riscontrati con bassa frequenza solo nel salmone allevato. Da questi lavori, sulla base dei dati ottenuti, possiamo confermare che vi è basso rischio per il consumatore medio Il consumo regolare di carne e prodotti a base di carne fornisce un significativo apporto di proteine e micronutrienti essenziali. La carne suina, ad esempio, è impiegata in molti paesi per produrre prodotti derivati (prosciutti e salumi) ad alto valore qualitativo. Anche il consumo di carne di selvaggina, pur essendo un prodotto di nicchia, è in costante aumento e i cacciatori, le loro famiglie e le persone a loro strettamente legate possono essere considerati una sottopopolazione ad alto consumo. Nel quarto lavoro abbiamo cosi studiato la presenza di polibromodifenilietere e sostanze perfluoroalchiliche provenienti da otto Stati membri dell'UE (Austria, Danimarca, Francia, Germania, Olanda, Italia, Polonia e Spagna). La commissione Europea non ha definito limiti massimi per tali composti e dai nostri risultati non sono state rilevate sostanze perfluoroalchiliche ad eccezione dell'acido perfluoroottanoico in un solo campione austriaco. I polibromodifenilietere sono stati rilevati solo in 3 dei 77 campioni investigati. I risultati mostrano che i campioni analizzati non rappresentano un rischio per il consumatore. Recentemente una successiva relazione EFSA ha richiesto di porre maggiore attenzione sulla presenza dei perfluoroalchilici, i cui valori soglia sono stati ridotti drasticamente per il loro rischio tossicologico. Nel quinto lavoro ci siamo focalizzati su quattro diverse specie selvatiche (camoscio, capriolo, capriolo, cervo e cinghiale) con abitudini alimentari differenti. Gli animali selvatici sono considerati 8 specie sentinelle e quindi ottimi indicatori ambientali. Campioni muscolari di settantanove animali sono stati raccolti durante la stagione venatoria in una zona montana dell'Italia settentrionale. Nei campioni non sono stati trovati polibromodifenilieteri. Al contrario i pesticidi organoclorurati e organofosforati e i policlorobifenili sono stati rilevati in quasi tutti i campioni a diversi intervalli di concentrazione, mostrando una frequenza maggiore nelle specie di ungulati rispetto al cinghiale. I PFA ,invece, sono stati riscontrati solo nei cinghiali. Tra gli idrocarburi, antracene e benzopirene, sono stati trovati solo nel camoscio a basse concentrazioni. Possiamo nuovamente concludere che per il frequente ritrovamento a basse concentrazioni dei contaminati, ad eccezione di singoli composti riscontrati ad alte concentrazioni, e del basso consumo di carne di selvaggina rapportata ad altre tipologie di carne, vi è un basso rischio per il consumatore italiano. Un ulteriore tema di crescente interesse per la sanità pubblica è stato lo studio dei contaminati ambientali persistenti nel miele, in particolare il miele biologico. Infatti, nonostante l'apicoltura biologica escluda (o consenta in modo restrittivo) l'impiego di farmaci o pesticidi, molti inquinanti possono contaminare api, miele e polline. Pertanto, l'attenzione si è concentrata sullo studio di un ampio spettro di analiti quali, pesticidi, inquinanti organici persistenti e antibiotici in mieli organici raccolti in diverse aree produttive con diverso impatto agricolo, zootecnico o antropico per verificare il potenziale trasferimento di xenobiotici nella catena di approvvigionamento da fonti diverse rispetto alle pratiche apistiche. È stata confermata la presenza di diversi composti, come policlorobifenili, i polibromodifenilietere e gli idrocarburi policiclici aromatici non solo nelle arnie in prossimità di centri altamente urbanizzati, dove le concentrazioni erano più elevate, ma in tutti i contesti ambientali, confermando la possibilità di trasferimento da fonti ambientali e l'ubiquità di tali composti. Il mancato ritrovamento di antibiotici nei campioni analizzati esclude la possibilità di trasferimento accidentale delle molecole dall'ambiente in cui sono posizionate le arnie. Per ottenere una così ampia e diversificata ricerca, ogni lavoro è stato approciato in modo differente per il pretrattamento dei campioni, l'ottimizzazione del metodo analitico, l'estrazione degli analiti e il loro successivo clean up prima dell'analisi con cromatografia liquida in spettrometria di massa tandem (LC-MS/MS) o gas spettrometria (GC-MS/MS). L'approccio di natura analitico-strumentale ha richiesto per ogni ricerca un'accurata e ampia ricerca per ottenere l'ottimizzazione delle prestazioni strumentali e delle fasi di pretrattamento dei campioni, al fine di raggiungere buoni livelli di sensibilità, specificità e robustezza dei metodi analitici impiegati per poi fare 9 considerazioni di natura qualitativa, quantitativa e statistica. La pianificazione delle prove, l'ottimizzazione e la convalida dei metodi sono state eseguite secondo la Commissione SANTE/10553/2018 (SANTE 2018). I risultati di questo lavoro suggeriscono che il rischio per la salute media dei consumatori è basso. Le concentrazioni ambientali dei composti organoclorurati persistenti sembrano diminuite negli ultimi due decenni, probabilmente grazie ai progressi nella rilevazione analitica e al miglioramento dei controlli europei. I PCB sono ancora presenti nell'ambiente a causa del loro ampio impiego a livello industriale nel secolo scorso e delle loro peculiarità chimico fisiche, anche se il loro uso, oggi, è stato vietato in molte applicazioni. Per quanto riguarda i composti emergenti, i PFAs destano preoccupazione a causa del loro ampio uso e del loro possibile ruolo tossicologico. Recentemente la Commissione Europea ha infatti drasticamente diminuito i livelli soglia per queste classi per salvaguardare la salute umana. Gli antibiotici sono ancora motivo di preoccupazione e necessitano di uno stretto controllo per garantire la sicurezza umana e ridurre le resistenze, tema tuttora più che attuale. ; The presence of xenobiotic residues, both drugs and environmental contaminants, in food is a cause for concern and therefore the European Authorities issue reports or laws in order to propose monitoring plans, Health-based Guidance Values (HBGV) and maximum residue levels or maximum levels (MRLs and MLs). Based on these considerations, this doctoral thesis studies the presence of residues in different foods of animal origin, aimed at a characterization of the risk for the consumer. Firstly, we studied seafood, which is an excellent source of nutrients, with important human health benefits. We focused on mussels and clams, filter feeders animals, suitable bio indicator organisms due to their bioaccumulation ability of a wide range of environmental pollutants. In the first research study, we evaluated the Italian consumer risk related to metal exposition through molluscs, on the basis on the MLs stated by the European Union, where available, or, otherwise, based on the HBGV stated by EFSA. About our results, regarding the human metal exposure, we conclude that there is a low risk for the average consumer; however, high percentile consumers, may be subjected to skin lesions, and lung, skin and bladder cancer due to high intake of As, while Ni sensitive individuals can undergo allergic dermatitis due to constant Ni presence in the studied molluscs. Subsequently, we focused on most consumed fish like salmon, tuna which consumption has consistently risen. In the second study about salmon, the aim was to investigate the presence of persistent organic pollutants (POPs) and antimicrobials in wild and farmed salmons from different geographic areas. Farmed salmons showed slightly higher presence of environmental contaminants than wild ones, likely due to the decreased possibility of a constant exposition. Antibiotics were seldom found only in farmed salmon. Risk related to organophosphate compounds (Ops), polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs), polychlorobiphenyls (PCBs) and organochlorine pesticides (OCPs) deriving from salmon intake were of is very low concern, while the presence of polybromodiphenyl ether (PBDE99) and perfluorooctanoic acid (PFOA), is a cause for a bit higher concern. The substantial lack of data about the detected antibiotics in salmon did not allow an extrapolation from MRLs of terrestrial animals and a risk characterization In the third work on tuna, a long-living fish with high biomagnification ability, we studied the presence of metals with high toxicological importance for public health (Hg, Pb, Cd, As, Cr, Ni). One hundred thirty-one samples were analysed. One red tuna from the Adriatic Sea and 11 yellow tunas exceeded Pb maximum levels (MLs); three red tunas from different Mediterranean sub-areas exceeded Hg MLs. The evaluation of cumulative effects indicated that only a negligible health hazard could derive from the ingestion of tuna, for both average and high consumers. The risk of carcinogenicity from Cr is still under debate at the concentrations detectable in food. In these two works, we confirm a low risk, related to the studied compounds, for average consumer health due to fish consumption. The regular consumption of meat and meat products provides a significant intake of proteins and essential micronutrients. Pork meat, for example, is used in many countries to produce derivative products (hams and cured meats) with high qualitative value. Also, game animal meat consumption, though being a niche product, is constantly increasing and hunters, their families and persons closely associated with them can be regarded as a high consumption subpopulation. Furthermore, game animals are a suitable indicator about environmental pollutant such as PCBs, PBDEs, PAHs and brominated flame retardants (BFRs). In the fourth work we studied the occurrence of PBDEs and perfluoroalkyl substances (PFASs) from eight EU Member States (Austria, Denmark, French, Germany, Holland, Italy, Poland and Spain). The European Commission has not stated maximum limits (MLs) for some environmental pollutants such as polybrominated diphenyl ether PBDEs and PFASs; no perfluoroalkyl substances were detected, except PFOA, in only one Austrian sample. PBDEs were detected in three out of 77 samples: the one coming from Germany showed the presence of all congeners analyzed the ones from Netherland and Italy, respectively PBDE 153 and PBDE 100. The results show that the analyzed samples do not pose a risk for human beings about PFASs and PBDEs. A following report from EFSA, requires a new attention on PFAS, with HBGV being drastically reduced. In the fifth work we studied four different animal species (chamois, roe deer, red deer and wild boar) that have different nutrition habits. Game animals are a suitable sentinel species to have a picture of the environment. Muscle samples from seventy-nine animals were collected during the hunting season in a Northern Italy mountain area. No PBDEs were found in the samples. OCPs, OPs and PCBs were detected in almost all samples at different concentration ranges, showing higher frequency in ungulate species than in wild boar. PFAs were found only in wild boar. Anthracene and benzopyrene, among PAHs, were found only in chamois at low concentrations. A low risk for consumers can be indicated due to the frequent detection of contaminants at trace levels, to the scarce prevalence of high concentrations of some contaminants and to the low consumption of game animal meat. An important topic in the researches carried out in my doctorate was the investigation of POPs in organic honey. However, even if organic beekeeping excludes (or restrictively allows) the use drugs or pesticides many pollutants may contaminate bee matrices, comprising bee, honey and pollen. Therefore, the focus was the investigation of a broad spectrum of analytes, pesticides, persistent organic pollutants and antibiotics in organic honeys collected in different productive areas with different agricultural, zootechnical or anthropic impact to verify the potential transfer of xenobiotics into supply chain from different sources than beekeeping practices. The presence of several compounds, such as PCBs, PBDE and PAHs was confirmed, not only in proximity to highly urbanised centres, where the concentrations were higher, but in all environment contexts, confirming the theory that these are ubiquitous contaminants. No antibiotics were found in samples analysed suggesting that presence of antibiotics is from beekeeping practices. The analytes in the different matrices required different approaches for sample pretreatment, extraction, clean up and fractionation before the analysis with liquid chromatography–tandem mass spectrometry (LC-MS/MS) or – gas mass spectrometry (GC-MS/MS). The approach of analytical-instrumental nature has provided for the optimisation of instrumental performances as well as of the steps of sample pretreatment, in order to achieve good levels of sensitivity, specificity and robustness of the method to then make considerations of qualitative, quantitative and statistical nature. The trials planning, optimisation and validation of the methods were performed according to Commission SANTE/10553/2018 (SANTE 2018). The results of this manuscript suggest that there is a low risk for the average consumer health. Environmental concentrations of persistent organochlorine compounds have been decreasing over the past two decades, and this correlates with remarkable advances in the detection of exceedingly low levels of these compounds in human populations and the improvement of European control. PCBs still are present in environment due to their industrial source even if their use was banned in many industries application. Regarding emerging compounds, PFAs still need to be concern due to their wide use and their possible toxicological role. Recently European commission decreased the HBGVs for these classes to safeguard human health. Antibiotics still are a matter of concern and need a close control to ensure human safety and decrease antimicrobial resistance.

Werden Wälder hinreichend geschützt und bewusst bewirtschaftet, so können sie extrem vielfältige und wertvolle Ökosysteme bereitstellen, die gleichzeitig auch eine Vielzahl von Leistungen für ein gesundes globales Klima, die Umwelt und für die Lebensgrundlage des Menschen erbringen. Letztlich sind es gerade solche Ökosystemdienstleistungen, die Wälder zu einem wichtigen Teil der neuen "grünen Ökonomie" gemacht haben, worin globale Lebensmittel-, Holz- und Klimamärkte das ökologische Kapital der Wälder vermarkten. Auch deshalb ist heute generell bekannt, dass Waldökosysteme durch geeignete Regulierung der Waldbewirtschaftung und durch effektive Forstpolitik geschützt werden müssen. Nur so kann das ökologische und ökonomische Potential der Waldökosysteme für heutige und für zukünftige Generationen, also nachhaltig, bereitgestellt werden. Für den Zweck solcher wichtigen forstpolitischen Entscheidungen brauchen Politiker jedoch verlässliche Informationen aus der Wissenschaft. Die UN Konventionen zu den sektoralen Themen Biodiversität (CBD), Klimawandel (UNFCCC), Degradierung (UNCCD) und Luftverschmutzung (CLRTAP), sowie die Berichtspflichten, die solche Konventionen ihren Mitgliedstaaten auferlegen, sind Ausdruck dieses Informationsbedarfs. Allerdings sind viele Leistungen der Wälder nur schwer messbar, auch weil sie ideell aufgeladen sind und weil sie sozio-ökonomischen Wertvorstellungen entsprechen müssen, die nur im Kontext gesellschaftlicher Hintergründe definiert werden können. Rein wissenschaftlich, also neutral und frei von sozialen Wertvorstellungen, sind sie daher kaum messbar. Das betrifft insbesondere die Vorteile und Werte die die Biodiversität bereitstellt, beispielsweise die genetische Ressourcen, landschaftliche Schönheit oder abstraktes Wissen, das biotischen Systemen innewohnt und das möglicherweise durch technische Wissenschaften wie Biotechnologie und Pharmazie nutzbar gemacht werden kann. Solche Werte müssen über Interessenvertreter der Gesellschaft, also durch gewählte Regierungen und deren Verwaltungen herausgearbeitet und vertreten werden. Ein Ziel der vorliegenden Dissertation ist es, solch politisch relevante Komponenten der Biodiversität und deren Informationsbedarf zu identifizieren. Zu diesem Zweck analysiert die vorliegende Arbeit politische Berichtsprozesse und deren Datenbedarf auf drei verschiedenen Verwaltungsebenen: Von der (1) globalen- (Biodiversitätskonvention der Vereinten Nationen UN-CBD), zur (2) europäischen (Flora-Fauna-Habitat Richtlinie der Europäischen Gemeinschaft, EG FFH Richtlinie) bis zur (3) nationalen Ebene. Um den nationalen Informationsbedarf herauszuarbeiten, analysiert die Studie ferner Datenquellen, die nationale Autoritäten als relevant für die Erfüllung der oben genannten EU- und UN- Berichtspflichten erachten. Diese Analyse beinhaltet Fallstudien dreier Länder: Deutschland, Schweden und Polen. Sprachbarrieren führten allerdings dazu, dass sich die polnische Fallstudie auf die UN Berichte beschränken musste. Zudem wurde der parlamentarische Diskurs von 2010 über die Novelle des Bundeswaldgesetzes als Beispiel für die Relevanz von Waldinformationen in politischen Diskursen und Entscheidungsverfahren gewählt. Ein Ausblick eröffnet zum Abschluss denkbare Ansatzpunkte für die Wissenschaft, zur besseren Quantifizierung schwer messbarer Variablen und zur umfassenderen Berichterstattung über politische Aspekte der Biodiversität als essentiellen und integrativen Teil einer "nachhaltigen" Waldbewirtschaftung. Obwohl diese Arbeit die Bereitstellung von politisch relevanten Informationen als wissenschaftliche Aufgabe betrachtet, muss dennoch beachtet werden, dass die Beteiligung an politischen Prozessen und Entscheidungen durchaus Risiken für die Wissenschaft bergen kann. So gibt Guildin (2003) zu bedenken, dass die Einbindung von Wissenschaftlern in politische Fragestellungen als politische Parteilichkeit wahrgenommen werden könnte und somit ein Risiko für die Glaubwürdigkeit der Wissenschaft darstellt. Einige Autoren sprechen sogar von der "Politisierung der Wissenschaft" (Krott, 2012; Krott et al., 2014; Pregernig, 2007) und meinen damit einen Schaffungs- und Selektionsprozess von Informationen, der inhärent politisch voreingenommen und verzerrt ist, da er sich weitestgehend einseitig an politischen Agenden und den drängendsten Fragen der Politik ausrichtet (Hellström, 2000 zitiert von Janse, 2008). Dabei ist es allgemeine Auffassung, dass Entscheidungsträger voreingenommene und verzerrte Informationen akzeptieren, um im Interesse einzelner Akteure, sub-optimale Entscheidungen zu unterstützen, die aber zum Nachteil der Mehrheit sind (Krott, 2012, 2013). Im Lichte der fortschreitenden Waldzerstörung und der Unfähigkeit von Entscheidern, diese Zerstörung durch Kompromisse und eine harmonisierte internationale Waldkonvention zu bekämpfen, sprechen manche Autoren sogar von einem "fragmentierten", "politisch gewollten", "ineffektiven" oder "verfehlten" Wald- "Regime Komplex" (Humphreys, 2006, 2009; Chaytor, 2001; Dimitrov, 2005; Dimitrov et al., 2007; Rayner et al., 2010). Dieser "fragmentierte" Regime-Komplex sei, so die Ansicht mancher, durch die selektive Nutzung, Manipulation oder absichtliche Ignoranz wissenschaftlicher Erkenntnisse unterstützt (Hertin et al., 2009; Krott, 2012; Pregernig, 2007). Die vorliegende Dissertation vertritt die Ansicht, dass man bei solchen Zuschreibungen politischer Voreingenommenheit, klar zwischen den Aufgaben der "Wissenschaft" als solcher und der "politischen Entscheidungsfindung" unterscheiden muss. Es wird argumentiert, dass für die jeweiligen Seiten im Grenzbereich von Politik und Wissenschaft nur dann ein Risiko für politische Voreingenommenheit oder Verzerrung ("risk of political bias") besteht, wenn die jeweiligen Seiten zwei grundlegende Prinzipien untergraben, die ihre Existenz in demokratischen Systemen legitimieren. Für Wissenschaftler ist dieses grundlegende Prinzip primär die "Transparenz", d.h. die Verifizierbarkeit des Schaffungsprozesses von Informationen durch die wissenschaftliche Gemeinschaft. Für politische Entscheider hingegen ist das primäre Prinzip die "Transparenz" des Entscheidungsfindungsprozesses selbst. Diese Annahme basiert auf Krotts (2012) Theorie über "nicht verifizierbare Informationen", welche davon ausgeht, dass "nicht verifizierbare Informationen", d.h. intransparente Informationen, politischen Interessen Vorschub geben, indem sie die Verzerrung von Ergebnissen in Richtung politisch gewollter Ergebnisse ermöglichen. Basierend auf diesem theoretischen Konzept, ist das zweite Ziel der vorliegenden Dissertation, bei Wissenschaftlern ein Bewusstsein über solche Risiken politischer Verzerrungen ("risk of political bias") zu wecken. Die Aufmerksamkeit gilt dabei sowohl "wissenschaftlichen" Prozessen, wie der Bereitstellung und Generierung von Informationen, als auch politischen Aufgabenbereichen, wie der Interpretation und Entscheidungsfindung. Letztlich will die Dissertation somit auch Vorschläge für die Vermeidung entsprechender Risiken erarbeiten. Für analytische Zwecke wurde das Risiko politischer Verzerrungen durch Verifizierung zweier grundlegender Annahmen ermittelt: (1) das Vorliegen "politischer Motivationen" (d.h. politische Ziele, die Interessenvertreter motivieren könnten, auf Ergebnisse Einfluss zu nehmen) und (2) "Intransparenz" der Datenakquise, bzw. der Entscheidungsprozesse (d.h. Prozesse im wissenschaftlichen, bzw. politischen Aufgabenbereich, die es ermöglichen, Ergebnisse stillschweigend entsprechend spezifischer Interessen und Ziele zu verzerren). Beide Annahmen werden jeweils anhand von 3 Fallstudien untersucht, die repräsentativ für die verschiedenen Etappen des Wissenschafts-Politik Dialogs sind, beginnend mit der "wissenschaftlichen" Aufgabe der Datenerhebung und Bereitstellung, bis hin zur "politischen" Aufgabe der Entscheidungsfindung. (1) Dabei stellt der parlamentarische Diskurs von 2010 über die Novelle des deutschen Bundeswaldgesetzes exemplarisch eine nationale Fallstudie über die Risiken politischer Verzerrung im Aufgabenbereich der Entscheidungsfindung dar. Die beiden darauf folgenden Fallstudien beleuchten wissenschaftliche Aufgabenbereiche der Datenerhebung und Bereitstellung im Waldbereich, beginnend mit (2) den nationalen Berichtspflichten unter der EG FFH Richtlinie und dann überleitend zu den (3) internationalen Verpflichtungen unter der Biodiversitätskonvention (CBD) der Vereinten Nationen. Im Ergebnis zeigte der parlamentarische Diskurs schließlich, dass Entscheider abhängig von Parteizugehörigkeit und den entsprechenden Interessen der jeweiligen Wählerschaft, Informationen tendenziell dahingehend selektierten und interpretierten, dass sie entweder eher utilitaristische oder umweltbezogene Ziele forcierten. Obwohl die im Parlament zitierten Nachweise und Schlussfolgerungen teilweise intransparent waren, blieben sie dennoch weitgehend transparent. Nicht verifizierbare Informationen warfen hingegen Kritik auf und waren generell nicht in der Lage, Vertreter gegenläufiger Meinungen zu überzeugen und einen Konsens herbeizuführen. Im folgenden zweiten Ergebnisteil der Analyse, der sich mit dem wissenschaftlichen Aufgabenbereich der Datenerhebung befasste, stellte sich die Durchführung solcher "wissenschaftlichen" Aufgaben als größtenteils transparent heraus. Diese Transparenz eröffnete letztlich nur wenige Möglichkeiten zur versteckten politischen Einflussnahme auf die entsprechenden Kaskaden der Datenakquise, seien es die Messverfahren, die Analyse oder die Zusammenstellung in der Berichterstattung. Dies traf insbesondere auf nationale Waldinventuren zu, die sich generell auf Ökosystemdienstleistungen konzentrieren die leicht zu quantifizieren sind (z.B. Holzvolumen und Zuwachs) und die häufig genug sind, um in Stichprobenverfahren erfasst zu werden (z.B. bestimmte Baumarten im Gegensatz zu Arten der Bodenvegetation wie Moose oder Flechten, Pilze und Tierarten). Durch Biodiversität und (Wald-) Ökosysteme bereitgestellte Ressourcen und Ökosystemdienstleistungen (im Sinne der CBD-Definition) waren hingegen schwer zu messen. Daher blieben entsprechende Berichtspflichten generell so vage, dass die Mitgliedstaaten die Möglichkeit hatten, individuelle Komponenten der Biodiversität entsprechend ihrer Relevanz in den jeweiligen nationalen oder lokalen Kontexten zu definieren. Obwohl sich die Selektion von Definitionen und Analysemethoden nationaler Berichte dabei im Allgemeinen als transparent herausstellte, waren in einigen Fällen, die zugrundeliegenden Inventurmethoden und Variablen, die ein Feldbiologe für seine Aufnahmen und Messungen wählte, nicht immer uneingeschränkt transparent. Das muss generell noch kein Problem sein und man könnte annehmen, dass die Ergebnisse dennoch objektiv sind, wenn man davon ausginge, dass persönliche Interessen nicht im Wiederspruch zu den erzielten Ergebnissen stünden. Jedoch deuten Ergebnisse darauf hin, dass Gutachter in einigen Fällen Aufgaben hatten, die im Konflikt mit Monitoring Ergebnissen stehen könnten. Entsprechend der oben beschriebenen Theorie aus der Politikwissenschaft, könnte dieser Konflikt unter Umständen als ein Risiko für wissenschaftliche Glaubwürdigkeit (miss-) verstanden werden. Um dieses Thema anzugehen, versucht die vorliegende Dissertation im Ausblick und am Beispiel der schwedischen Nationalen Waldinventur, denkbare Ansätze für eine mögliche Harmonisierung von Messverfahren und eine Neuausrichtung von Mandaten vorzulegen. Interessenkonflikte, zweideutige Vorgaben und das damit verbundene Risiko für verdeckte und interessengerichtete, d.h. politische Einflussnahme durch die Selektion spezifischer Methoden könnten so möglicherweise vermieden werden. Die Anwendbarkeit solcher Vorschläge hat jedoch klare Grenzen. Bei der Lektüre dieser Dissertation und der Interpretation ihrer Ergebnisse muss stets beachtet werden, dass Vorschläge und Schlussfolgerungen auf einer theoretischen Argumentation beruhen und nur auf eine sehr begrenzte Evidenzbasis zurückgreifen konnten, bei der die Unsicherheiten in Bezug auf die Richtigkeit der erzielten Ergebnisse nicht messbar und daher unbekannt ist. So konnte sich die Dissertation ausschließlich auf wenige Interviews, öffentlich verfügbare Berichte, Gesetzestexte, Mandate und andere Publikationen zu stützen. Wobei diese Quellen aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach nicht in der Lage gewesen sein konnten, ein allumfassendes Bild aller beteiligten politischen Interessen zu vermitteln. Zudem ist es auch schwierig, alle in politischen Kontexten verfügbaren und verwendeten Waldinformationen vollständig zu ermitteln. Daher stellen weder die Schlussfolgerungen über politische Motivationen, noch jene über die (In-)Transparenz der politischen Informationsquellen einen Anspruch auf Vollständig- oder Richtigkeit. Auch wenn Intransparenz von Waldinformationen politischen Interessen theoretisch genützt hätten, lässt sich letztendlich unmöglich feststellen, ob Interessenvertreter die Möglichkeit versteckter politischer Einflussnahme tatsächlich genutzt haben, um "wissenschaftliche" Daten in Richtung eines politisch gewollten Ergebnisses zu lenken oder zu verzerren. Die vorliegende Studie identifiziert daher ausschließlich Risiken und macht keine Annahmen über die (statistische) Sicherheit der erzielten Ergebnisse und Schlussfolgerungen. ; If preserved and managed wisely, forests have the potential to be extremely diverse and valuable ecosystems that generate a multitude of benefits for a healthy global climate, the environment and human livelihoods. It is, in the end, such multitude of ecosystem services that have made forests an important component of a new "green economy" that markets the ecological capital of forests on global food-, timber- and carbon markets and turns them to economic assets. It is not least for that reason why today, it is generally understood that forest ecosystems have to be preserved through forest policies that effectively regulate forest management. Only then, the ecological and economic benefits of forests can be preserved such as to guarantee sustained provision for today and for future generations. Yet, for the purpose of making such important decisions, forest policy-makers need reliable scientific information. The UN Conventions on the topics of biodiversity (CBD), climate change (UNFCCC), degradation (UNCCD) and air pollution (CLRTAP), and the reporting obligations they impose on member states mirror that requirement. Yet, many benefits provided by forests are difficult to measure, not least because they are connoted by socio-economic backgrounds and charged by ideologies. From a purely scientific perspective, i.e. neutral and void from ideologies or social values, they are therefore difficult to assess and interpret. This relates specifically to assets provided by biodiversity such as genetic resources, scenic beauty or abstract knowledge intrinsic to biotic systems that may be used in sciences such as biotechnology and pharmacy. Such values have to be defined and defended by representatives of public interests, i.e. by elected politicians and their respective administrative bodies. The first objective of this study is to identify such components of biodiversity that are relevant for policy-makers. For this purpose, this thesis analyses biodiversity reporting processes and their data requirements at three different jurisdictional levels: Ranging from (1) Global (UN-CBD) to (2) European (EC-Habitats Directive) and (3) national reporting processes. To identify national data requirements, the study further analyses data sources that national authorities deemed to be relevant for meeting the aforementioned EU- and UN obligations. The analysis looks at three case-study countries: Germany, Poland and Sweden. However, language barriers meant that the Polish case-study remained restricted towards the analysis of UN reports. The 2010 parliamentary discourse on the amendment of the German forest act is further taken as a case-study for the relevance of forest information in political discourse and decision-making. An outlook eventually proposes ideas or starting points for future research such as to improve the quantification of variables that are difficult to measure and to report more comprehensively to the political aspects of biodiversity as an integral part of "sustainable forest management". Even though this thesis regards the provision of policy relevant information as a scientific responsibility, it also has to be recognized that the involvement in the political arena of policy-making may imply certain risks for scientists. As Guldin (2003) note, the involvement of scientists in political questions may create perceptions of advocacy and thus poses a risk to scientific credibility. Some authors have even introduced the notion of the "politicization of science" (Krott, 2012; Krott et al., 2014; Pregernig, 2007) where information generation and selection is inherently biased towards hot topics of political interest (Hellström, 2000 quoted by Janse, 2008). The assumption is that policy-makers accept biased information to support sub-optimal decisions that are in the interest of a selective group of powerful stakeholders, but to the disadvantage of the majority (Krott, 2012, 2013). In the face of continued forest destruction and the inability of stakeholders to combat such destruction by compromise and an international forest convention, some authors, even speak of a "fragmented", "politically wanted", "ineffective" or "failed" forest "regime-complex "(Humphreys, 2006, 2009; Chaytor, 2001; Dimitrov, 2005; Dimitrov et al., 2007; Rayner et al., 2010). Such a "fragmented" regime-complex is, as some argue, supported by the selective use, manipulation or intentional ignorance of scientific evidence (Hertin et al., 2009; Krott, 2012; Pregernig, 2007). This thesis argues that when attributing political bias to either side of the policy-science interface, it is important to make a clear distinction between the responsibilities of "science" and "policy-making". It is argued that either science or policy-makers may be perceived as politically biased only, when they undermine democratic systems by violating two basic principles that justify the existence of science and policy-making respectively. For scientists that primary principle is "transparency", i.e. verifiability, of information generation processes through the scientific community. For policy makers the primary principle is "transparency" of the decision-making process itself. These assumptions base on Krott's (2012) theory of "unverified information", which assumes that "unverified information", i.e. information that is neither verifiable nor transparent, allows political motivations to skew or bias results towards a politically favored result. Based on that theoretical concept the second objective of this thesis is to make scientists aware of the risks of political bias within data provision- and decision making processes, and to provide recommendations as how to avoid such risks. For analytic purposes, "risk of political bias" was identified by verifying two assumptions: (1) "political motivations" (i.e. political objectives that could motivate stakeholders to come to biased results) and (2) "non-transparency" of data acquisition or decision making processes (i.e. processes that allows political objectives to tacitly bias results). These assumptions are identified in 3 case studies where each is illustrative for different stages of the science-policy interface, ranging from scientific data generation to political decision-making: (1) the 2010 parliamentary discourse on the amendment in the national forest act of Germany represents a national case study on risks of bias in political responsibilities of decision-making. Subsequently, two following case studies represent scientific responsibilities of monitoring and reporting forest status from (2) the national level under reporting obligations of the EC Habitats Directive, to (3) the international level under reporting obligations under the United Nations CBD. Results on the parliamentary process eventually showed that policy makers tended to select and interpreted information such that they supported either utilitarian or environmentalist objectives, depending on party-membership and the interest of their respective groups of voters. However, apart from a few exceptions, the quoted evidence and conclusions made were largely transparent. Unverified information in contrast, tended to raise criticism and generally failed to convince opponents and did not contribute to consent. Then, in the second part of analysis, which looked at scientific responsibilities of data generation, the execution of such scientific tasks showed to be largely transparent. That transparency then provided little options of political interests to tacitly influence any stage of the data generation process, be it measurement, analysis or data compilation and reporting. This applied especially to assessments made by National Forest Inventories, which typically focus on forest resources that are easy to quantify (e.g. timber volume and increment) and common enough to be assessed by sampling (e.g. specific tree-species rather than species of the ground vegetation or mosses, lichen, fungi and species of fauna). Ecosystem services and resources provided by biodiversity and (forest) ecosystems (as defined by CBD, 1992) in contrast were more difficult to measure. In such cases reporting obligations were generally vague enough to allow member states to specify those components of biodiversity that they deem to be most relevant in national or site-specific contexts. Even though national reports and the selection of respective definitions and analytic methods proved to be generally transparent, the underlying field measurements and attributes that field experts chose to select were not always completely clear. This is no problem per-se, and we may assume that results are impartial if the assessors' personal objectives were not at odds with monitoring results. However results indicated that in few cases, assessors did have responsibilities that could possibly be at odds with monitoring results. Following the argumentation of political theory, this conflict might be (mis-) perceived as a risk to scientific credibility. To address that issue, and by using the Swedish National Forest Inventory as a role model, an outlook proposes possible options of harmonising and redistributing measurement responsibilities in very specific cases such as to avoid conflict of interest and to remove any remaining ambiguity that could possibly allow such interests to steer the outcomes. The applicability of such recommendations has, however, clear limitations. When reading this thesis and interpreting its findings, it is important to always bear in mind that conclusions drawn are based on a theoretical concept and very limited evidence to verify or measure the certainty of conclusions. The thesis thus had to rely on a few interviews, publically available reports, legal mandates and other publications, all of which are very unlikely to capture the complete picture of the political interests at stake. It is also nearly impossible to capture all the different sources of forest information used or available in forest policy contexts. Therefore, neither the conclusions on political motivations, nor those on the (non-)transparency of data-use make any claim to be complete, accurate or precise. Finally, even if non-transparency of forest information had served political interests, it is impossible to confirm that stakeholders really exploited such options of steering or biasing results towards a favoured outcome. The present study therefore exclusively identifies risks, yet it does not make any claim about the (statistical) certainty of its results and conclusions.

Forming in the first months after the February Revolution, sections of the extremely leftist branch of the Polish Socialist Party, the Polish Socialist Party – Left and the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania almost immediately made contact with Polish soldiers dispersed in the Russian Army, as well as serving in the Polish Rifle Division being part of the Army. Promoted in Russia after the Bolshevik revolution the idea of creating "Polish workers and peasants formations" initially received moderate attention from Polish military circles. This attitude was observed both among those who were still in active service, as well as among their demobilized companions. The widespread pacifist attitude among Polish military was a serious obstacle in attracting people ready to serve in revolutionary formations. It was previously infused by the very same emigrant radicals who, after November 7, 1917, for a change, had encouraged armed support for the revolution. In such a situation without the support of the Soviet civil and military authorities, any organizational initiatives from the Polish communist circles in Russia had no chance to be implemented. ; Translation and edition co-financed by Faculty of History and Sociology & Institute of History and Political Sciences of University of Bialystok ; adam.miodowski@uwb.edu.pl ; Adam Miodowski - historian since 1994 associated with the Institute of History and Political Sciences of the University of Bialystok. His research interests focus primarily on the political and military history of the 19th and 20th centuries. A parallel field of interest is women's history and press studies. In the territorial dimension, he directs his research towards Central and Eastern Europe, primarily Poland, as well as the space of his small homeland defined by the borders of the contemporary Podlasie Voivodeship. Apart from dozens of articles and publications of source materials, he also published five book monographs: -Wychodźcze ugrupowania demokratyczne wobec idei polskiego wojska w Rosji w latach 1917-1918, Białystok 2002; - Przewłaszczenia dóbr dojlidzkich na tle kampanii politycznej przełomu lat 1921/1922, Białystok 2003; - Związki Wojskowych Polaków w Rosji (1917-1918), Białystok 2004; - Polityka wojskowa radykalnej lewicy polskiej (1917-1921), Białystok 2011; - Wspólnota doświadczeń i odrębność historii ziem województwa podlaskiego. Wybrane zagadnienia z XIX i XX- wiecznych dziejów Białostocczyzny, Suwalszczyzny i Łomżyńskiego, Białystok 2016. ; Wydział Historyczno-Socjologiczny Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku ; Alexandrowicz Stanisław, Karpus Zbigniew, Rezmer Waldemar (eds), Zwycięzcy za drutami: jeńcy polscy w niewoli (1919–1922). Dokumenty i materiały, Toruń 1995. ; Bagiński Henryk, Dokumenty z okresu organizacji i walk wojska polskiego na wschodzie 1917–1918. 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Dottorato di ricerca in Economia e territorio ; L'oggetto della tesi è la ricerca e la sperimentazione in campo di un modello interpretativo degli impatti prodotti dal cambiamento climatico sulla sicurezza alimentare e nutrizionale delle popolazioni residenti del Nicaragua. L'obiettivo specifico è lo sviluppo e la sperimentazione di una metodologia di analisi della vulnerabilità/stabilità all'insicurezza alimentare dei sistemi agroalimentari locali in Nicaragua in relazione agli effetti del cambiamento climatico, finalizzata alla identificazione di politiche di mitigazione. Il raggiungimento di questo obiettivo ha comportato un'amplia ricerca bibliografica e un'indagine di campo in Nicaragua di circa due mesi tra il Marzo e l'Aprile del 2010. Durante la permanenza in Nicaragua sono state realizzate numerose interviste e focus group con stakeholders sia istituzionali che del settore privato. L'analisi degli impatti generati dal cambiamento climatico sull'ambiente e sulle attività economiche è tanto più difficile e incerta quanto più si procede all'interno di un ambito territoriale ristretto. A livello locale, le dinamiche sociali e l'incidenza dell'azione antropica sull'ambiente possono risultare infatti determinanti nella creazione di condizioni favorevoli o avverse rispetto al benessere della popolazione insediata, ben più della variabilità climatica. La complessità dei fenomeni che legano il clima alle attività umane è ancor più manifesta quando si pretende di mettere in relazione i cambiamenti del clima indotti dal riscaldamento globale col tema della sicurezza alimentare di una determinata comunità. Quest'ultimo tema infatti riunisce aspetti sociali ed economici molto diversificati, come la produzione degli alimenti, la loro conservazione e l'accessibilità in base ai redditi familiari, le condizioni igienico-sanitarie e la proporzione con cui gli alimenti stessi vengono consumati. Investigare sulla relazione economica tra sistemi complessi, come il sistema climatico da una parte e la sicurezza alimentare dall'altra, comporta quindi l'attivazione di modelli interpretativi altrettanto complessi, così come di strumenti analitici di tipo sia quantitativo che qualitativo, tanto più preponderanti questi ultimi, quanto maggiore è la carenza di dati e serie storiche attendibili. Lo spunto iniziale della tesi consiste nella ricostruzione critica a posteriori del modello di interpretazione dell'impatto del cambiamento climatico sui sistemi ecologici e sociali sul quale si fonda l'attuale assetto delle politiche promosse dal governo nicaraguense in tema di sicurezza alimentare e di mitigazione dell'impatto del cambiamento climatico. In questo quadro si è analizzato in particolare l'Indice Aggregato di Insicurezza Alimentare e Nutrizionale elaborato da un'agenzia delle Nazioni Unite (il Programma Mondiale per l'Alimentazione), attualmente utilizzato in Nicaragua nella identificazione delle aree più esposte al rischio di sicurezza alimentare. A fronte delle critiche che si avanzano nei confronti di questo indice, si propone un modello di riferimento più completo per la misurazione della vulnerabilità delle realtà locali, ovvero l'Indice Aggregato Dinamico di Insicurezza Alimentare e Nutrizionale (IADIAN). Questo indice utilizza variabili dinamiche (tassi di variazione) riferite ai fattori socio-economici che determinano l'insicurezza alimentare e al tempo stesso cattura i fattori ambientali locali che maggiormente incidono sulle potenzialità produttive. Purtroppo una esemplificazione applicativa dell'IADIAN è impedita dalla mancanza dei necessari dati in serie storica, ma la sua formulazione fornisce comunque una direttrice operativa che si ritiene utile alla pianificazione della raccolta dei dati statistici (attualmente scarsi e mal organizzati) e all'ordinamento delle fonti statistiche. A fronte delle criticità metodologiche emerse nel corso delle analisi precedentemente illustrate, si passano in rassegna modelli interpretativi alternativi accreditati in letteratura, identificando nel modello concettuale classico, il "DPSIR" (Drivers, Pressures, State & Trends, Impacts and Responses) il più adatto allo sviluppo del tema in oggetto. Il DPSIR è finalizzato, oltreché all'interpretazione dei fenomeni, all'elaborazione di policies volte alla prevenzione e alla mitigazione degli effetti del cambiamento climatico. L'applicazione del modello DPSIR, una volta adattato al tema specifico della sicurezza alimentare e nutrizionale, si è rivelato particolarmente utile alla identificazione delle attuali carenze conoscitive, soprattutto per quanto riguarda gli impatti (impacts), e le risposte (responses). Nel quadro dell'analisi degli impatti si è sviluppato una Matrice Multicriteriale degli Impatti e della stabilità dei sistemi agro-alimentari rispetto al cambiamento climatico di due regioni agrarie del Nicaragua. Questa matrice disaggrega i sistemi agro-alimentari nelle loro componenti strutturali (produzione, distribuzione e consumo), mettendole in relazione con gli elementi ("pilastri") costitutivi della sicurezza alimentare e nutrizionale, ovvero: la disponibilità, l'accessibilità e l'uso biologico degli alimenti. La matrice è costruita sulla base di valutazioni di tipo prevalentemente qualitativo, ma offre anche un sistema si "scoring" che consente una priorizzazione dei problemi e, per via comparativa, anche una priorizzazione dei sistemi più vulnerabili. La regione dove si sono potuti apprezzare processi di adattamento e mitigazione degli effetti del cambiamento climatico non è tanto quella che dispone di maggior capitale naturale bensì quella che, contando su comunità di più antico e stabile insediamento, ha sviluppato nel tempo un maggior capitale sociale (come la Regione Agraria delle "Pianure agro-industriali della Costa Pacifica"). La regione agraria della "Nuova Frontiera Agricola e Costa Caraibica", pur contando su un elevato capitale naturale e su un alto potenziale produttivo, è caratterizzata invece da tipologie produttive altamente distruttive e sostenute da una popolazione pioniera che non ha sviluppato ancora modelli di aggregazione comunitaria stabili né un tessuto sociale collettivamente reattivo. L'analisi delle "risposte" si è concentrata su 6 modelli di intervento adottati attualmente dalle istituzioni nazionali (centrali e locali) con l'appoggio della comunità internazionale. Questa analisi ha evidenziato come nessun modello di intervento, considerato isolatamente, riunisca tutte le caratteristiche di efficienza ed efficacia necessari a innescare processi sostenibili di "resilienza" e sviluppo. Nessun intervento si può considerare dunque come una "buona pratica", soprattutto se non inserito in un quadro coordinato e coerente di interventi identificati in ragione di un contesto locale specifico. La durata di tutti gli interventi analizzati è inoltre insufficiente a garantire il successo delle azioni intraprese, tantomeno la loro sostenibilità. In molti casi infatti le iniziative analizzate sollevano aspettative di continuità che nella maggior parte dei casi restano frustrate. E' emersa dunque la necessità di promuovere azioni di sostegno alla sicurezza alimentare e alla mitigazione degli effetti del cambiamento climatico che assumano come criteri guida: - l'integralità, ovvero l'inserzione del tema della sicurezza alimentare nei processi di sviluppo del territorio, evitando che queste rimangano sganciate da una strategia di lotta contro la povertà, di rimozione delle sue cause strutturali e di tutela ambientale, - la coerenza istituzionale, in modo che le azioni di sicurezza alimentare e di mitigazione si coordino sempre con le istituzioni di riferimento, per armonizzare le metodologie di lavoro in vista di una possibile continuità delle azioni intraprese, - coerenza spaziale, ovvero una focalizzazione delle azioni in base a criteri che mettano in relazione le priorità di sicurezza alimentare con quelle ambientali. Dall'insieme delle analisi condotte sembra che si possa affermare dunque che l'insostenibilità ambientale delle pratiche agricole attuali (deforestazione, avanzamento incontrollato della frontiera agricola mediante l'uso del fuoco e dell'apertura di pascoli estensivi, agricoltura nomadica, ecc.) e la debolezza del capitale sociale siano le cause determinati del perpetuarsi di condizioni croniche di insicurezza alimentare. Anche se non suffragata da misurazioni quantitative, sembra credibile inoltre l'ipotesi che le variazioni micro-agro-climatiche a livello locale, originate dalla cattiva gestione delle risorse naturali, incidano attualmente molto più sulla insicurezza alimentare di quanto non facciano gli effetti del cambiamento climatico dovuto al riscaldamento globale. Le attuali politiche di intervento nel campo della sicurezza alimentare e le strategie di mitigazione degli effetti del cambiamento climatico non considerano sufficientemente gli aspetti sopra richiamati e la loro integrazione operativa è ancora insufficiente. Per evidenziare questa discrepanza si è elaborato una matrice degli interventi di mitigazione dell'impatto del cambiamento climatico sulla sicurezza alimentare e nutrizionale. La matrice proposta mette in relazione le carenze politiche e le priorità emerse dall'analisi DPSIR con una serie di proposte di azione politica, riferite in particolare alle due regioni agrarie selezionate. La comunità internazionale dei donanti (UE in primis), che sostiene le politiche ambientali e di sicurezza alimentare del governo nicaraguense, ha la responsabilità di promuovere interventi sinergici e coordinati, volti soprattutto a rimuovere gli ostacoli di carattere strutturale che impediscono l'equità d'accesso al capitale terra e all'alimentazione. Nell'ambito dell'aiuto internazionale dovranno essere inoltre maggiormente considerati gli studi volti al miglioramento delle conoscenze dei fenomeni che legano la variabilità climatica, la sicurezza alimentare e lo sviluppo economico. Il coinvolgimento della società civile nella gestione delle reti di solidarietà (ad esempio le reti di allerta precoce) e nella raccolta dei dati socio-economici e agro-climatici locali è inoltre di cruciale importanza. Solo uno sforzo congiunto delle comunità locali, delle istituzioni nazionali e della comunità internazionale, col supporto di adeguate conoscenze e di più efficaci strumenti di analisi, potrà invertire il processo di riproduzione delle condizioni ambientali e socio-economiche che determinano oggi l'esposizione al rischio di insicurezza alimentare per vasti strati della popolazione nicaraguense. ; The thesis deals with a research and an on-field testing of an impact interpretation model of climate change on food security in Nicaragua. The specific purpose is the development and testing of a vulnerability/stability analysis method of the effects of the climate change on two sample food systems in Nicaragua. The method is also aimed at the identification of prevention and mitigation policies. The achievement of this objective is based on a wide bibliographical research and a two months field survey in Nicaragua (March and April 2010). During the field survey a large number of interviews and focus groups with both private and institutional stakeholders was carried out. The more an impact analysis of climate change on environment and economic activities is focused on a restricted area, the less it results easy and reliable. Social dynamics and human action on environment at local level can be more crucial in creating adverse or favourable living conditions to people than climate variability. The complex relationship between climate and human activities is even more apparent when attempting to relate climate changes and food security of a specific community. Food security concept gets together different meanings, such as food production and conservation, income based food accessibility and biological use of food (diet patterns and hygienic conditions of food consumption). Therefore, dealing with economic relations between complex systems, as climate and food security, involves the use of articulated interpretation models as well as quantitative and qualitative analytical tools, being the latter prevalent in a condition of scarce or unreliable data and time series. The starting point of the thesis is a critical analysis of the current interpretation model of the impact of climate change on ecological and social systems on which the present food security and climate change impact mitigation policies of the Government of Nicaragua are based. In this framework the Aggregated Food and Nutritional Insecurity Index - elaborated by the World Food Programme and presently adopted in Nicaragua in the identification of the areas mostly exposed to food insecurity – is also analysed and discussed. As a consequence of this analysis a more complete model is proposed, named Dynamic Aggregated Food and Nutritional Insecurity Index. This index uses dynamic variables (rates of variation) referring to socio-economic factors which determine food security. At the same time this index captures the most production-related environmental factors at local level. Unfortunately a sample application of this index is impeded by the lack of the necessary time series. Nevertheless its formulation offers a useful operational direction to data collection planning and organization. As a consequence of the critical methodological issues emerged in the previous analysis, a review of alternative interpretation models is proposed and discussed. The "DPSIR" (Drivers, Pressures, State & Trends, Impacts and Responses) model is then identified as the most suitable for the achievement of the thesis objective. The DPSIR model is aimed at interpreting environmental and human contexts as well as at focusing policies makers on prevention and mitigation measures. Once specifically adjusted to food and nutritional security issues, the DPSIR model resulted particularly useful to identifying the existing knowledge deficiencies, about impacts and responses in particular. The "impact analysis" is complemented with a multi-criteria matrix of impacts of climate change on food systems of two different agricultural regions of Nicaragua (stability analysis). This matrix relates the food systems components (food production, distribution and consumption) to the corresponding pillars of the food security concept (availability, accessibility and biological use). The matrix converts quantitative and qualitative assessments into a scoring system allowing for identifying the most relevant problems and comparing stability / vulnerability levels of different food systems. The agricultural region where adjustment and mitigation processes are more visible is not the one counting with a more consistent natural capital (New Agricultural Frontier and Caribbean Cost) but the one relying on old and stable human settlements and more consistent social capital (Agro-industrial lowlands of the Pacific Cost). The first agricultural region, even if provided with a consistent natural capital and a high production potential, is characterised by the highly destructive production patterns of a pioneer population which has not yet developed either aggregative community models or collective resiliency experiences. The "response analysis" is focused on 6 different prevention/mitigation models presently adopted by the national authorities (both central and local) with the support of the international donors community. This analysis stresses that none of the models gets together all the necessary characteristics of efficiency and effectiveness for trigging resiliency and development processes. None of the models can be considered as a "good practice" per se, mainly if not included in a locally focused, coordinated and coherent framework of measures. Furthermore, the duration of the institutional actions applying these models is generally too reduced for ensuring their success and sustainability and fulfilling the expectations of the beneficiaries. From the "response analysis" clearly emerged the need to adopt the following general criteria in the effort to support food security and mitigate the effects of climate change: - Wholeness of the approach: the insertion of any food security action (programme, project, initiative) in the framework of land development process, including actions against poverty and environmental protection, - Institutional coherence: both food security and climate change impact mitigation actions should be always coordinated with the competent institutions, in order to harmonise working methods, - Spatial coherence: the identification of priority action areas should consider food security problems and environmental vulnerability simultaneously. The environmental unsustainability of the present agricultural practices (deforestation, advance of the agricultural frontier by slashing and burning the natural cover, nomadic agricultural patterns, etc.) and the weakness of the social capital perpetuate chronic food insecurity conditions. Even though not supported by quantitative evaluations, it seems apparent that micro-agro-climatic changes due to the mismanagement of local environmental resources affect food security much more than the effects of global climatic change. Present food security policies and climate change impact mitigation strategies do not consider the analysis above and their harmonisation is insufficient and not operational. In order to highlight this discrepancy a comparative policy matrix is presented ad discussed. This matrix shows a comparative analysis between the political deficiencies and priorities emerged thanks to the DPSIR approach and a number of action proposals referred to the two sample agricultural regions. The international donors community (UE first) supporting both food security and environmental policies of the Government of Nicaragua has the responsibility to cooperate in order to remove the structural constraints impeding an equitable access to fertile farming land and food. In the framework of the international aid, more investments in research should be considered in order to improve the knowledge of all factors relating climatic variability to food security and economic development. The involvement of civil society in the management of social solidarity networks (i.g.: food crisis early alarm networks) and the collection of basic socio-economic and climatic data at local level ore of crucial importance. Only a joint effort of the local communities, the national institutions and the international donors' community, supported by adequate knowledge and more effective analytical tools, will revert the process that determines the adverse environmental and socio-economic conditions which currently expose a large number of Nicaraguan people to food insecurity.

Inhaltsangabe: Introduction: The master thesis 'Worldwide Development of Nuclear Energy and the Strategic Deployment of German Consultancies on the Arabian Peninsula' is chiefly targeted at German consultancy companies so that they can assess their status of strategic deployment and prioritize their activities to enter a new business sector in a foreign market. This publication could also be of relevance for policy makers, investors, suppliers as well as nuclear energy and governmental agencies to identify their need for external advisers to safely operate a nuclear power program; provides a guideline for how to enter a new market. Hence this thesis should be considered as an aid to identify hurdles and obstacles that have to be foreseen and so overcome. Potential business fields are also noted as well as important factors that have to be considered to minimize the chance of failure in the new market. Nevertheless, this huge market with its continuously changing constraints and conditions could throw up a lot more obstacles than could be covered in this thesis. Also the internal organizations of individual companies may differ from the one described in the thesis. The objective of this master thesis is thus to set out a set of guidelines for possible approaches. The first two chapters present an overview of the current geographical, political, cultural and economic conditions to familiarize the reader with the background information and constraints needed for the subsequent chapters. The third chapter deals more specifically with the energy market on the Arabian Peninsula, particular in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. This chapter provides information on types of energy, pending developments, country-specific organizations and institutions, as well as means of financing such huge projects. The fourth chapter is devoted exclusively to nuclear energy, starting with the current status and the motivation of the two countries to launch such a development. This is followed by a description of the legal requirements and other commitments as decreed by the countries' governments. These specific legal conditions do not just apply within the countries concerned, but companies which do business there are likewise obliged to follow these regulations. Challenges for countries are opportunities for consultants, and identification of these represents is the core content of this chapter. The content of the fifth chapter is the preparatory measures that are essential prior to entering a foreign market. A company's vision and mission as well as various analyses are needed to provide a sound basis for taking a decision to proceed. In this context, SWOT analysis is noted as well as an evaluation of M.E. Porter's 'Five Forces' to describe the market and internal organizations. After the preparatory measures, the implementation phase follows. This and its various stages are described in Chapter 6. It is inevitable that, to ensure success, many measures will have to implemented and subsequently adjusted. This starts with deployment and steering of business units and proceeds to overcoming difficulties with external parties. Recruitment on a permanent basis of employees is also a prerequisite for sustained business success, together with a staff feedback, incentive and salary system. Chapter 7 sets out methods for evaluating previous years' activities in the new business. The first couple of years after 'start-up' are over and the situation in which the company is now has to be assessed. It is frequently necessary to undertake organizational upgrades, that could amount to a complete reorganization of the business, aided by change management provisions. The final Chapter 8 summarizes the key information and content, and sets forth the need and reasons for strategic deployment. Changes in the market means that companies will have to re-adjust for economic survival. Because the nuclear program of the United Arab Emirates is more advanced than that of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and information is less available in the latter country, the main focus of this thesis is on the UAE. Nevertheless, the KSA is an emerging nuclear market with great ambitious for a nuclear program and so is worthy of mention when discussing constraints and conditions that these countries have in common. Other countries that are members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) do share an interest in nuclear energy but are not yet at the same stage of development as the UAE and KSA. These serve from time to time to support arguments and figures. A sufficient and reliable energy supply is essential for continuous economic development, contributing also to poverty reduction and health care improvement. If these developments are restricted or lacking, often the result is social conflict that could even lead to civil strife. Examples are rural arid areas in the world where there is no access to potable water. A minor local conflict affects the economic development and population of specific countries and often results in regional instability and interventions from outside. The global energy imbalance has been steadily growing over the past couple of decades. Roughly 1.6 billion people live without electricity, and almost 2.4 billion people rely on traditional biomass to cook their daily meals . Modern fuels are not available or are restricted to the upper social strata. There is an almost equal share of the world's population with no access to potable water, so in the struggle for survival the consequences will be social unrest and riots. In some poor countries of the world, the per capita electricity consumption is as low as 50 kWh per annum, compared to developed countries with 8,600 kWh. Worldwide, the provision of energy is dominated by three major challenges. 1. Energy consumption has tripled in the past half century. If this continues, humankind will consume more energy in the 21st century than in the entire past history. This represents an increase of 53% in global energy consumption by 2030. 2. The main energy resources are now scarce, so to ensure economic development, countries will compete with each other to acquire their own supplies. Each country seeks to protect its existing sources and open up new ones. This will not result in a fair distribution of resources, as poor countries are not able to compete with their developed neighbors and lose out, as has often happened in history. 3. To an increasing extent attention is focusing on environmental impacts. Because of the greenhouse effect, carbon dioxide emissions from burning fossil fuels bring about a rise in global temperatures. The consequences are long-lasting drought, sea level rise, submerging coastal regions and more destructive storms. For these reasons, many governments are reviewing their present energy mixes and are considering alternatives to avert the consequences of energy scarcity, including the renewal of interest in nuclear energy that has been noted in recent decades. Adoption or resumption of nuclear energy is at least one solution for some countries faced with a threat to the security of their energy supplies. Among others, one benefit of nuclear energy is zero emissions of greenhouse gases during their operating phase and the ability of huge plants to provide electricity reliably and on a large scale. Much engineering effort has been devoted to significantly improving nuclear plant safety in recent decades. Furthermore, although they are finite, there are ample reserves of uranium and, unlike petrochemicals, they are not put to any other use apart from as an energy source. Prospecting is under way for new deposits, as currently in Yemen. The cost of electricity generated by nuclear power is now competitive, but a major concern that has still to be resolved is final storage of down burned nuclear fuel rods. An overview of the economics is provided by a cost comparison of the various electricity generation technologies, as shown in Figure 1-1 below. This survey is ongoing in a couple of countries to seek a basis for taking decisions on their energy strategies. The quoted figures are ballpark estimates, with actual values depending very much on local conditions and the current market situation, but they do serve to provide a rough comparison. The outcome of these calculations is that electricity generation from nuclear fuel is, at 91.0 US Dollar/MWh, much more competitive than firing crude oil at 133.4 US Dollar/MWh. However, a major consideration is the distinction that has to be made between supplying base and peak/cycling load. To meet the demand for base-load electricity, large-scale power plants, like nuclear and those fired with coal and crude oil are more favorable. These need an extended start-up period – ranging from a couple of hours to two or three days – before they can feed power into the grid. Smaller scale plant, like diesel-fired simple-cycle gas turbines and solar power plants are able to rapidly ramp their power output up and down to cover daily consumption peaks. For this reason, nuclear power plants almost exclusively operate continuously at or near peak output to supply base load, together with natural gas-fired combined cycle gas turbine plants and coal-fired power plants. Diesel-fired gas turbines and solar power plants find application for peak and cycling duty. The key factors are listed in the following table, with firstly the operating parameters, which are attributes specific to the various power plant technologies that are taken as basic assumptions for the further calculations. The second sub-heading is key financial constraints, which fix the technology that is more economical. These comprise the capital cost for construction and development as well as long-term costs that are highly cyclical and cannot be so readily predicted as the other costs. The third main distinction is the direct electricity generation costs. These are running costs incurred only during power plant operation and are directly related to the rated power output in MWe. This calculation serves as well to identify companies and utility suppliers for nuclear power generation as well as to broaden the mix of energy supply technologies and reduce dependency on specific primary resources.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: List of Figures4 List of Abbreviations6 1.Introduction and Objective8 1.1Objective of this Master Thesis8 1.2Introduction9 2.Geographical, Political, Cultural and Economic Conditions13 2.1Geography and Culture13 2.2Economy and Politics14 2.3Political and Social Stability in the UAE18 2.4Relations between the UAE and Germany18 2.5Relationship between the KSA and Germany19 3.Energy Sectors of the Leading Countries on the Arabian Peninsula20 3.1Electricity Generation and Consumption in KSA and UAE20 3.2Water Production and Consumption in the KSA and UAE24 3.3Renewable Energy in the UAE and KSA25 3.4Pending Developments25 3.5Country-specific Organizations and Authorities26 3.6Financing of Power Projects in Arabian Countries27 3.7Summary of Chapter 327 4.Nuclear Energy on the Arabian Peninsula28 4.1Status in the UAE and KSA28 4.2Reasons for Launching a Nuclear Program29 4.3Obligations to Launch a Nuclear Program30 4.4Commitments of the UAE31 4.5Challenges and Potentials of the Nuclear Path33 4.6Global Outlook35 5.Preparations for Market Penetration37 5.1Vision and Mission38 5.2Market Analysis39 5.3Strategic SWOT Analysis41 5.3.1Strengths41 5.3.2Weaknesses45 5.3.3Opportunities46 5.3.4Threats47 5.4Five Elements of Realization Strategy49 5.4.1Arenas (market conditions and valuable segments)49 5.4.2Staging and pacing53 5.4.3Differentiators55 5.4.4Vehicles (course of action)55 5.4.5Economic logic58 5.4.6Summary and checklist of foundation59 6.Execution of the Initial Phase60 6.1Centralization versus Decentralization of Business Units60 6.2Acquisition of New Permanent Employees61 6.2.1Recruitment strategy for employees without experience61 6.2.2Recruitment strategy for experienced employees62 6.2.3Selection of potential candidates63 6.2.4Recruitment process63 6.3Internal Deployment and Organization66 6.3.1Feedback systems66 6.3.2Development of competencies66 6.3.3Incentives and salary systems68 6.3.4Difficulties with external parties69 7.Assessment of Business after 'Start-up Phase'70 7.1Reassessment of Recent Years70 7.2Organizational Improvement Measures72 7.3Change Management and the Reorganization of Business and Markets73 7.3.1Strengthen the position in the existing market74 7.3.2Entering new global markets75 8.Summary76 List of Literature78Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3.3, Renewable Energy in the UAE and KSA: Utility companies in the GCC states are under enormous pressure due to the global scarcity of fossil fuels, which are running out much faster than expected, consequently they are boosting also renewable energies. Governmental agencies have been instructed to review energy consumption in the Middle East and are seeking alternatives to meet the rising demand, which is also in line with the global environmental movement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The long shoreline and high insolation throughout the year are optimal for generating wind, water and photovoltaic power. The following illustrate the efforts made by government agencies for the upcoming year: Abu Dhabi's Masdar City is spending US Dollar 2 billion on promoting solar technology. Saudi Arabia is looking to position itself as a centre for solar energy research and so become a net exporter of energy sourced from renewables. Abu Dhabi is to build the world's largest hydrogen power plant at a cost of US Dollar 15 billion. 'Glance over the borders": Jordan is assessing plans for constructing a wind farm while Qatar is considering solar power. 3.4, Pending Developments: Regarding upcoming developments, the two countries, UAE and KSA, have to be considered separately due to the primary resources that are available. Crude oil and natural gas reserves in Saudi Arabia will last decades more than the resources in the UAE. A further reason is that the quality and composition of the mineral resources are much less favorable in the KSA than in the UAE. This means that their firing for power generation is, for economic reasons, the only reasonable option for their exploitation. In the UAE the situation is different, as there the mineral resources are of much higher quality and are too valuable to fire in power plants. The price obtainable on the world petrochemicals market is much higher than the benefit derived from electricity generation. The UAE therefore has a greater incentive to diversify its power generation and to invest in technologies other than fossil fuels much earlier. Based on the financial and economic crisis, the 'Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie' expects a smoother growth of GDP in 2008 and 2009. This means that ongoing projects with a total CAPEX of US Dollar 378 billion will be postponed or abandoned. Despite these figures, the UAE will remain the most important project market for German companies in the Arabian region. Over the near term, between 2009 and 2011, the UAE expects investments of about US Dollar 540 billion. Showing high potential for investments of about US Dollar 24 billion is expansion of water production and power plant capacities. To participate in this development, frequent consultations and top-level meetings are held to strengthen the relationship between German industry and local agencies like DEWA (Dubai Electrical and Water Authority) and ADWEA (Abu Dhabi Water and Electricity Authority). These authorities organize and guide all water and electricity projects, starting with planning and tendering through to commissioning. Over the past four years, energy consumption in the Emirate of Dubai has increased by around 10,000 GWh. As a consequence, the projection for 2010 is for a new electricity generation capacity of 9 GWe provided by power plants. Likewise electricity transmission has potential for growth. DEWA intends to award contracts annually for more than 6,000 km of HVDC (high voltage direct current) transmission lines. DEWA has an estimated annual budget of US Dollar 2 billion.

One of the peculiarities of the Vietnamese land system is the existence of a 'zero state' withregard to land institutions: all the country's existing land institutions were put in place in the last25 to 30 years. However, this does not mean that there is no history of such bodies; indeed, thosethat are now emerging carry the traces of each past period. The many local customary institutionsreflect the principles underpinning previous systems regulating the social and spatial distributionof resources, and elements of the French land tenure system can be seen in the decision to registerland ownership certificates rather than follow the more Anglo Saxon system of using the titlesthemselves as proof of ownership. Nevertheless, there is a clear synchronic dimension to theprocess of putting land institutions in place, which is reflected in the role it has played in theprofound transformation of the Vietnamese State and society.In the first stage of this process, between 1979 and 1993, one of the primary concerns in designingland institutions was to respond to the high expectations of a deeply rural society without makingland an autonomous domain. This period saw the progressive dissolution of the cooperativesthrough the withdrawal of their land prerogatives. Moving in incremental stages, the State firstrecognised individuals and households as potential land users (with Decree 100, Decree 10 andthe Land Law of 1989), although land use rights were still limited and defined within cooperativesthrough temporary contracts between the cooperatives, which still held delegated managementrights, and these new users. This stage ended with the Land Law of 1993 which, while not openlychallenging the cooperatives, paved the way for their disappearance by recognising thatindividuals and households had fundamental derived management rights in addition to the right touse agricultural lands (rights to exchange, assign, rent, bequeath and mortgage land) for relativelylong fixed periods. This gave them significant control over land while dispossessing thecooperatives of any real land management capacities. Since these rights are associated with userights, it was not the land that could be transferred or mortgaged, but the right to use it and enjoyits produce. However, the very existence of these rights and their fairly long-term allocation tohouseholds meant that a land market could develop, and that land tenure seemed to function onthe basis of private ownership, even if it was not characterised as such.The second stage was a transition facilitating the 'smooth' passage from a land tenure systemdesigned to meet the needs of the rural population to one that could support the drive to makeVietnam a modern industrial and urban country. This stage roughly corresponded to the decadeseparating the land laws of 1993 and 2003. In this period, the State did little to the rights assignedto individuals and households and hardly changed agricultural land tenure. It did, however,endeavour to put in place the land administration, for which it created an independent organ at theministerial level in 1994, the General Department of Land Administration (GDLA). For the firsttime, this brought together its decision-making, operational and technical dimensions (the formerGeneral department of land management created in 1979, and the former National department ofsurveys and cartography), demonstrating the government's willingness to make this anautonomous domain that carried some weight. The State also progressively regulated modes ofaccess to urban, industrial and commercial lands and increased the rights assigned to privateenterprise, thus paving the way for the changes in the next period (albeit rather haphazardly bygenerating a growing number of texts).The third stage started with a reform of the land administration in 2002 and the publication of anew Land Law in 2003. Land was now becoming a tool to develop the territory forindustrialisation and urbanisation. This was made clear by the law of 2003, which incorporatedregulations from the previous period and barely touched on rural affairs. Little was done tomodify access to agricultural and forest lands, which had been regulated in 1993, or provide moreflexible access for rural households. But the other categories of land and land users – some ofwhom appeared in legislation for the first time – occupied a growing and even dominant place inthe law. Thus, the new legislation was full of arrangements to facilitate industrial and commercialinvestments by private and foreign enterprises, and allowed for the development of markets forland and land use rights. It also specified procedures for cataloguing and planning land use. Whileland use planning remained a top-down procedure steered by the Land Office at different levels,the legislation made the planning process much more flexible by extending the provinces'prerogatives and enabling the infra-provincial administrative authorities to change the status oflands.Since 2002, land issues have both multiplied and intensified on several levels. The partial andpoorly managed decentralisation of land management increased the shortcomings and tensionsbetween the central and provincial levels. On the one hand, the Land Office, which had beensubstantially modernised and was responsible for planning at every level, had never had as muchpotential power. This certainly rattled the central government and probably prompted its demotionin 2002 from a ministry to part of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment (MoNRE).On the other hand, the provinces have used even greater rifts within the administrative system tolessen the constraints of centralised planning and work very broadly with the legislation in orderto respond to local expectations, and especially those of private interests. The increasingprivatisation of land has been another point of tension. Since the Constitution of 1959, the Statehas owned all land in the name of the entire population, and while individual land rights haveconstantly been extended, individuals are assigned rights of use and management. However, thegrowing number of recognised users, more flexible conditions of access to land and theprogressive extension of rights associated with use rights have allowed private national andforeign enterprises to become dominant land actors – hence the spectacular growth in the numberand size of landholdings reserved for industrial, commercial, real-estate and leisure projects,especially in peri-urban areas.The creation of 'land fund development organisations' in 2004 is symptomatic of the problemsposed by redefing the role of the provinces and private investors. Modes of expropriation are arecurrent problem with investments, and especially compensation for those whose use rights havebeen expropriated. This issue was only settled recently, and has been treated on a case-by-casebasis by the provinces or the Land Office. The Law of 2003 still presents the State as the principalactor in land distribution insofar as it is the authority that requisitions land in order to immediatelyreallocate it to investors. However, the State has disengaged from transactions since 2004,creating a new, State-mandated body to intervene when lands are repossessed: 'land funddevelopment organisations' whose task is to simplify procedures for investors by offering them asingle interface, managing the funds from land recovered by the State in accordance withdecisions by the competent bodies, and preparing these lands for reallocation to investors.However, the exact status of these organisations, which are not commercial but also not totallypublic, is somewhat unclear. They are not financially autonomous, they are not mandatory, andtheir form and level of competence fluctuates as they can operate at the district or the provinciallevel. This lack of clarity, which results in the creation of bodies whose nature varies fromprovince to province, suggests that the State is trying to divest itself of the highly sensitiveproblem of expropriations at the expense of their beneficiaries, rather than seeking to resolve it inthe long term.What is the explanation for this disengagement, given that the problems created by the way thatland is expropriated for investment projects are some of the thorniest and most intractable for theauthorities in Hanoi? One reason is probably the increasing complexity of land management, andthe human and financial resources that can be devolved to the administration to carry out the tasksit habeen assigned. These are very substantial needs, especially at the lowest echelons(communes, districts) where staff usually have little or no training. But the State's disengagementcannot be entirely ascribed to these technical and financial challenges; it is also a manifestation ofthe difficulties of addressing two very different priorities: leading Vietnam towards modernity bytransforming it into an industrial and urban country, and organising a fragile and numericallysuperior rural population with a long habit of socialist values. One of the factors currentlyexecerbating the question of expropriation is the fact that agricultural and forested lands havebeen kept in a relatively isolated state of suspension for the last 15 years. One would assume thatthe State has a duty to protect these lands (and their users), but it is actually making them morevulnerable to the dynamics of urban and/or non-agricultural land use (industrial and commercial,leisure, etc.).Agricultural land has been subject to various changes since 1993, but access to such land is stillhighly regulated. Maintaining a ceiling on the amount of land and duration of the rights allocatedlimits the process of land accumulation and ensures that the rural population has egalitarian accessto land. By the same token, households that have been allocated rights to agricultural land by theState do not have to pay tax on this land, whose value is set according to the value of itsagricultural produce rather than the price of adjacent lands (market price). Although this shouldmean that such land remains accessible even to poor rural households, this specific status, andespecially that of highly protected rice-producing land, works against rural households bytrapping them in small, low-value farms and weakening their position when private and/or nonagriculturalinterests come into play. It seems that rather than being protected, agriculturalhouseholds – along with agriculture itself – are being sacrificed to industrialisation andurbanisation.However, things are not as simple as the last few lines suggest. On the one hand, ruralhouseholds' situations vary greatly from region to region, and there are cases where they may beprotected by modes of access to agricultural and forested land, especially the most vulnerablehouseholds. Recent events, and the global food crisis in particular, have reminded Vietnam thatthere is still a role for agriculture and rural producers, and once again put the question of ruralland under the spotlight. In response to this crisis (and soaring rice prices), the governmentdecided to freeze more than one million hectares of rice fields and launch a campaign reaffirmingthe value of rural areas in relation to urban areas (the 'three nong'). It is too early to know whetherthe return to 'rural values' in 2008 will have a lasting impact on agricultural land, and exactlywhat this impact will be. But the decisions that have been taken show that agricultural land stillconstitutes a lever that the government will not hesitate to use when the need arises. For certainnational officials, agricultural land remains a strong symbol of socialism, and its regulation acrucial element of social peace in what is still a largely rural society with close attachments to theland. Agricultural land is also an issue that raises questions about the State's role in the movetowards 'market socialism', and the legitimacy of the Communist Party. While the State'sindecision (or approximations) with regard to land matters could be interpreted as evidence of acertain pragmatism and determination to work with the legacy of the socialist period, recentdevelopments in this domain are testing the very foundations of the Communist Party'slegitimacy, and it could try to deflect this threat by getting the government to maintain the specificstatus of rural land. So is Vietnam heading towards a two-tier system where some land – the vastblock of agricultural and forest lands allocated free of charge – continues to be managed bycentral government in the nation's interest, while other agricultural land can be mobilised atleisure and managed under a liberal regime in order to support the country's economicdevelopment?In order to answer this question we needed to turn to the land actors and seek their opinions. Themajority of foreign actors (who were historically excluded from this sensitive strategic domainand whose involvement is therefore relatively recent) view the reform as incomplete and thus amajor cause of corruption. They are pushing to divest the law of these 'socialist archaisms' andmake it even more liberal. As recently as March 2008 the World Bank, which some see as theglobal symbol of liberalism, and which had until then deliberately avoided land matters, signed upto the highly ambitious Land Administration Project, making it the lead foreign actor in thisdomain and giving a strong indication of the direction in which land affairs are heading. However,the positions expressed by various national land actors are much less clear. On the one hand,officials in the land administration in particular take a fairly technical approach to land: their mainconcern is the effectiveness of the administration and legislation, and making land an autonomousdomain. Officials working directly with foreign experts tend to take a 'top-down' approach,looking at the development of the whole country and seeing the constraints associated with theprocesses of urbanisation, industrialisation and increasing openness. On the other hand, some ofthe actors we spoke to from the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development (MARD) see landas something that cannot be detached from local and sectoral contexts. Therefore, they believethat agricultural land should respond to the needs of agriculture and rural populations, while forestland should primarily respond to environmental protection objectives. At the moment the firstgroup of actors is much more influential because of their strategic position within the landadministration and support from international cooperation; however, in the current economicclimate the question of agriculture and rural areas and populations has re-emerged as a priorityand is slowing the pace of liberalisation.So far there is no indication that agricultural land will be able to take account of the specificitiesand great diversity of rural areas, whether or not it is prioritised, planned or liberalised.Agricultural land tenure is controlled by the State, and characterised more by the numerousconstraints that it imposes (categories, temporal and spatial limits, etc.) than its capacity to adaptto the problems facing the country's rural populations, agricultural practices and environment.Liberalising agricultural land tenure would bring it closer to a system of individual ownership,which would make land legislation more onerous in many settings where local rights of access toresources are not managed in this way. The Land Law of 2003 introduced several innovations thatare helpful in this respect, mainly by creating a new category of users, 'residential communities',which allows groups to collectively hold use rights to unlimited amounts of agricultural and forestland that they are allocated free of charge for unlimited periods. However, this new measure isitself very restrictive in terms of what constitutes a 'community', the procedures it entails and theframework it imposes on collective management. So what place do customary land tenure systemshave in the emerging land system? Vietnamese land institutions seem to have made little or noattempt to plan for this; and the main reason why there are still such diverse local situationsappears to be the government's hesitant approach to agricultural land tenure. The co-existence ofactors with divergent positions on this question and on the role of the State, and the relativeabandonment of the rural world (especially remote rural areas) because it is not consideredimportant as long it doesn't challenge the objectives of urbanisation and industrialisation have lefta gap where customary systems can continue to function. The recent resurgence of interest in thisdomain could revive the debate about systems that are considered incompatible with theestablishment of a modern State, either because of agricultural practices such as slash-and-burn orthe functioning of longstanding local power systems, but customary systems will continue tosurvive as long as efforts to develop intensive, industrial-type agriculture are not sustainedeffectively across the country.

One of the peculiarities of the Vietnamese land system is the existence of a 'zero state' withregard to land institutions: all the country's existing land institutions were put in place in the last25 to 30 years. However, this does not mean that there is no history of such bodies; indeed, thosethat are now emerging carry the traces of each past period. The many local customary institutionsreflect the principles underpinning previous systems regulating the social and spatial distributionof resources, and elements of the French land tenure system can be seen in the decision to registerland ownership certificates rather than follow the more Anglo Saxon system of using the titlesthemselves as proof of ownership. Nevertheless, there is a clear synchronic dimension to theprocess of putting land institutions in place, which is reflected in the role it has played in theprofound transformation of the Vietnamese State and society.In the first stage of this process, between 1979 and 1993, one of the primary concerns in designingland institutions was to respond to the high expectations of a deeply rural society without makingland an autonomous domain. This period saw the progressive dissolution of the cooperativesthrough the withdrawal of their land prerogatives. Moving in incremental stages, the State firstrecognised individuals and households as potential land users (with Decree 100, Decree 10 andthe Land Law of 1989), although land use rights were still limited and defined within cooperativesthrough temporary contracts between the cooperatives, which still held delegated managementrights, and these new users. This stage ended with the Land Law of 1993 which, while not openlychallenging the cooperatives, paved the way for their disappearance by recognising thatindividuals and households had fundamental derived management rights in addition to the right touse agricultural lands (rights to exchange, assign, rent, bequeath and mortgage land) for relativelylong fixed periods. This gave them significant control over land while dispossessing thecooperatives of any real land management capacities. Since these rights are associated with userights, it was not the land that could be transferred or mortgaged, but the right to use it and enjoyits produce. However, the very existence of these rights and their fairly long-term allocation tohouseholds meant that a land market could develop, and that land tenure seemed to function onthe basis of private ownership, even if it was not characterised as such.The second stage was a transition facilitating the 'smooth' passage from a land tenure systemdesigned to meet the needs of the rural population to one that could support the drive to makeVietnam a modern industrial and urban country. This stage roughly corresponded to the decadeseparating the land laws of 1993 and 2003. In this period, the State did little to the rights assignedto individuals and households and hardly changed agricultural land tenure. It did, however,endeavour to put in place the land administration, for which it created an independent organ at theministerial level in 1994, the General Department of Land Administration (GDLA). For the firsttime, this brought together its decision-making, operational and technical dimensions (the formerGeneral department of land management created in 1979, and the former National department ofsurveys and cartography), demonstrating the government's willingness to make this anautonomous domain that carried some weight. The State also progressively regulated modes ofaccess to urban, industrial and commercial lands and increased the rights assigned to privateenterprise, thus paving the way for the changes in the next period (albeit rather haphazardly bygenerating a growing number of texts).The third stage started with a reform of the land administration in 2002 and the publication of anew Land Law in 2003. Land was now becoming a tool to develop the territory forindustrialisation and urbanisation. This was made clear by the law of 2003, which incorporatedregulations from the previous period and barely touched on rural affairs. Little was done tomodify access to agricultural and forest lands, which had been regulated in 1993, or provide moreflexible access for rural households. But the other categories of land and land users – some ofwhom appeared in legislation for the first time – occupied a growing and even dominant place inthe law. Thus, the new legislation was full of arrangements to facilitate industrial and commercialinvestments by private and foreign enterprises, and allowed for the development of markets forland and land use rights. It also specified procedures for cataloguing and planning land use. Whileland use planning remained a top-down procedure steered by the Land Office at different levels,the legislation made the planning process much more flexible by extending the provinces'prerogatives and enabling the infra-provincial administrative authorities to change the status oflands.Since 2002, land issues have both multiplied and intensified on several levels. The partial andpoorly managed decentralisation of land management increased the shortcomings and tensionsbetween the central and provincial levels. On the one hand, the Land Office, which had beensubstantially modernised and was responsible for planning at every level, had never had as muchpotential power. This certainly rattled the central government and probably prompted its demotionin 2002 from a ministry to part of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment (MoNRE).On the other hand, the provinces have used even greater rifts within the administrative system tolessen the constraints of centralised planning and work very broadly with the legislation in orderto respond to local expectations, and especially those of private interests. The increasingprivatisation of land has been another point of tension. Since the Constitution of 1959, the Statehas owned all land in the name of the entire population, and while individual land rights haveconstantly been extended, individuals are assigned rights of use and management. However, thegrowing number of recognised users, more flexible conditions of access to land and theprogressive extension of rights associated with use rights have allowed private national andforeign enterprises to become dominant land actors – hence the spectacular growth in the numberand size of landholdings reserved for industrial, commercial, real-estate and leisure projects,especially in peri-urban areas.The creation of 'land fund development organisations' in 2004 is symptomatic of the problemsposed by redefing the role of the provinces and private investors. Modes of expropriation are arecurrent problem with investments, and especially compensation for those whose use rights havebeen expropriated. This issue was only settled recently, and has been treated on a case-by-casebasis by the provinces or the Land Office. The Law of 2003 still presents the State as the principalactor in land distribution insofar as it is the authority that requisitions land in order to immediatelyreallocate it to investors. However, the State has disengaged from transactions since 2004,creating a new, State-mandated body to intervene when lands are repossessed: 'land funddevelopment organisations' whose task is to simplify procedures for investors by offering them asingle interface, managing the funds from land recovered by the State in accordance withdecisions by the competent bodies, and preparing these lands for reallocation to investors.However, the exact status of these organisations, which are not commercial but also not totallypublic, is somewhat unclear. They are not financially autonomous, they are not mandatory, andtheir form and level of competence fluctuates as they can operate at the district or the provinciallevel. This lack of clarity, which results in the creation of bodies whose nature varies fromprovince to province, suggests that the State is trying to divest itself of the highly sensitiveproblem of expropriations at the expense of their beneficiaries, rather than seeking to resolve it inthe long term.What is the explanation for this disengagement, given that the problems created by the way thatland is expropriated for investment projects are some of the thorniest and most intractable for theauthorities in Hanoi? One reason is probably the increasing complexity of land management, andthe human and financial resources that can be devolved to the administration to carry out the tasksit habeen assigned. These are very substantial needs, especially at the lowest echelons(communes, districts) where staff usually have little or no training. But the State's disengagementcannot be entirely ascribed to these technical and financial challenges; it is also a manifestation ofthe difficulties of addressing two very different priorities: leading Vietnam towards modernity bytransforming it into an industrial and urban country, and organising a fragile and numericallysuperior rural population with a long habit of socialist values. One of the factors currentlyexecerbating the question of expropriation is the fact that agricultural and forested lands havebeen kept in a relatively isolated state of suspension for the last 15 years. One would assume thatthe State has a duty to protect these lands (and their users), but it is actually making them morevulnerable to the dynamics of urban and/or non-agricultural land use (industrial and commercial,leisure, etc.).Agricultural land has been subject to various changes since 1993, but access to such land is stillhighly regulated. Maintaining a ceiling on the amount of land and duration of the rights allocatedlimits the process of land accumulation and ensures that the rural population has egalitarian accessto land. By the same token, households that have been allocated rights to agricultural land by theState do not have to pay tax on this land, whose value is set according to the value of itsagricultural produce rather than the price of adjacent lands (market price). Although this shouldmean that such land remains accessible even to poor rural households, this specific status, andespecially that of highly protected rice-producing land, works against rural households bytrapping them in small, low-value farms and weakening their position when private and/or nonagriculturalinterests come into play. It seems that rather than being protected, agriculturalhouseholds – along with agriculture itself – are being sacrificed to industrialisation andurbanisation.However, things are not as simple as the last few lines suggest. On the one hand, ruralhouseholds' situations vary greatly from region to region, and there are cases where they may beprotected by modes of access to agricultural and forested land, especially the most vulnerablehouseholds. Recent events, and the global food crisis in particular, have reminded Vietnam thatthere is still a role for agriculture and rural producers, and once again put the question of ruralland under the spotlight. In response to this crisis (and soaring rice prices), the governmentdecided to freeze more than one million hectares of rice fields and launch a campaign reaffirmingthe value of rural areas in relation to urban areas (the 'three nong'). It is too early to know whetherthe return to 'rural values' in 2008 will have a lasting impact on agricultural land, and exactlywhat this impact will be. But the decisions that have been taken show that agricultural land stillconstitutes a lever that the government will not hesitate to use when the need arises. For certainnational officials, agricultural land remains a strong symbol of socialism, and its regulation acrucial element of social peace in what is still a largely rural society with close attachments to theland. Agricultural land is also an issue that raises questions about the State's role in the movetowards 'market socialism', and the legitimacy of the Communist Party. While the State'sindecision (or approximations) with regard to land matters could be interpreted as evidence of acertain pragmatism and determination to work with the legacy of the socialist period, recentdevelopments in this domain are testing the very foundations of the Communist Party'slegitimacy, and it could try to deflect this threat by getting the government to maintain the specificstatus of rural land. So is Vietnam heading towards a two-tier system where some land – the vastblock of agricultural and forest lands allocated free of charge – continues to be managed bycentral government in the nation's interest, while other agricultural land can be mobilised atleisure and managed under a liberal regime in order to support the country's economicdevelopment?In order to answer this question we needed to turn to the land actors and seek their opinions. Themajority of foreign actors (who were historically excluded from this sensitive strategic domainand whose involvement is therefore relatively recent) view the reform as incomplete and thus amajor cause of corruption. They are pushing to divest the law of these 'socialist archaisms' andmake it even more liberal. As recently as March 2008 the World Bank, which some see as theglobal symbol of liberalism, and which had until then deliberately avoided land matters, signed upto the highly ambitious Land Administration Project, making it the lead foreign actor in thisdomain and giving a strong indication of the direction in which land affairs are heading. However,the positions expressed by various national land actors are much less clear. On the one hand,officials in the land administration in particular take a fairly technical approach to land: their mainconcern is the effectiveness of the administration and legislation, and making land an autonomousdomain. Officials working directly with foreign experts tend to take a 'top-down' approach,looking at the development of the whole country and seeing the constraints associated with theprocesses of urbanisation, industrialisation and increasing openness. On the other hand, some ofthe actors we spoke to from the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development (MARD) see landas something that cannot be detached from local and sectoral contexts. Therefore, they believethat agricultural land should respond to the needs of agriculture and rural populations, while forestland should primarily respond to environmental protection objectives. At the moment the firstgroup of actors is much more influential because of their strategic position within the landadministration and support from international cooperation; however, in the current economicclimate the question of agriculture and rural areas and populations has re-emerged as a priorityand is slowing the pace of liberalisation.So far there is no indication that agricultural land will be able to take account of the specificitiesand great diversity of rural areas, whether or not it is prioritised, planned or liberalised.Agricultural land tenure is controlled by the State, and characterised more by the numerousconstraints that it imposes (categories, temporal and spatial limits, etc.) than its capacity to adaptto the problems facing the country's rural populations, agricultural practices and environment.Liberalising agricultural land tenure would bring it closer to a system of individual ownership,which would make land legislation more onerous in many settings where local rights of access toresources are not managed in this way. The Land Law of 2003 introduced several innovations thatare helpful in this respect, mainly by creating a new category of users, 'residential communities',which allows groups to collectively hold use rights to unlimited amounts of agricultural and forestland that they are allocated free of charge for unlimited periods. However, this new measure isitself very restrictive in terms of what constitutes a 'community', the procedures it entails and theframework it imposes on collective management. So what place do customary land tenure systemshave in the emerging land system? Vietnamese land institutions seem to have made little or noattempt to plan for this; and the main reason why there are still such diverse local situationsappears to be the government's hesitant approach to agricultural land tenure. The co-existence ofactors with divergent positions on this question and on the role of the State, and the relativeabandonment of the rural world (especially remote rural areas) because it is not consideredimportant as long it doesn't challenge the objectives of urbanisation and industrialisation have lefta gap where customary systems can continue to function. The recent resurgence of interest in thisdomain could revive the debate about systems that are considered incompatible with theestablishment of a modern State, either because of agricultural practices such as slash-and-burn orthe functioning of longstanding local power systems, but customary systems will continue tosurvive as long as efforts to develop intensive, industrial-type agriculture are not sustainedeffectively across the country.

One of the peculiarities of the Vietnamese land system is the existence of a 'zero state' withregard to land institutions: all the country's existing land institutions were put in place in the last25 to 30 years. However, this does not mean that there is no history of such bodies; indeed, thosethat are now emerging carry the traces of each past period. The many local customary institutionsreflect the principles underpinning previous systems regulating the social and spatial distributionof resources, and elements of the French land tenure system can be seen in the decision to registerland ownership certificates rather than follow the more Anglo Saxon system of using the titlesthemselves as proof of ownership. Nevertheless, there is a clear synchronic dimension to theprocess of putting land institutions in place, which is reflected in the role it has played in theprofound transformation of the Vietnamese State and society.In the first stage of this process, between 1979 and 1993, one of the primary concerns in designingland institutions was to respond to the high expectations of a deeply rural society without makingland an autonomous domain. This period saw the progressive dissolution of the cooperativesthrough the withdrawal of their land prerogatives. Moving in incremental stages, the State firstrecognised individuals and households as potential land users (with Decree 100, Decree 10 andthe Land Law of 1989), although land use rights were still limited and defined within cooperativesthrough temporary contracts between the cooperatives, which still held delegated managementrights, and these new users. This stage ended with the Land Law of 1993 which, while not openlychallenging the cooperatives, paved the way for their disappearance by recognising thatindividuals and households had fundamental derived management rights in addition to the right touse agricultural lands (rights to exchange, assign, rent, bequeath and mortgage land) for relativelylong fixed periods. This gave them significant control over land while dispossessing thecooperatives of any real land management capacities. Since these rights are associated with userights, it was not the land that could be transferred or mortgaged, but the right to use it and enjoyits produce. However, the very existence of these rights and their fairly long-term allocation tohouseholds meant that a land market could develop, and that land tenure seemed to function onthe basis of private ownership, even if it was not characterised as such.The second stage was a transition facilitating the 'smooth' passage from a land tenure systemdesigned to meet the needs of the rural population to one that could support the drive to makeVietnam a modern industrial and urban country. This stage roughly corresponded to the decadeseparating the land laws of 1993 and 2003. In this period, the State did little to the rights assignedto individuals and households and hardly changed agricultural land tenure. It did, however,endeavour to put in place the land administration, for which it created an independent organ at theministerial level in 1994, the General Department of Land Administration (GDLA). For the firsttime, this brought together its decision-making, operational and technical dimensions (the formerGeneral department of land management created in 1979, and the former National department ofsurveys and cartography), demonstrating the government's willingness to make this anautonomous domain that carried some weight. The State also progressively regulated modes ofaccess to urban, industrial and commercial lands and increased the rights assigned to privateenterprise, thus paving the way for the changes in the next period (albeit rather haphazardly bygenerating a growing number of texts).The third stage started with a reform of the land administration in 2002 and the publication of anew Land Law in 2003. Land was now becoming a tool to develop the territory forindustrialisation and urbanisation. This was made clear by the law of 2003, which incorporatedregulations from the previous period and barely touched on rural affairs. Little was done tomodify access to agricultural and forest lands, which had been regulated in 1993, or provide moreflexible access for rural households. But the other categories of land and land users – some ofwhom appeared in legislation for the first time – occupied a growing and even dominant place inthe law. Thus, the new legislation was full of arrangements to facilitate industrial and commercialinvestments by private and foreign enterprises, and allowed for the development of markets forland and land use rights. It also specified procedures for cataloguing and planning land use. Whileland use planning remained a top-down procedure steered by the Land Office at different levels,the legislation made the planning process much more flexible by extending the provinces'prerogatives and enabling the infra-provincial administrative authorities to change the status oflands.Since 2002, land issues have both multiplied and intensified on several levels. The partial andpoorly managed decentralisation of land management increased the shortcomings and tensionsbetween the central and provincial levels. On the one hand, the Land Office, which had beensubstantially modernised and was responsible for planning at every level, had never had as muchpotential power. This certainly rattled the central government and probably prompted its demotionin 2002 from a ministry to part of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment (MoNRE).On the other hand, the provinces have used even greater rifts within the administrative system tolessen the constraints of centralised planning and work very broadly with the legislation in orderto respond to local expectations, and especially those of private interests. The increasingprivatisation of land has been another point of tension. Since the Constitution of 1959, the Statehas owned all land in the name of the entire population, and while individual land rights haveconstantly been extended, individuals are assigned rights of use and management. However, thegrowing number of recognised users, more flexible conditions of access to land and theprogressive extension of rights associated with use rights have allowed private national andforeign enterprises to become dominant land actors – hence the spectacular growth in the numberand size of landholdings reserved for industrial, commercial, real-estate and leisure projects,especially in peri-urban areas.The creation of 'land fund development organisations' in 2004 is symptomatic of the problemsposed by redefing the role of the provinces and private investors. Modes of expropriation are arecurrent problem with investments, and especially compensation for those whose use rights havebeen expropriated. This issue was only settled recently, and has been treated on a case-by-casebasis by the provinces or the Land Office. The Law of 2003 still presents the State as the principalactor in land distribution insofar as it is the authority that requisitions land in order to immediatelyreallocate it to investors. However, the State has disengaged from transactions since 2004,creating a new, State-mandated body to intervene when lands are repossessed: 'land funddevelopment organisations' whose task is to simplify procedures for investors by offering them asingle interface, managing the funds from land recovered by the State in accordance withdecisions by the competent bodies, and preparing these lands for reallocation to investors.However, the exact status of these organisations, which are not commercial but also not totallypublic, is somewhat unclear. They are not financially autonomous, they are not mandatory, andtheir form and level of competence fluctuates as they can operate at the district or the provinciallevel. This lack of clarity, which results in the creation of bodies whose nature varies fromprovince to province, suggests that the State is trying to divest itself of the highly sensitiveproblem of expropriations at the expense of their beneficiaries, rather than seeking to resolve it inthe long term.What is the explanation for this disengagement, given that the problems created by the way thatland is expropriated for investment projects are some of the thorniest and most intractable for theauthorities in Hanoi? One reason is probably the increasing complexity of land management, andthe human and financial resources that can be devolved to the administration to carry out the tasksit habeen assigned. These are very substantial needs, especially at the lowest echelons(communes, districts) where staff usually have little or no training. But the State's disengagementcannot be entirely ascribed to these technical and financial challenges; it is also a manifestation ofthe difficulties of addressing two very different priorities: leading Vietnam towards modernity bytransforming it into an industrial and urban country, and organising a fragile and numericallysuperior rural population with a long habit of socialist values. One of the factors currentlyexecerbating the question of expropriation is the fact that agricultural and forested lands havebeen kept in a relatively isolated state of suspension for the last 15 years. One would assume thatthe State has a duty to protect these lands (and their users), but it is actually making them morevulnerable to the dynamics of urban and/or non-agricultural land use (industrial and commercial,leisure, etc.).Agricultural land has been subject to various changes since 1993, but access to such land is stillhighly regulated. Maintaining a ceiling on the amount of land and duration of the rights allocatedlimits the process of land accumulation and ensures that the rural population has egalitarian accessto land. By the same token, households that have been allocated rights to agricultural land by theState do not have to pay tax on this land, whose value is set according to the value of itsagricultural produce rather than the price of adjacent lands (market price). Although this shouldmean that such land remains accessible even to poor rural households, this specific status, andespecially that of highly protected rice-producing land, works against rural households bytrapping them in small, low-value farms and weakening their position when private and/or nonagriculturalinterests come into play. It seems that rather than being protected, agriculturalhouseholds – along with agriculture itself – are being sacrificed to industrialisation andurbanisation.However, things are not as simple as the last few lines suggest. On the one hand, ruralhouseholds' situations vary greatly from region to region, and there are cases where they may beprotected by modes of access to agricultural and forested land, especially the most vulnerablehouseholds. Recent events, and the global food crisis in particular, have reminded Vietnam thatthere is still a role for agriculture and rural producers, and once again put the question of ruralland under the spotlight. In response to this crisis (and soaring rice prices), the governmentdecided to freeze more than one million hectares of rice fields and launch a campaign reaffirmingthe value of rural areas in relation to urban areas (the 'three nong'). It is too early to know whetherthe return to 'rural values' in 2008 will have a lasting impact on agricultural land, and exactlywhat this impact will be. But the decisions that have been taken show that agricultural land stillconstitutes a lever that the government will not hesitate to use when the need arises. For certainnational officials, agricultural land remains a strong symbol of socialism, and its regulation acrucial element of social peace in what is still a largely rural society with close attachments to theland. Agricultural land is also an issue that raises questions about the State's role in the movetowards 'market socialism', and the legitimacy of the Communist Party. While the State'sindecision (or approximations) with regard to land matters could be interpreted as evidence of acertain pragmatism and determination to work with the legacy of the socialist period, recentdevelopments in this domain are testing the very foundations of the Communist Party'slegitimacy, and it could try to deflect this threat by getting the government to maintain the specificstatus of rural land. So is Vietnam heading towards a two-tier system where some land – the vastblock of agricultural and forest lands allocated free of charge – continues to be managed bycentral government in the nation's interest, while other agricultural land can be mobilised atleisure and managed under a liberal regime in order to support the country's economicdevelopment?In order to answer this question we needed to turn to the land actors and seek their opinions. Themajority of foreign actors (who were historically excluded from this sensitive strategic domainand whose involvement is therefore relatively recent) view the reform as incomplete and thus amajor cause of corruption. They are pushing to divest the law of these 'socialist archaisms' andmake it even more liberal. As recently as March 2008 the World Bank, which some see as theglobal symbol of liberalism, and which had until then deliberately avoided land matters, signed upto the highly ambitious Land Administration Project, making it the lead foreign actor in thisdomain and giving a strong indication of the direction in which land affairs are heading. However,the positions expressed by various national land actors are much less clear. On the one hand,officials in the land administration in particular take a fairly technical approach to land: their mainconcern is the effectiveness of the administration and legislation, and making land an autonomousdomain. Officials working directly with foreign experts tend to take a 'top-down' approach,looking at the development of the whole country and seeing the constraints associated with theprocesses of urbanisation, industrialisation and increasing openness. On the other hand, some ofthe actors we spoke to from the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development (MARD) see landas something that cannot be detached from local and sectoral contexts. Therefore, they believethat agricultural land should respond to the needs of agriculture and rural populations, while forestland should primarily respond to environmental protection objectives. At the moment the firstgroup of actors is much more influential because of their strategic position within the landadministration and support from international cooperation; however, in the current economicclimate the question of agriculture and rural areas and populations has re-emerged as a priorityand is slowing the pace of liberalisation.So far there is no indication that agricultural land will be able to take account of the specificitiesand great diversity of rural areas, whether or not it is prioritised, planned or liberalised.Agricultural land tenure is controlled by the State, and characterised more by the numerousconstraints that it imposes (categories, temporal and spatial limits, etc.) than its capacity to adaptto the problems facing the country's rural populations, agricultural practices and environment.Liberalising agricultural land tenure would bring it closer to a system of individual ownership,which would make land legislation more onerous in many settings where local rights of access toresources are not managed in this way. The Land Law of 2003 introduced several innovations thatare helpful in this respect, mainly by creating a new category of users, 'residential communities',which allows groups to collectively hold use rights to unlimited amounts of agricultural and forestland that they are allocated free of charge for unlimited periods. However, this new measure isitself very restrictive in terms of what constitutes a 'community', the procedures it entails and theframework it imposes on collective management. So what place do customary land tenure systemshave in the emerging land system? Vietnamese land institutions seem to have made little or noattempt to plan for this; and the main reason why there are still such diverse local situationsappears to be the government's hesitant approach to agricultural land tenure. The co-existence ofactors with divergent positions on this question and on the role of the State, and the relativeabandonment of the rural world (especially remote rural areas) because it is not consideredimportant as long it doesn't challenge the objectives of urbanisation and industrialisation have lefta gap where customary systems can continue to function. The recent resurgence of interest in thisdomain could revive the debate about systems that are considered incompatible with theestablishment of a modern State, either because of agricultural practices such as slash-and-burn orthe functioning of longstanding local power systems, but customary systems will continue tosurvive as long as efforts to develop intensive, industrial-type agriculture are not sustainedeffectively across the country.

Med bevægelsen væk fra 70ernes og 80ernes reguleringsmekanismer præget af tilsyn, kontrol og påbud, over renere teknologi og selv-regulering i 90erne, er det nye årtusinde karakteriseret ved en partnerskabstankegang og brug af netværk som mekanisme til at fremme grønne markeder og en miljøvenlig privatsektor. Fortrinsvist siden Rio Topmødet i 1992 har virksomheder i stadig højere grad efterspurgt og deltaget i partnerskaber med offentlige parter, herunder regeringer, internationale organisationer og NGO'er; partnerskaber, der har til formål at medvirke til aktiviteter til sikring af en bæredygtig udvikling. Partnerskaber er blevet mere fremherskende i takt med at virksomheder reagerer på et stadigt stigende pres fra forskellige interessenter, herunder civilsamfundet, nationale og lokale myndigheder, i forhold til ansvarligheden af deres handlinger. Såkaldte grønne netværk, renere teknologi centre og affaldsminimerings-klubber er nogle af de fremhævede alternative tilgange til traditionel myndighedsregulering. Mens disse alternativer bliver udnævnt som mulige løsninger for myndighederne i det globale Syd til at rette op på manglende miljølovgivning, tilsyn og kontrol, er det rent faktisk sådan, at de fleste eksempler på sådanne partnerskaber stammer fra lande i det globale Nord. Et af de mest succesrige offentlige-private partnerskaber i Danmark er Green Network beliggende i det tidligere Vejle Amt. I dette initiativ, der blev startet af de lokale myndigheder og erhvervslivet i amtet, er der i dag mere end 280 aktive partnere, dækkende såvel den offentlige som den private sektor, dvs. lokale virksomheder, offentlige institutioner og myndigheder. Netværket startede i 1994 og har siden da vokset i både omfang, indsats og vigtighed. Helt fundamentalt er dets formål at udvikle, afprøve og indføre nye former for samarbejde mellem de offentlige myndigheder og de private virksomheder. Til at starte på var redskabet til dette en frivillig miljøredegørelse (Grønt Regnskab), som især virksomhederne kunne gøre brug af. Som tiden er gået er der dog generelt kommet et både større og bredere dækkende pres på de offentlige institutioner og myndigheder såvel som virksomheder, og der stilles stigende krav til, hvad samfundsmæssigt ansvar dækker over. I takt hermed har både værktøjer og metoder – og deres brug – udviklet sig. Dette gælder i netværket såvel som i samfundet i bredere forstand. Selvom sådanne typer netværk kan anses for relativt succesfulde i en Nord kontekst, er ukritisk donorfinansieret overførsel af disse koncepter til Syd kontekster ofte mundet ud i i skuffende resultater. Det er nødvendigt at diskutere og være opmærksom på nøgleelementer i det institutionelle landskab og på institutionelle bæreres vigtighed for succesen af grønne netværk i Syd. Med reference til tidligere igangværende initiativer i Thailand, herunder specielt netværket Cleaner Production for Industrial Efficiency, samt den føromtalte succesfulde case Green Network her i Danmark, er det dette ph.d. projekts formål at undersøge og vurdere disse initiativer, diskutere dem i relation til en institutionel og interessent tilgang (til partnerskaber) og foreslå hvorledes de forskellige erfaringer kan forstås og relateres i forhold til et bistandsperspektiv. Der er dog en tostrenget tilgang til dette. På den ene side universitetets-samarbejder, som er den verden, jeg personligt befinder mig i, og på den anden en betoning af, at den private sektor så småt er ved at acceptere en bredere (end snævert økonomisk) funderet rolle i samfundet, herunder også en stigende tendens omkring partnerskaber og virksomhedernes medvirken heri. Dette sidste har ledt mange til at stille sig spørgende overfor, hvilke faktorer, der reelt motiverer virksomheder til at efterspørge og forfølge partnerskaber. Disse underliggende kræfter kan indeholde legitimitets-behov såvel som interessent-pres. Det er dog sådan, at med det konstante flow af opskrifter, standarder, regler osv., som virksomheder præsenteres for, afhænger deres overlevelse af evnerne til at kunne overskue dette flow, optage og indlejre relevante systemer og procedurer, og skille sig af med de unyttige eller de, der er eller bliver overflødige. Denne egenskab kalder Røvik (1998) "multi-standard organisationen", og han identificerer den ved fem fundamentale kapaciteter: • Høj absorptions kapacitet • En dekoblingskapacitet af de 'opskrifter', der ikke passer ind i virksomhedens kernefelt eller med andre 'opskrifter' • En kapacitet til at kunne oversætte nye 'opskrifter' hurtigt og effektivt • En afkoblingskapacitet, så brugen af 'opskrifter', der ikke længere er nyttige, kan stoppes, og • En lagrings- og reaktiveringskapacitet, så engang nyttige opskrifter hurtigt kan gendannes og bruges påny. En undersøgelse af Green Network viser at disse fem kendetegn, som er skitseret i Røvik's teorier, faktisk alle er tilstede i netværket. Green Network har udvist en forbløffende evne til at følge med i udviklingerne i relation til ideerne om økologisk modernisering og bæredygtig udvikling. De har i relation hertil kunnet følge trit med alle de vigtige udviklinger de seneste 15 år, optaget hvad de har fundet vigtigt og kasseret det, de ikke har fundet passende i forhold til deres egen visioner og programmer. De resulterende værktøjer, manualer og måder hvorpå viden udbredes er alle en refleksion af den særlige Green Network måde at gøre tingene på, det vil sige gør det ikke sværere end det er, samarbejd og del jeres viden med hinanden. Konklusionen er, at gennem dialog, refleksivitet og etableringen af en fremmende frem for begrænsende kontekst, kan offentlige private partnerskaber blive et ganske brugbart element i samfundets indsats for en bæredygtig udvikling. I relation til den thailandske kontekst må det siges, at de umiddelbare succeser med at indføre renere teknologier gennem en netværksbaseret tilgang er blevet afløst af frustrationer om endnu et bistandsdrevet projekt, der viste sig ubæredygtigt og kun korttids-holdbar. Det er på dette punkt, universiteternes rolle som centrale elementer i udvikling og innovation – 'universities as development hubs' – finder sin anvendelse. Gennem universitetskonsortier og -netværk er kapacitetsopbygning indenfor miljø og udvikling blevet indført og afprøvet gennem de seneste 10 år. Universiteter fra Afrika (Botswana og Sydafrika), Asien, (Malaysia og Thailand), Mellemamerika (Costa Rica, El Salvador og Nicaragua) og Europa (Danmark) har samarbejdet med studerende og forskere. Til at begynde med fokuserede nogle programmer på forskning og andre på uddannelse, men over tid er resultatet en kombination af højere uddannelse og forskning, der synes at være mere effektiv og relevant. Samarbejder med partnere både indenfor det offentlig og det private er blevet etableret og har vist sig succesrigt og til fælles gavn. Aktiviteterne i disse konsortier har indebåret udvikling af nye studier (herunder i flere tilfælde også et paradigme skifte til problem-orienteret og projekt-baseret læring), lærer- og studenter-udveksling, fælles forskningsprojekter og fælles udviklingskonferencer. Resultaterne har været lovende, ikke mindst i relation til de konkrete typer af aktiviteter, der er foregået, men også samlet set, hvor de i fællesskab bidrager til en overordnet kapacitetsopbygning indenfor højere uddannelse og til forbedrede udviklingsmuligheder og miljøforhold. En styrkelse af højere uddannelse anses for at være en forudsætning for økonomisk og demokratisk udvikling i alle lande, i- såvel som u-lande. Men, i særdeleshed i udviklingslande er der behov for speciel støtte, for eksempel gennem international bistand til programmer for højere uddannelse, herunder forskning og innovation i samarbejde med andre forskningsinstitutioner såvel som med myndigheder og virksomheder. Universiteter bør selvsagt spille en central rolle i sådanne globale anstrengelser for at styrke højere uddannelse. I samarbejde med eksterne partnere (eksempelvis private virksomheder, konsulenter, NGOer, og civilsamfundet generelt), lægges der her vægt på universiteternes rolle som nøgleaktører og formidlere af ny viden og læring, herunder udviklingsværktøjer som IKT og PBL; som formidlere af kompetente og motiverede kandidater, der kan indtræde i nøglepositioner i samfundet; og som uundværlige partnere i at skabe det innovative og selv-lærende samfund, som synes en nødvendighed for begrænse fattigdom og facilitere økonomisk og social fremgang. Reelt operationaliserbare modeller er måske stadig mangelfulde, men "Public-Private-Academic Partnerships" foreslås her som et realiserbart løsningsforslag og som et koncept til yderligere undersøgelse og modifikation. Nogle af resultaterne og disses implikationer er præsenteret i denne afhandling, og flere er dokumenteret i referencerne. Ganske kort, universiteter, i tæt samarbejde med de øvrige af samfundets aktører, er helt nødvendige for opbygningen og vedligeholdelsen af innovative og bæredygtige samfund. ; Moving from largely command and control measures in the 70s and 80s, through cleaner production and self-regulatory initiatives in the 90s, the emphasis in the new millennium is more on using networks and partnerships as levers for promoting a greening of industry. Predominantly since the 1992 Rio Summit, corporations have been increasingly pursuing these partnerships with public institutions including governments, international organizations and NGOs that aim to contribute to sustainable development activities. Partnerships have become more common as corporations react to mounting pressure from corporate stakeholders, civil society and government on the responsible nature of their business practices. So-called 'Green Networks', 'Cleaner Production Centres', 'Waste Minimisation Clubs' are among the highlighted alternatives to governmental regulation. While being promoted as an option for governments in the South to make up for lack of sufficient environmental legislation and enforcement, the majority of these examples, however, stem from countries in the North. In terms of public–private partnerships, one of the foremost Danish initiatives is the Green Network in the former county of Vejle. This initiative, initiated by local governments and businesses in the county, currently involves more than 280 partners from both the private and the public sectors (local companies, public bodies and local governments). The network started in 1994 and has grown in size and importance ever since. Fundamentally, it aims at providing new forms of co-operation between public authorities and private companies. The vehicle for this was initially a voluntary environmental statement by companies, who wished to be members. With the passing of time, however, the demands and pressures on both companies and public bodies have increased as has their innovativeness. Hence, the tools and means employed—outside as well as inside the network—have developed accordingly. Even though they are successful in a Northern context, uncritical transfer of such concepts to contexts in the South along with substantial, external donor funding have in many cases led to disappointing outcomes. It is necessary to discuss and be aware of key factors in the institutional set-up and the importance of institutional carriers for the potential success of Green Networks in the South. With reference to at that time ongoing initiatives in Thailand, especially the Cleaner Production for Industrial Efficiency (CPIE) network, and the successful case of Green Network in Denmark, this PhD project sets out to examine and assess these initiatives, discuss them based on an institutional and stakeholder approach (to partnerships) and suggest how the experiences can be understood in their own rights. Inherent in this is the context of development aid. The point of departure is, however, twofold. From one side, university collaborations and from the other a signification of a corporate awakening towards a broader role of business in society and the trend of corporations embracing partnerships. The latter has led many to question the driving factors that motivate corporations to pursue partnerships. Underlying drivers of corporate organizational behaviour include both legitimacy and stakeholder needs. However, with a constant flow of recipes or standards being the order of the day for modern companies and organisations, their survival also relate to their ability to cope with this flow, adopting relevant recipes from it and incorporating these into their organisation - and dispensing with them when they become outmoded. This ability is exhibited by what Røvik (1998) calls the "multi-standard organisation", and he identifies five fundamental capacities that define it: • High absorption capacity • The capacity to decouple recipes that do not fit in • The ability to translate new recipes in a quick and easy way • The ability to detach old or worn down institutions, and • The ability to preserve and reactivate older forms of institutional recipes An evaluation of Green Network reveals that the five capacities outlined in Røvik's theory are all present. Green Network has exhibited a remarkable ability to keep up with trends in the development of the idea of ecological modernisation and sustainable development. They have been able to keep pace with all the important developments during the last almost fifteen years, absorbing what they find important and discarding aspects that do not fit into their vision and programmes. The resulting manuals, tools and ways of propagating knowledge all reflect the "Green Network way of doing things", i.e. keep it simple, work together and share knowledge. The conclusion is that through dialogue, reflexivity and the establishment of an enabling environment, public–private partnerships can become useful vehicles in societies' move towards sustainability. In relation to the Thai context, the initial successes of implementing cleaner production through the network approach have been substituted by frustrations of yet another aid-driven project that was unsustainable. This is the point where "universities as development hubs" enters the stage. Capacity-building in environment and development has been implemented and tested over the last decade through university and university consortia networking. Universities from Africa (Botswana and South Africa), Asia (Malaysia and Thailand), Central America (Costa Rica, El Salvador and Nicaragua) and Europe (Denmark) have collaborated with graduate students and faculty. Initially some programmes emphasised research and others higher education, but eventually a blend of research and higher education appeared to be more productive. Links to external partners in public and private business have been established and proved successful in terms of mutual benefits. Activities comprise evolution of new study curricula (including a shift of the learning paradigm to problem-based and project-organised learning), exchange of students and faculty, joint research and joint development conferences. The results have been promising in terms of concrete results within each type of activity and together they provide vital steps in capacity-building in tertiary education to the benefit of development and environment. Strengthening of tertiary education is assumed to be a prerequisite for economic and democratic development in all countries, be they industrialised, in transition or developing. However, particularly in transition and developing countries there is a need for special support, e.g. through international aid programmes to tertiary education, including research and innovation in an interplay with other research institutions, business and government. Universities should play a central role in such global efforts to strengthen tertiary education. In co-operation with external partners such as business, consultants, NGOs and civil society at large, universities as key agents and providers in new learning, including developing tools such as project-based and problem-oriented learning (PBL) as well as information and communication technology (ICT); as providers of competent and motivated graduates to fill key positions in society; and as indispensable partners in creating the innovative and auto-learning society necessary to curb poverty and facilitate prosperity is emphasised. Modes of operation are still deficient, but ''Public-Private Academic Partnerships' is suggested as a concept to study further and modify to needs. Some of the results and their implications are presented in this thesis and more are documented in the references that are cited. In short, universities, in joint action with business and society at large, are necessary for constructing and maintaining innovative and sustainable societies.

The citizens' relationship toward the European integration process and the European Union is a dynamic category, varying from country to country and from time to time. The changes in attitudes are affected by occurrences at the EU level, as well as processes taking place in each individual country. However, in spite of the differences and changes, there are tendencies of a more permanent character, which explain the relationship of citizens toward the processes and institutions of the united Europe. Therefore the data collected on the sample of youth and adults in Croatia at the beginning of 2004 give an insight, not only into the attitudes of that moment, which are more or less susceptible to changes, but into trends that enable us to gain scientific insights about the subject of our research. In this analysis the relationship of the participants towards European integration and the EU was investigated through numerous indicators, with emphasis on the perception of the consequences of Croatia's accession to the European Union. However, other aspects of the relationship toward Europe and the EU, which represent a wider context for the understanding of the perception of consequences of entering Europe, were also investigated. The results obtained demonstrate that most young and adult participants in Croatia actually had a neutral perception of the EU – even though there are more of those with a positive than a negative image – and it is logical to assume that this neutrality might be relatively easily changed under the influence of different factors. Nine out of ten participants even supported Croatia's integration into the European Union at the beginning of 2004. Among them, most were Euro-skeptics, that is, those who believe that too much is expected from accession. At the same time, the Euro-enthusiasts (expecting comprehensive benefits from accession) and Euro-realists (believing that integration is inevitable for the survival of small countries) were considerably less numerous. The domination of Euro-skeptics again warns of the instability of the relationship towards the EU, which can be influenced by different events both in the EU and in Croatia. However, in spite of the expressed skepticism, two thirds of participants expected that Croatia will be an equal member of the Union by 2010 at the latest. The experiences of other transitional countries also demonstrated that there are numerous obstacles on the road to a united Europe. Our participants ascribed these obstacles equally to Croatia and the EU, however, the number of young participants emphasizing the EU's responsibility increased from 1999 to 2004, while the number of those stressing Croatia's responsibility decreased. Also, to determine the relationship towards European integration and Croatia's accession to the Union, the findings about the expected positive and negative consequences, once Croatia is integrated into the EU, are most important. Again, both the young and the adults expect more advantages than undesirable consequences. However, there was a mild decrease in the expectance of positive, and an increase in the expectance of negative consequences in the five year period between the two pieces of research. In spite of all these tendencies, the expectations of youth are more positive than those of the adults. The greatest positive expectations were registered on an individual and socio-cultural level, while socio-economic enthusiasm waned. Indeed, it is because of the socio-economic unpreparedness of Croatia for joining a developed European environment, that most negative consequences are expected. An insight into the perception of the social and political consequences of Croatia' s integration into the European Union was gained with the aid of a number of indicators. Thus, research into the expected development of the EU in the coming ten years demonstrated that only the opportunity for easier travel, work, study and life in Europe is something most participants expect, where this opinion is accepted by two out of three young participants. However, they are quite afraid of the costs of integration for Croatia and the worsening of the farmers' position. The adult participants expect more social problems than the young, including a higher level of unemployment. The negative consequences for their own countries are also less perceived by the young in Croatia than was the case with their counterparts in the Union. Related to the fears from the building of a united Europe and European Union, we determined that the young in Croatia are most afraid of the abolition of the Croatian currency and an increase in crime, and least afraid of the potential loss of social privileges. The adult participants, on the other hand, are consistent in demonstrating a higher level of fear in all the examined elements. The fears of the participants from the enlarged EU are somewhat different – the greatest fear is that of employment transferring to other countries, as well as an increase in crime and the drug trade, difficulties for farmers and the price their country will have to pay due to the construction of the EU. Both the young and the adult participants in Croatia are less worried about losing their national identity, language and social privileges than the Europeans. One of the most important components of the construction of Europe and the EU is the enlargement process, although the current crisis that the European integration process is going through, may result in an intermission in its tempo and scope. All our participants emphasize the multifaceted benefits from EU enlargement, followed by the positive influence of that enlargement on Croatia, while the efforts the Croatian authorities are putting into joining the Union were evaluated quite poorly. The adults accept all these attitudes more than the young, as well as valuing Croatia qualities more. Almost two thirds of the participants from the EU candidate countries, on the other hand, gave high marks in 2002 to all the potentially positive consequences of EU enlargement, but one quarter also demonstrated a fear of the possible increase in unemployment in their countries. The potential accession of Croatia to the European Union will also signify a change in the way decisions are made, in the sense that some will be made at the national level, and some along with the EU. Our participants have in this regard turned out to be very prepared for integration, for most of them believe that four fifths of all the observed areas should be the subject of joint decision-making by Croatia and the EU. The only areas in which, according to the opinion of the young participants, Croatia should decide autonomously, are the acceptance of refugees, the judiciary, culture, agriculture and fisheries and the police. The European share a different opinion on this issue, and believe two thirds of the stated areas should be decided upon by their country along with the EU, while it should be autonomous in the fields of preventing juvenile crime, urban violence, then education, basic rules regarding the media, health and social care, as well as unemployment. The perception of the potential winners and losers of Croatia's membership in the EU is especially indicative. Different social groups were, based on the perception of the young participants, structured into the potential losers from integration (e.g. farmers, retired persons, manual workers, the unemployed), potential winners of integration (such as the inhabitants of the capital and some regions, youth and all Croatian citizens), and sure winners of integration, who are also best prepared for Croatia's accession to the EU (experts, those who speak foreign languages, the political elite, managers and large companies). Indeed, it was demonstrated that the young believe the greatest winners from EU integration are those that are today in a relatively better position in Croatian terms, and those whose existing position is not invidious and who most need a better future, were seen as potentially the weakest winners. It is encouraging that the young put themselves in the group of potential winners, meaning they believe that the existing capabilities and potentials of their generation only need optimal circumstances to be fully expressed. Since people that speak foreign languages are perceived as certain winners of joining the Union, we have particularly examined this aspect of readiness for accession. The data about the knowledge of foreign languages is less than thrilling, especially compared to the knowledge of foreign languages of the young in the EU. The first position, of course, belongs to the English language. However, unlike the European results, where the knowledge of French is next in line, in Croatia the second most common foreign language is German. The young speak both these languages more than the adult participants, while they are in a worse position regarding other foreign languages researched (Italian, French, and Russian). In this research, we also determined that approximately three quarters of our participants are proud of the fact that they are Croatian citizens, while somewhat more than half of the young and slightly fewer adults are proud to be European. The young are those with a slightly more critical attitude towards their national identity and are especially avid in the positive validation of their Europeism. However, the most interesting finding is that all the Croatian participants feel less national pride than the population of the European Union, while it is understandable that the EU participants emphasize their pride in being European more often. The answers of the participants regarding the content of the " citizen of the European Union" indicate that neither the young nor the adults have a coherent conception of citizenship in the EU. Still, the right to work, live and study in any EU member country is the key element of understanding this citizenship, with the young in Croatia, as well as youth in the Union itself. Also, both the young and the adult participants in Croatia chose as the least important the general active suffrage, regardless of elections being held for the European Parliament, the national or the local representative bodies. Only one out of four participants from Croatia believes they will have some personal benefits from Croatia's membership in the EU, while almost half of the young and a third of the adult participants have no defined opinion on this issue. This feeling is clearly very much linked to the issue of the personal meaning the European Union has for the participants, where neither the young nor the adults have a homogenous perception. Only one answer occurs in the majority of cases – the EU is a way of creating a better future for the young, while little support was given to the claim that the EU signifies a " European Government" , superior to the national states who are the Union's members. Unlike the youth in Croatia, those from the Union countries mostly emphasize the freedom of movement, while in time the concept of the " European Government" grew more pronounced in their attitudes. Like the Croatian youth, the young in the EU have an equal fear of Euro-bureaucracy, the loss of cultural diversity and the Utopianism of the European idea. Intrigued by the often publicly expressed concern about the emigration of young, especially highly educated people, to other country, we deemed it necessary to explore the readiness of our participants to spend a certain period of time or their whole life abroad. According to our data, two fifths of young people would like to spend a long period of time (working and studying) abroad, while a quarter of Croatian youth would leave forever. The desire of youth to gain certain knowledge, material wealth and experience in other countries is not in question, especially if it is taken into consideration that the young are also the most mobile and flexible segment of society. However, the information that a quarter of youth wishes to abandon this country forever (while not all of them will do so), is worrisome, seen from the point of view of human capital, which is extremely important for the survival and optimal development of a small country such as Croatia. Also, it is important to mention that the percentage of youth that would go abroad forever, with or without an adequate opportunity, increased over the five year period, which is an indicator of the unfavorable trends in the social development of Croatia. The adult participants, on the other hand, demonstrate a more conservative attitude toward the possible emigration of their children to one of the Union countries, but are still prepared to accept their studying and training in the EU, and only 14% of them would like their children to reside permanently or during their working life in one of the European Union member countries. The analysis of the differentiation of youth regarding European integration and the EU indicated the limited influence of the social attributes used. In other words, the young are relatively homogenous in their perception of a unified Europe as well as expectations from Croatia's accession to the European Union. However, there are certain differences, and they are mostly caused by party identification, socio-professional status, regional status and religiousness. The conclusion is that the most influence is exerted on the attitudes toward the European integration process by ideological-political orientations and existing social status as well as the specifics of the wider environment. It was, hence, shown that the supporters of the left of center parties, the pupils and students, the inhabitants of more developed regions and the non-religious participants are more inclined to the EU and the integration process, and emphasize the positive consequences and potential gains from Croatia's accession to the Union more than they express their fears from the negative consequences. This also applies, although to a lesser degree, to young men, the academically educated youth, with an urban background and/or domicile, while the age related differences within the young population are inconsistent. Therefore, we can say in short that the higher social competence of youth is reflected in the formation of a stable and consistent pro-European orientation. Since this group still consists of a minority of youth, it is obvious that a great effort on the part of the advocates of integration is necessary, especially the political protagonists, to attract the majority of youth that are vacillating and, thus, susceptible to influences often opposite in nature. Finally, two most important tendencies may be stressed, which are the result of the research data about the relationship of youth towards the European integration process. The first indicates that the young generation in Croatia is recognized – both by themselves and by the adults – as one of the potentially greatest winners of the European integration process and, in that context, of Croatia's accession to the European Union. The second trend demonstrates that the young, in relation to the adults, consistently demonstrate a more definite pro-European orientation. Both these tendencies suggest that the potentials of youth are a resource to be taken into serious consideration on Croatia's path to the EU, and then in its adequate development in the new circumstances that will arise. Hence, along with all the other damage, which would occur by stopping the EU enlargement process, one of the undesirable consequences would also be the weakening of the motivation and Euro-optimism of youth in Croatia. This would, therefore, additionally aggravate the negative consequences, because they might be used as one of the more important motors for the development of this country, which does not seem to be going in the right direction, in more favorable circumstances – which the assured accession of Croatia to the EU would contribute to.

Das Konzept des demokratischen Rechtsstaates, bisher einigendes Fundament und Leitprinzip der europäischen Einigung, steht heute im Zentrum einer kritischen Debatte, die die Grundlagen des europäischen Friedensprojektes zu gefährden droht. Weltweit und insbesondere in Europa wächst die Sorge um den Erhalt der freiheitlich-demokratischen Werte. Populistische Bewegungen gewinnen an Einfluss, indem sie einfache Antworten auf die komplexen Herausforderungen unserer Zeit anbieten. Diese Bewegungen finden vor allem bei denjenigen Anklang, die sich inmitten des raschen gesellschaftlichen und wirtschaftlichen Wandels nach Sicherheit und Beständigkeit sehnen. Sie neigen dazu, sich Lösungen wie nationaler Abschottung und der Etablierung autoritärer Regime zuzuwenden, um ein Gefühl der Sicherheit zu vermitteln (vgl. Möllers 2018, S. 7).Seit der Flüchtlingskrise 2015 haben populistische Strömungen in verschiedenen europäischen Ländern an Zulauf gewonnen. Ungarn und Polen sind prominente Beispiele, in denen rechtsnationale bis rechtsradikale Parteien an die Macht gekommen sind. Diese Regierungen stehen im Widerspruch zu den Grundprinzipien der Europäischen Union, einschließlich der Achtung der Menschenwürde, der Demokratie, der Freiheit, der Gleichheit und der Rechtsstaatlichkeit. Der Umbau des Staatswesens in diesen Ländern zeigt sich insbesondere in der Einschränkung der Unabhängigkeit der Justiz, der Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit und der Medien (Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung 2022).Besonders in Ungarn, wo seit Viktor Orbáns zweiter Amtszeit im Jahr 2010 ein schleichender Prozess des Demokratieabbaus zu beobachten ist, wird die Bedeutung der Medienregulierung für die demokratischen Strukturen und die politische Landschaft offensichtlich. Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich dieser Problematik und beleuchtet, wie die Regulierung der Medien in Ungarn demokratische Prozesse und die politische Szenerie des Landes beeinflusst.Die Arbeit beginnt mit einer grundlegenden Definition des Begriffs "Medien" und einer Erörterung ihrer primären, sekundären und tertiären Funktionen im politischen Raum. Anschließend wird die Nutzung der Medien als Instrument der Regierungskommunikation und als Mittel der Machtsicherung untersucht. Eine Analyse der aktuellen Medienlandschaft in Ungarn, einschließlich der Einschränkungen der Pressefreiheit, der Meinungsvielfalt sowie der Kontrolle und Einflussnahme der Regierung auf die Medienorgane, bildet den Kern der Arbeit.Besonderes Augenmerk wird dabei auf die Medienregulierung in Ungarn gelegt. Die Auswirkungen dieser Medienregulierung auf die Demokratie in Ungarn werden untersucht, um zu verstehen, wie Veränderungen in der Medienlandschaft die Grundpfeiler der Demokratie beeinflussen - die Bedeutung der Medien für eine demokratische Gesellschaft, die Einschränkungen der Demokratie durch Regulierungen in der Medienlandschaft und die politischen Auswirkungen auf das demokratische System. Abschließend wird in einem Fazit reflektiert, inwiefern die Medienregulierung in Ungarn als symptomatisch für eine Verschiebung weg von demokratischen Idealen gesehen werden kann.Ziel der Arbeit ist es, ein Verständnis der komplexen Wechselwirkungen zwischen Medienregulierung und demokratischen Prozessen in Ungarn zu erlangen und damit einen Beitrag zur aktuellen Debatte über die Bedeutung liberaler demokratischer Werte in Europa zu leisten.Die Rolle der Medien in der PolitikDer folgende Abschnitt befasst sich mit der Rolle der Medien in der Politik. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei die differenzierte Betrachtung der primären, sekundären und tertiären Funktionen der Medien. Mit Hilfe dieser Unterscheidung ist es möglich, ein tieferes Verständnis dafür zu entwickeln, wie Medien die politische Landschaft gestalten und beeinflussen. Durch die Analyse dieser Funktionen wird untersucht, wie Medien Öffentlichkeit herstellen, Informationen verbreiten, politische Akteure kontrollieren und zur politischen Sozialisation und Bildung beitragen. Dies ist von entscheidender Bedeutung, um die komplexen Wechselwirkungen zwischen Medien und Politik vollständig zu erfassen. Primär-, Tertiär- und SekundärfunktionDie Macht der Massenmedien, bestehende Machtstrukturen herauszufordern, darf nicht unterschätzt werden. Durch die Sammlung, Aufbereitung und Verbreitung von Informationen, Wissen und politischen Ansichten wird die öffentliche Meinung wesentlich beeinflusst (Wittkämper, S. 37). Bereits in der Frühen Neuzeit erkannten der Adel und die Kirche als damalige Machthaber die potenzielle Bedrohung, die von den Medien ausging. Sie reagierten schnell und führten nach der Entdeckung des Buchdrucks Zensurmaßnahmen ein, um die zu druckenden Inhalte vorzuprüfen und ihre Herrschaft zu sichern (Strohmeier 2004, S. 69).In der heutigen Zeit spielen die Medien eine zentrale Rolle bei der Gestaltung der politischen Realitäten, da sie in der Lage sind, die politische Macht entweder zu stärken oder zu untergraben (Strohmeier 2004, S. 69). Ziel der folgenden Ausführungen ist die Veranschaulichung des Einflusspotenzials der Massenmedien durch die Darstellung ihrer grundlegenden Funktionen.Gerd Strohmeier weist auf die Bedeutung der primären, der sekundären und der tertiären Funktion der Massenmedien hin. Die Primärfunktion besteht darin, Öffentlichkeit herzustellen, die entsteht, wenn direkte Kommunikationsformen bevölkerungsbedingt nicht ausreichen. Massenmedien ermöglichen eine schnelle und einfache Verbreitung von Nachrichten und füllen so diese kommunikative Lücke (Strohmeier 2004, S. 72).Die Kontrolle der politischen Akteure und die Verbreitung von Informationen gehören zu der Sekundärfunktion. Ziel ist die umfassende und verständliche Vermittlung von Inhalten und damit die Beeinflussung der Meinungsbildung. Zugleich haben Massenmedien die Aufgabe, das Verhalten der politischen Institutionen zu überwachen, Missstände aufzudecken und Kritik zu üben (Strohmeier 2004, S. 72f.).Die Tertiärfunktion der Medien umfasst drei wesentliche Aspekte. Erstens die Förderung der politischen Meinungs- und Willensbildung, zweitens die Integration und politische Sozialisation und drittens die Vermittlung politischer Bildung. Diese Aspekte unterstützen die Entwicklung der Persönlichkeit des Einzelnen und seine Integration in die Gesellschaft, fördern das Verständnis für das politische System und regen zur aktiven Teilnahme am politischen Leben an. Darüber hinaus haben die Massenmedien einen entscheidenden Einfluss auf die Art und Weise, wie über bestimmte Themen nachgedacht und gesprochen wird, oft ohne dass sich die Menschen der Beeinflussung ihrer Meinungen durch die Medien bewusst sind (Strohmeier 2004, S. 73f.).Medien als InstrumentIm nächsten Schritt unserer Analyse konzentrieren wir uns auf die Rolle der Medien als politisches Werkzeug. Dabei unterteilt sich unsere Betrachtung in zwei Schlüsselaspekte. Einerseits die Nutzung der Medien für Regierungskommunikation, durch die Regierungen ihre Botschaften vermitteln, und andererseits die Anwendung der Medien als Mittel zur Machtsicherung, wodurch Einfluss auf die öffentliche Meinung genommen und politische Macht gefestigt wird.Medien als Instrument für RegierungskommunikationDie strategische Nutzung der Medien durch die Regierung wird vor allem in Bezug auf den Einfluss der Mediengesetzgebung auf die Demokratisierungsprozesse und die Politikgestaltung in Ungarn untersucht. Durch die gezielte Verbreitung politischer Botschaften und Entscheidungen interagieren Regierungen direkt mit der Bevölkerung, was nicht nur die Verbreitung von Informationen fördert, sondern auch die öffentliche Meinung prägt und politische Unterstützung generiert.Um den Rechtspopulismus zu verstehen, ist es notwendig, sich mit Cas Muddes Definition des Populismus auseinanderzusetzen, der Populismus als eine Ideologie betrachtet, die die Gesellschaft in zwei homogene und antagonistische Gruppen teilt: "das reine Volk" gegenüber "der korrupten Elite", wobei Politik als Ausdruck des allgemeinen Volkswillens verstanden wird (Mudde 2004, S. 543). Die Tendenz, dass rechtspopulistische Parteien seit den 1980er Jahren Wahlerfolge erzielen und sich etablieren, zeigt sich nicht nur in westeuropäischen, sondern auch in jungen Demokratien Osteuropas, einschließlich Ungarns (Geden 2006, S. 17f.).Rechtspopulisten positionieren sich als Vertreter der "schweigenden Mehrheit" in direktem Gegensatz zu den politischen und kulturellen Eliten und privilegierten Minderheiten, denen sie die Verfolgung partikularer Interessen vorwerfen (Geden 2006, S. 20f.). Ihre politische Rhetorik ist durch Vereinfachung und Komplexitätsreduktion gekennzeichnet, wobei sie sich organisatorisch von den etablierten Parteien abgrenzen, etwa durch die Zusammenarbeit mit außerparlamentarischen Gruppen, die Initiierung von Volksentscheiden oder die Präsenz charismatischer Führungspersönlichkeiten (Geden 2006, S. 22).Ein zentrales Element rechtspopulistischen Denkens ist der "Ethnopluralismus", der besagt, dass sich ethnisch und kulturell homogene Völker nicht vermischen sollten, was eine inhärente Ungleichheit der Völker suggeriert und kulturelle Begegnungen als konfliktträchtig ansieht (Bruns et al. 2015, S. 12f.).Im spezifischen Kontext Ungarns unter der Führung von Viktor Orbán zeigt sich die kritische Rolle dieser Medienstrategien. Die Regierung Orbán hat Medienregulierung bewusst eingesetzt, um ein medienfreundliches Umfeld für regierungsnahe Nachrichtenquellen zu schaffen und gleichzeitig den Raum für kritische Stimmen einzuschränken (Mudde 2004, S. 543). Dies schränkt nicht nur die Vielfalt und Freiheit der Medien ein, sondern hat auch tiefgreifende Auswirkungen auf demokratische Prozesse, indem es die Möglichkeiten für eine offene politische Debatte einschränkt.Diese strategische Nutzung der Medien für die Regierungskommunikation verdeutlicht die Doppelnatur der Medien in der Politik. Einerseits als Kanäle für die transparente Kommunikation politischer Inhalte und andererseits als Instrumente der Machtkonsolidierung, die die demokratischen Grundlagen untergraben können. Diese Dynamik ist entscheidend für das Verständnis der politischen Situation in Ungarn und der Rolle, die die Medienregulierung dabei spielt (Geden 2006, S. 17f.).Detlef Grieswelle betont in "Politische Rhetorik: Macht der Rede, öffentliche Legitimation, Stiftung von Konsens" die bedeutende Rolle der Rhetorik in der Politik. Rhetorik dient nicht nur der Durchsetzung und Legitimation von Macht, sondern auch der Kontrolle und Repräsentation von Interessen, was ihre Bedeutung als Instrument politischer Führung und Einflussnahme unterstreicht (Grieswelle 2000, S. 33). In diesem Zusammenhang ist die rhetorische Strategie des ungarischen Ministerpräsidenten von besonderer Relevanz, da mit ihr versucht wird, politische Legitimität für diese Vision zu schaffen und die Unterstützung der Bevölkerung zu gewinnen (Bruns et al. 2015, S. 12f.).Medien als Werkzeug zur Sicherung von MachtUm zu verstehen, wie die Medien zum Machterhalt beitragen, ist die Rhetorik von rechtspopulistischen Figuren wie Viktor Orbán besonders aufschlussreich. Orbán nutzt plakative und skandalträchtige Kommunikationswege, um mediale Aufmerksamkeit zu generieren die nicht nur seine Präsenz in der Öffentlichkeit stärkt, sondern auch eine Mobilisierung seiner Anhängerschaft bewirkt (Schnepf 2020, S. 5). In seinen politischen Reden kehren bestimmte rhetorische Muster immer wieder, darunter die Verwendung von Antagonismen, die eine Konfliktsituation erzeugen, insbesondere durch die Gegenüberstellung von "Elite" und "Volk". Dabei wird das "Volk" als unterdrückt dargestellt, während die rechtspopulistische Partei als volksnah inszeniert wird (Mudde 2004, S. 543). Eine charakteristische Einfachheit in den Botschaften rechter Parteien wird von Bischof und Senninger hervorgehoben. Je weiter rechts eine Partei steht, desto einfacher ist ihr Programm (Bischof/Senninger 2018, S. 484). Solche Diskurse verwenden prägnante und leicht verständliche Formulierungen für ansonsten komplexe politische Sachverhalte, suggerieren einfache Lösungen und nutzen Dramatisierungen und Metaphern. Insbesondere werden Migrant*innen durch metaphorische Vergleiche abgewertet (Hogan/Haltinner 2015, S. 533) und es wird auf die Bedrohung der nationalen Identität durch ethnische Minderheiten und Migrant*innen angespielt, ein Vorgehen, das Ruth Wodak als "politics of fear" beschreibt (Wodak 2015, S. 2).Diese Elemente rechtspopulistischer Rhetorik finden sich in Orbáns Äußerungen deutlich wieder, wie einige seiner Reden und Interviews exemplarisch zeigen. Besonders deutlich wird dies in seiner Darstellung von Migration als Bedrohung für das ungarische Volk, wobei er einen alarmistischen Ton anschlägt, um die migrationskritische Haltung der Regierung zu untermauern und ein Klima der Angst zu erzeugen: "Europa wird von einer beispiellosen Masseneinwanderung bedroht. (...) Wir sprechen heute von Hunderttausenden, nächstes Jahr werden es Millionen sein, ein Ende ist nicht in Sicht" (Orbán, zitiert nach Mendelski 2019, S. 8). Orbáns Wortwahl, in der er von der "Wahrheit" spricht, verdeutlicht seine Überzeugung von der Legitimität seiner Politik, wobei er durch Übertreibungen wie "Millionen", "massive Integration" oder "unerwartetes Ausmaß" eine Atmosphäre der Panik schafft.In einer Rede anlässlich seiner Vereidigung als Ministerpräsident präsentierte Orbán seine Vision einer Demokratie, die er als "christdemokratisch im 21. Jahrhundert" bezeichnete und damit ein stark von christlichen Werten geprägtes Bild nationaler Identität entwarf, das traditionelle Familienbilder bevorzugt und Homosexualität ausgrenzt. Diese Ausführungen zeigen, wie Orbán die Medien nutzt, um seine politische Botschaft zu verstärken und wie er die Medien als Instrument zur Sicherung seiner Macht einsetzt, indem er sich einer Rhetorik bedient, die sowohl mobilisiert als auch polarisiert, um seine Position zu festigen und Herausforderungen zu kontrollieren.Analyse der aktuellen Medienlandschaft in UngarnDer folgende Teil der Arbeit befasst sich mit der aktuellen Medienlandschaft in Ungarn. In der ersten Amtszeit Orbáns zwischen 1998 und 2002 gab es kaum Eingriffe in die Pressefreiheit, was auf mehrere Faktoren zurückzuführen ist. Da Ungarn in dieser Zeit noch auf den EU-Beitritt hinarbeitete, vermied Orbán bewusst Auseinandersetzungen mit der Europäischen Union über Fragen der Pressefreiheit. Dies änderte sich jedoch in der darauffolgenden Amtszeit ab 2010 drastisch: Ein neues Gesetz wurde eingeführt, das staatlichen Stellen die Einflussnahme auf die Medien ermöglichte und deren Regulierung legitimierte. Fortan nutzte die Regierung Orbán die Medien gezielt für ihre politischen Ziele.Einschränkungen der Pressefreiheit und Meinungsvielfalt in UngarnDas Beispiel Ungarns zeigt den Übergang von einem Demokratisierungsprozess zu einem schleichenden Verlust demokratischer Strukturen. Ursprünglich galt Ungarn aufgrund seiner politischen Fortschritte und wirtschaftlichen Stabilität in den späten 1990er und frühen 2000er Jahren als Vorbild unter den EU-Beitrittskandidaten. Nach dem Fall der kommunistischen Einparteienherrschaft (1949-1989) und der Etablierung einer parlamentarischen Demokratie (ab 1990) unternahm das Land erhebliche Anstrengungen, um eine demokratische Staatsform zu etablieren. Wichtige Reformen dieser Zeit schufen unter anderem eine klare Trennung der Staatsgewalten (Legislative, Exekutive, Judikative) und die neue Verfassung verankerte Prinzipien wie Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Unabhängigkeit der Justiz (Ismayr 2002, S. 310ff.).Seit 2010 hat Viktor Orbán mit seiner Fidesz-Partei jedoch einen politischen Kurs eingeschlagen der den zuvor eingeleiteten Demokratisierungsprozess nicht nur gestoppt, sondern in einigen Bereichen sogar rückgängig gemacht hat. Ein 2010 verabschiedetes Mediengesetz, das es staatlichen Stellen erlaubt, die Medien zu überwachen und bei Verstößen zu sanktionieren, markiert einen Wendepunkt in der Einschränkung der Pressefreiheit und ist ein zentraler Faktor im Demokratieabbau des Landes (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 273ff.). Freedom House hebt hervor, dass von allen Kriterien zur Bewertung des Zustands von Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit gerade die Pressefreiheit in Ungarn die dramatischsten Einbußen zu verzeichnen hat (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 273).Die ungarische Medienlandschaft hat sich seit der Regierungsübernahme durch Orbán und Fidesz sukzessive verändert. Die Regierung kontrolliert den öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunk, die staatliche Nachrichtenagentur Magyar Tavirati Iroda sowie einen erheblichen Teil der privaten Medien, die sich im Besitz von Orbán nahestehenden Personen befinden. Im Rahmen einer umfassenden Umstrukturierung wurden 570 leitende Angestellte der Rundfunkanstalten durch der Fidesz-Partei loyale Mitarbeiter ersetzt (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 275f.).Für die regionale Berichterstattung sind seit Sommer 2017 ausschließlich unternehmerfreundliche Medien zuständig. Mit der Schließung einiger kritischer Zeitungen, darunter die überregionalen Blätter Nepszabadsag und Magyar Nemzet, ist die kritische Berichterstattung landesweit nahezu zum Erliegen gekommen. Zudem werden Journalisten, die sich kritisch über Orbán und seine Regierung äußern, nicht selten auf "schwarze Listen" gesetzt, eine Praxis, die offensichtlich darauf abzielt, Kritiker einzuschüchtern (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 280).Kontrolle und Einflussnahme der Regierung auf MedienorganeEin neues Medienpaket mit Änderungen des Medien- und Pressegesetzes trat am 01.01.2011 durch die Regierung Orban in Kraft. Dieses sorgte damals europaweit für Schlagzeilen. Die Rechtsstaatlichkeit des Gesetzes wurde von der EU-Kommission angezweifelt. Auf einige Aspekte soll im Folgenden kurz eingegangen werden.Die Unabhängigkeit der Medien wurde durch das Mediengesetz erheblich geschwächt. Das Mediengesetz sah unter anderem ein Verbot bestimmter Äußerungen vor und legte eine Registrierungspflicht für alle Medien fest. Es drohte die Löschung und der Entzug der rechtlichen Möglichkeit, in Ungarn zu publizieren, wenn der Registrierungspflicht nicht nachgekommen wurde. Dies galt auch für Medienunternehmen, die außerhalb Ungarns in anderen Staaten der Europäischen Union (EU) tätig waren.Die Aufsicht über die Medien wurde nicht mehr von verschiedenen Behörden, sondern von einem einzigen Medienkontrollgremium ausgeübt. Das Medienkontrollgremium war für die Verhängung von Geldstrafen bei "politisch unausgewogener Berichterstattung" (Möllers 2018, S. 47) zuständig. Hinzu kam, dass viele Journalistinnen und Journalisten, die für den staatlichen Rundfunk arbeiteten, entlassen wurden und beispielsweise privaten, regierungskritischen Medien erschwert wurde, eine Rundfunklizenz zu erhalten. Die EU konnte durch die Androhung eines Vertragsverletzungsverfahrens zumindest eine Änderung der "EU-Ausländer betreffenden Aspekte" (Möllers 2018, S. 47) erreichen.MediengesetzgebungNoch bevor Ungarn seine neue Verfassung verankerte, stand die Regierung aufgrund der Verabschiedung eines restriktiven Mediengesetzes unter Beschuss. Das Gesetz, welches im Januar 2011 in Kraft trat, beschränkt deutlich die Freiheit der Medien und Presse (Salzborn 2015, S. 76). Das Hauptziel dieser Maßnahme ist die Dominanz der Regierung Orbáns über das Mediengefüge. Zu diesem Zweck wurde die Nationale Kommunikations- und Medienbehörde ("KESMA") ins Leben gerufen. Diese Behörde und der Medienrat erhielten erweiterte Befugnisse zur Überwachung und Lizenzierung von Medienangeboten. Unter anderem ist die Nationale Kommunikations- und Medienbehörde verantwortlich für die Vergabe von Sendelizenzen und übernimmt Aufgaben im Bereich des Verbraucher- und Wettbewerbsschutzes. Eine der Hauptaufgaben des Medienrates ist die Gewährleistung einer Berichterstattung (Bos 2021, S. 38). Neben der Neustrukturierung des Medienwesens führte die Regierung ein Fördermodell ein, das regierungsnahe Medien durch staatliche Werbeverträge finanziell unterstützt.Nach den Wahlen im Jahr 2014 erwarben Unternehmer, die der Regierung nahestehen, zunehmend Medien der Opposition, die anschließend in die neu geschaffene "Mitteleuropäische Presse- und Medienstiftung" eingebracht wurden (Bos 2021, S. 38). So schaffte es die Regierung Orbán, einflussreiche Medien der Opposition zu marginalisieren oder vollständig vom Markt zu nehmen. Ebenso wurden Online-Nachrichtenplattformen in das System eingegliedert (Bos 2021, S. 39).Samuel Salzborn kritisiert insbesondere den rechtlichen Charakter des neuen Mediengesetzes, das vage Generalklauseln beinhaltet, welche sich auf unbestimmte Konzepte wie "gute Sitten" berufen. Diese Klauseln sind offen für Interpretationen und ermöglichen damit eine gewisse Willkür. Die Definition dessen was als "gute Sitte" gilt kann staatlich bestimmt und gegen kritische Berichterstattung eingesetzt werden, was deren Sanktionierung zur Folge haben kann (Salzborn 2015, S. 77).Auswirkungen der Medienregulierung auf die Demokratie in UngarnNachdem im vorangegangenen Kapitel die aktuelle Medienlandschaft in Ungarn dargestellt wurde, widmet sich der folgende Abschnitt den Auswirkungen der Medienregulierung auf die demokratische Verfasstheit Ungarns. Anhand konkreter politischer Maßnahmen der ungarischen Regierung wird untersucht, wie die Visionen Orbáns umgesetzt wurden. Darüber hinaus wird analysiert, inwiefern die rechtspopulistische Politik die Qualität der ungarischen Demokratie beeinflusst und verändert hat.Bedeutung der Medien für die demokratische GesellschaftIm Zentrum der Debatte um die Rolle der Medien in der demokratischen Gesellschaft Ungarns steht die Transformationspolitik Viktor Orbáns und seiner Fidesz-Partei, die seit ihrem Regierungsantritt eine umfassende Kontrolle über die Medienlandschaft ausüben. Die Regierung nutzt diese Kontrolle strategisch als Instrument der Regierungskommunikation, um eine fast ausschließlich positive Berichterstattung über ihre Handlungen und Entscheidungen sicherzustellen. Regierungskritische Stimmen finden kaum Gehör, stattdessen wird Kritik systematisch unterdrückt und negative Nachrichten werden in einem für die Regierung vorteilhaften Licht dargestellt. Die gezielte Durchführung von Desinformationskampagnen, die Bajomi-Lazar als "Propaganda" bezeichnet, ist ein weiterer Baustein dieser Medienpolitik (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 280f.).Die Verpflichtung von Arthur J. Finkelstein, einem erfahrenen Kampagnenstrategen aus den USA, durch Viktor Orbán unterstreicht den gezielten Einsatz der Medien zur Meinungsbildung. Das Phänomen der Verbreitung von teilweise oder vollständig gefälschten Nachrichten ist zwar kein Alleinstellungsmerkmal der ungarischen Medienlandschaft, die offene Zurschaustellung dieser Praktiken durch die ungarische Regierung ohne den Versuch, ihre Aktivitäten zu verschleiern, stellt jedoch einen klaren Bruch mit demokratischen Normen dar (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 281).Diese Entwicklung wirft grundsätzliche Fragen nach den Auswirkungen der Medienregulierung auf die Demokratie in Ungarn auf. Die Einflussnahme auf die Medien und die damit einhergehende Unterdrückung pluralistischer Diskurse hat unmittelbare Folgen für die demokratische Gesellschaft. Indem die Medien als verlängerter Arm der Regierungskommunikation fungieren und kritische Berichterstattung marginalisiert wird, werden demokratische Grundwerte wie Meinungsvielfalt und Pressefreiheit massiv untergraben. Die strategische Manipulation der Medienlandschaft durch die Regierung Orbán verdeutlicht die Herausforderungen vor denen die Demokratie in Ungarn steht und unterstreicht die zentrale Rolle der Medienfreiheit als Grundpfeiler einer lebendigen und funktionierenden demokratischen Gesellschaft. Einschränkung der Demokratie durch Regulierungen in der MedienlandschaftDie Regulierung der Medienlandschaft in Ungarn durch Viktor Orbán und seine Fidesz-Partei hat weitreichende Folgen für die Demokratie im Land. Durch die systematische Übernahme und Anpassung der Medien an ihre Vorstellungen, insbesondere durch die Besetzung der Führungspositionen in den wichtigsten Medienorganisationen mit Verbündeten der Regierung, haben sie die Medien zu einem Instrument der Machtsicherung gemacht. Die Aufhebung der Unabhängigkeit der Medien ermöglicht es der Orbán-Regierung, die Berichterstattung vollständig für ihre politischen Ziele zu instrumentalisieren. Es dominiert eine einseitige Berichterstattung, die den Bürgern vor allem in den ländlichen Regionen wenig Spielraum lässt die Authentizität und Richtigkeit der präsentierten Nachrichten zu überprüfen. Die Bürger Ungarns stehen vor der Herausforderung, dass sie kaum Zugang zu alternativen Perspektiven oder kritischen Stimmen haben, was sie quasi dazu zwingt, den regierungsgesteuerten Nachrichten Glauben zu schenken (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 281/282).Diese Einschränkung der Medienfreiheit und die Manipulation der Informationslandschaft durch die Regierung Orbán untergraben grundlegende demokratische Prinzipien, indem sie den freien Zugang zu Informationen einschränken und eine fundierte öffentliche Meinungsbildung verhindern. Durch die gezielte Meinungsmache und die Abschottung gegenüber kritischen Debatten werden die natürlichen demokratischen Kontrollmechanismen geschwächt und die Bevölkerung als Kontrollinstanz der Regierung faktisch entmachtet. Die Strategie, die Macht über die Medien zu festigen und dafür zu sorgen, dass keine Gegenmeinungen an die Öffentlichkeit gelangen oder Widerstand gegen politische Entscheidungen leisten können, ist ein deutliches Zeichen für den Missbrauch von Medienmacht zur Festigung autoritärer Strukturen.Diese Entwicklungen in Ungarn verdeutlichen die zentrale Bedeutung einer unabhängigen und pluralistischen Medienlandschaft für den Erhalt einer gesunden Demokratie. Die Einschränkung der Pressefreiheit und die gezielte Manipulation der Medien durch die Regierung stellen eine ernsthafte Bedrohung für die demokratischen Prozesse und die politische Freiheit im Land dar. Politische Auswirkungen auf das demokratische System UngarnsDie politischen Auswirkungen der Regulierung der Medien auf das demokratische System in Ungarn sind tiefgreifend und haben zu einer Verschlechterung der Qualität der Demokratie im Land geführt. Diese Veränderungen spiegeln sich in verschiedenen internationalen Indizes wider, die die demokratische Stabilität Ungarns bewerten. Der "Freedom in the World Index" von Freedom House stuft Ungarn als "teilweise frei" ein, da die Fidesz-Partei die Kontrolle über unabhängige Institutionen erlangt hat, was zu einer Schwächung der Aktivitäten von Oppositionellen, Journalisten, Universitäten und NGOs geführt hat (Freedom House 2021). Der "Nations in Transit Index" bezeichnet Ungarn sogar als "Transitional or Hybrid Regime" mit einem Wert von 49 von 100 Punkten, wobei 100 Punkte für eine funktionierende Demokratie stehen (Freedom House 2021b). Der Bertelsmann Transformationsindex beschreibt Ungarn als "defekte Demokratie", in den demokratischen Institutionen zwar existieren, aber eingeschränkt und ineffektiv sind (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, S. 13).Deutlich verschlechtert hat sich zudem die Platzierung Ungarns in der Rangliste der Pressefreiheit von "Reporter ohne Grenzen", wo das Land nur noch auf Platz 92 von 180 Ländern rangiert und die Situation der Pressefreiheit als problematisch eingestuft wird (Reporter ohne Grenzen 2021). Der "Rule of Law Index" des World Justice Project weist Ungarn den niedrigsten Wert in Osteuropa zu, weltweit liegt es auf Platz 60 von 128 (World Justice Project 2020).Diese Indizes und Bewertungen zeigen, dass die von Viktor Orbán vorangetriebene politische Transformation direkte negative Auswirkungen auf die Qualität der Demokratie in Ungarn haben. Einige Autoren wie Attila Ágh sprechen von der "ungarischen Krankheit" als antidemokratischer Herausforderung für die EU und beschreiben das Land als "worst case scenario" einer "elected autocracy" (Ágh 2015, S. 4, S. 16). János Kornai sieht in der Entwicklung seit Orbáns Amtsantritt eine Abkehr von Demokratie und Errungenschaften des Systemwechsels Ende der 1980er, einen "U-Turn" (Kornai 2015, S. 1). Samuel Salzborn identifiziert eine transformatorische Entwicklung hin zu einer Diktatur, bedingt durch rechtliche Veränderungen und eine zunehmende Ethnisierung der Innenpolitik (Salzborn 2015, S. 81).Andere Forscher sprechen von einem "hybriden Regime" und positionieren Ungarn in einer Grauzone zwischen Demokratie und Autokratie. András Bozóki und Dániel Hegedüs betonen, dass hybride Regime eine eigenständige Kategorie darstellen, die weder als Unterform der Demokratie noch der Diktatur zu verstehen ist (Bozóki/Hegedüs 2018, S. 1183). Attila Antal betont, dass das Orbán-Regime seine politische Anhängerschaft gezielt repolitisiert und den Rest der politischen Gemeinschaft depolitisiert hat (Antal 2017, S. 18).SchlussfolgerungDas Phänomen des Demokratieabbaus, beobachtet nicht nur in Ungarn, sondern weltweit und innerhalb Europas, unterstreicht eine kritische Herausforderung für die demokratische Ordnung vieler Staaten. Die systematische Einschränkung der Presse- und Meinungsfreiheit in Ungarn seit Viktor Orbáns zweiter Amtszeit im Jahr 2010 zeichnet ein beunruhigendes Bild der Degradierung demokratischer Werte, das weit über die Grenzen Ungarns hinausreicht und die europäische Gemeinschaft insgesamt betrifft (Möllers 2018, S. 7; Ismayr 2002, S. 309ff.).Die zentrale Rolle der Medien in einer Demokratie, hervorgehoben durch ihre vielfältigen Funktionen wie die Schaffung von Öffentlichkeit, Informationsvermittlung, Kontrolle der Macht, soziale Integration und Bildung, unterstreicht die Bedeutung der Medienfreiheit für das Funktionieren einer demokratischen Gesellschaft (Strohmeier 2004, S. 69ff.). Die Kontrolle über die Massenmedien zu haben bedeutet, einen entscheidenden Einfluss darauf zu besitzen, welche Informationen die Bevölkerung erhält und wie sie die politische Realität wahrnimmt.Ungarns Entwicklung seit 2010 unter der Fidesz-Regierung ist besonders alarmierend, da sie zeigt, wie gezielt Propaganda eingesetzt wird, um die Regierungsperspektive zu stärken und oppositionelle Stimmen effektiv zum Schweigen zu bringen. Die offene Ausführung dieser Maßnahmen und das scheinbare Desinteresse der Regierung, ihre Aktionen zu verbergen, verdeutlichen eine besorgniserregende Gleichgültigkeit gegenüber demokratischen Standards (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 281f.). Trotz der Transparenz dieser Aktivitäten hat die Europäische Union bisher wenig Einfluss auf eine positive Veränderung nehmen können, was den Demokratieabbau in Ungarn weiter vorantreibt.Die Situation in Ungarn ist nicht isoliert zu betrachten, sondern stellt ein ernstes Problem für die EU dar, da es die konstitutionellen und demokratischen Grundlagen der Gemeinschaft untergräbt. Die aktuellen Entwicklungen in Ungarn sind ein Warnsignal und erfordern eine dringende und koordinierte Reaktion auf europäischer Ebene, um die Demokratie zu schützen und zu fördern. Die Frage, wie die Medienregulierung in Ungarn die demokratischen Prozesse und die politische Landschaft des Landes beeinflusst, lässt sich klar beantworten: Sie führt zu einer erheblichen Einschränkung der Demokratiequalität, indem sie die freie Meinungsäußerung untergräbt, die politische Pluralität einschränkt und die Kontrollfunktion der Medien schwächt.Die Hoffnung liegt nun darauf, dass die internationale Gemeinschaft und europäische Institutionen wirksame Maßnahmen ergreifen, um die demokratischen Prinzipien in Ungarn zu stärken und einen weiteren Demokratieabbau zu verhindern. Die Bewahrung der Medienfreiheit und die Sicherstellung einer pluralistischen und unabhängigen Medienlandschaft sind essenziell für die Aufrechterhaltung einer lebendigen und gesunden Demokratie, nicht nur in Ungarn, sondern in allen demokratischen Staaten. LiteraturverzeichnisÁgh, Attila. 2015. 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THE IMPLEMENTATION OF QUESTION AND ANSWER TECHNIQUE TO TEACH THE TENTH GRADE STUDENTS IN WRITING RECOUNT TEXT IN MA MA'ARIF NU DRIYOREJO GRESIK Firasari Fajarwati English Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, State University of Surabaya firsa.soetikno@yahoo.com Drs. H. Aswandi M.pd English Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, State University of Surabaya Abstract As a productive skill, writing has an important role to help the students to be able to communicate especially in indirect communication. The teacher must be creative in teaching of writing. Question and answer technique is suggested to be used as a technique in teaching writing. The teacher used recount text. In this study, the research questions consist of two questions; they are (1) how is the implementation of question and answer technique to teach the tenth grade students' writing skill of recount text in MA Ma'arif Gresik? (2) how is the students' responses after the implementation of question and answer technique? A teacher can use questions whether it is oral or written questions. It is to stimulate thinking and light the way to productive learning and retention of content material (Vacca, 1981: 159). Questions encourage students to think. Thinking can arise the students' interest and questions can also be used to evaluate. As the result of this function, it is believed that questions can direct someone's choice of ideas and activities, and can transform the often different topics from a scattered survey of the subject, problem, or theme into logical, coordinated for attaining knowledge. Based on the reason above, the researcher conducts this research about the implementation of question and answer technique to develop the tenth grade students' writing ability to write recount text in MA Ma'arif NU Driyorejo, Gresik, especially in X-1 class. The research design of this study is descriptive qualitative. The purpose of research design is to describe the activities of the teacher and the students in teaching and learning process during the implementation of question and answer technique in writing class. To collect the data, the researcher observes the implementation of question and answer technique in teaching and learning process. Then, she got the result of students' writing in every meeting. And the last, she collect the students' responses from questionnaire. After that, she analyzes all data in every meeting based on phenomenon that happen in teaching and learning process. The result of data analyzed, it can be seen that the students of X-1 had done the assignments well in every meeting. In each meeting, the students improve their writing ability. Applying question and answer technique in writing class can make the students improve their writing, especially in writing recount text. It can be seen from the students' responses the questionnaire. Almost all students said that they can improve their ability and it can motivate them to learn a foreign language, especially in writing class. It can be concluded that question and answer technique can be recommended as one of an alternative techniques in teaching writing. Because it can help the students develop their writing ability and can reduce boring situation in teaching and learning process. Keywords: Writing, Question and Answer Technique, Recount Text, Tenth Grade INTRODUCTION One way of learning foreign language is through writing. Not many centuries ago, writing was a skill in educational or religious institutions. Nowadays, written language has many functions in everyday life. They are particularly for action, information and entertainment. Sokolik (2003: 88) in Practical English Language Teaching states that writing is both physical and mental act. Nunan (2003: 88) writes out the definition of writing as a series of contrast: It is both physical and mental act. Physical act deals with committing words or ideas to some medium. Whereas mental act deals with the ability to invent ideas, express them, and how to organize them into a good writing which is clear to the reader. Its purpose is both to express and impress. Writing has a purpose to express ideas or feeling to the readers in order that the readers will be impressed with a writer's thought. It is both a process and product. In writing, there are some processes that are involved including collecting ideas, organizing, drafting, editing, and reading. Those will be very helpful in producing a good writing product. The last definition brings us to the explanation of the writing process. Langan (2005: 64) explains that there are three main steps which can help a writer create a good composition: Pre-writing In this stage, a writer will be able to think on a paper and to gradually discover what ideas that will be developed. Langan explains further that there are five techniques that will help a writer to develop ideas; they are: (1) free writing, which is a brainstorming activity in which a writer can write out every phrase or sentence that come up into mind about possible topics, (2) questioning, which can be an effective way of getting a writer to think about a topic from a number of different angles, which includes What? Why? Where? When? Who? and How? This technique is the one which is studied by the researcher, (3) making a list, in which the writer collects the ideas and details related to the subjects and makes it as a list without trying to sort the major details from minor ones, (4) clustering, which is also known as diagramming or mapping to show the relationship among ideas and detail that occur, (5) making an outline, in which the writer thinks carefully about the point that she will make. Drafting This is the part where the writer starts writing the complete thought that has been collected composition, including the introductory, the body, and the conclusion. Revising Here, the writer begins to revise the composition that has already been made. This stage can be done by rewriting, building on what has already been done, in order to make it stronger. Furthermore, writing is an important part of people's life for communication. Kelly (1999: 84) states that writing which forever defines communication in the written words is the important form of communication because it can be a solution when spoken communication is not possible. Byrne (1990: 1) supports that writing is one of language skill, which is used for medium of communication, especially indirect communication. People usually use indirect communication because of some problems; for instance: distance, time, activity, etc. by using indirect communication, they can still deliver their message. The Indonesian government gives attention to teach writing by making the English curriculum properly. The curriculum clearly states writing is one skill of learning English (BNSP, 2006: 164). Moreover, writing is a basic language skill of learning English which is important. The students need writing skill to convey their ideas in writing reports, scientific writing, short stories, etc. in the educational field. Unfortunately, many students are not interested in writing because, according to them, writing is difficult. The difficulty comes from the limited time for such an assignment that takes a continuous thinking process. However, it is still an important skill that a learner needs to master. Bramer (1981: 4) states that writing will continue to be an important part of a student's life, especially in college course and in many careers and profession. It is a skill which can make someone be recognized by the society , the schools, and objective language studies. One genre of texts taught in senior high school is recount text. The social function of recount text is to retell an activity, situation, or event in the past. Language features used in recount text is past tenses, action verbs, adverb of past time. The researcher believes that teaching writing is far more difficult than mastering the writing skill itself. Healon (1991: w135) states that writing skill is complex and sometimes difficult to teach, requiring not only of grammatical and theoretical devices, but also it has conceptual and judgment elements. Based on this problem, the researcher suggested this question and answer technique which could improve the students' ability in writing. Dealing with teaching and learning process, a technique is essential. A technique that is needed in a writing class is the one that can ease and helps the students to produce a composition. The researcher believed that the best way to stimulate ideas of the students who are learning to make a composition is by giving questions. Questions are used as an indicator of people doubt, which has occurred in his reasoning. Some people can express their thought easily, but some others cannot. It is because each person has different experience. Another influence comes from the person's psychological state. We can always find a case in a classroom where there are some students who keep the questions for themselves for fear of decision. Questions and answers are essential components of teaching and learning. Asking a good question will help the teacher to motivate students' curiosity about the topic, and it will help the teacher assesses how well they understand the materials. When constructing sentences, the students were given a series of questions. The complete answers of the questions are then constructed in a certain way to make a well-organized recount composition. RESEARCH METHOD This research is a descriptive qualitative research. This design is used to examine the events or the phenomena that happened in teaching and learning process, especially to get the data about the implementation of question and answer technique to develop student's writing. The subjects of the study were the teacher and the tenth grade students of MA Ma'arif NU Driyorejo, Gresik. The teacher is Agus Setiono, S. Pd. And there were 30 students of class X-1. The researcher will use three instruments in this study; they are (1) observation checklist, which contains some indicators, such as the teaching and learning process, the topic, and the question and answer technique, (2) field notes, which is a brief note made by researcher to observe the teaching and learning process, and (3) questionnaire, which is useful for the researcher to gather the students' responses. The data gathered from the teaching and learning process in the subject's classroom. The data will be collected through non-participant observation. Therefore, the researcher will only observe and make documentation out of the teaching and learning activities. The data will be interpreted in a descriptive manner in which the researcher describes the information which are collected with the instruments. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION After analyzing all the data, the researcher presents the result and also the discussion which is based on the theories which the researcher was elaborated previously. The Implementation of Question and Answer Technique In the first and second meeting, the teacher started the class with opening session by greeting the students. The teacher then asked the students' feeling that day. He also checked the attendance list and asked the students to prepare the lesson. The teacher asked the students about their knowledge of kinds of texts, especially recount text. Then he continued to ask the students' prior knowledge and related information about recount text. In the first meeting, the students could not answer the teacher's questions completely, so the teacher needed to explain. The teacher explained everything about recount text; the definition, the generic structure, and the language use. In the second meeting, the teacher only reminded them at a glance because they had enough explanation on the first meeting. In the teaching and learning process, only in the first meeting the teacher introduced the technique used. Because it was the first time they applied this technique. He introduced the concept of question and answer technique in writing recount text. The teacher explained the procedure of the technique deliberately and the students paid attention. He also gave the example of how to elaborate the answers on whiteboard. In both meeting, the teacher gave the students question and answer paper. He asked the students to answer the questions on the paper and then elaborated the answer to make a recount text. The teacher asked the students to finish the task on time. The teacher controls the students' interaction in the teaching and learning process. He asked the students to do the task by themselves. He walked around and asked the students to do the task quietly. He also helped students who had difficulties. In the first and second meeting, the students had done all the steps of question and answer technique. However, in the first meeting, some students still find difficulties in writing recount text. It can be seen from the students who could not use time effectively. The teacher asked to submit their work, but some students had not finished yet. But in the second meeting, they could use time more effectively. Most of them got interested in writing recount texts based on their experiences. After the students submitted their works, the teacher corrected them. The teacher then showed their mistakes in their assignments. He also gave some corrections to the students. The teacher explained the students' mistakes in details. It means that he gives feedback to the students. The students paid attention to the teacher's explanation about their mistakes. They took some notes on their notebooks. From the data of the observation, it is obvious that the implementation of question and answer technique was very effective to teach writing recount text. It helps to motivate the students and bring and interest in teaching and learning process. Question and answer technique became a better way that provided a wide opportunity for the teacher and the students to interact each other in an enjoyable learning situation. The Students' Responses The students' responses towards the implementation of question and answer technique were positive from the result of the questionnaire. The percentage of the students who likes learning English is more than 50%.most of the students enjoy writing recount text by using question and answer technique. More than half of the students did not find any difficulties in writing recount text by using question and answer technique. They also did not find any difficulties in using vocabulary and language feature. The result of questionnaire showed that the application of question and answer technique was appropriate to overcome the students' difficulties in writing recount text. Based on the explanation above, it is clear that the students' ability had progressed in writing recount text. Most of the students could create a better composition than their previous composition. It showed that this technique is effective in improving the students' skill in expressing their ideas into written form. CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION Conclusion In general, the implementation of question and answer technique in teaching writing in every meeting was quite good. The students could enhance their language skill. This technique is the efficient way to learn about writing, especially in writing recount text. By using this technique, the students have the same opportunities to improve their writing and develop their ideas to write a recount text. It can be concluded that question and answer technique could bring interest to the students in composing a recount text. The response of the students toward the implementation of question and answer technique in teaching writing recount text was positive. The result of the questionnaire shows that most of the students are interested in this technique. They said that this technique was unique that it can reduce their boredom in the normal monotonous classroom activities. Most of the students admitted that they find themselves improving their ability in writing recount text. Suggestion After interpreting and analyzing all the data, the researcher has suggestions for several groups of readers who have similar interest. Using a variety of technique in teaching a foreign language will increase the students' interest in learning. It will also motivate them more to be actively involved in classroom activities. 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