Somalis face a daunting development challenge to overcome the legacy of two decades of sustained conflict and fragility, but substantial progress is now being made. Since 1991 and the collapse of the Siad Barre regime, Somalia has experienced cycles of conflict and fragility that fragmented the country, undermined legitimate institutions, and created widespread vulnerability. The new government that emerged following the Transitional Federal Government and the Roadmap to End the Transition in 2012 inherited a dysfunctional economy facing high levels of poverty and inequality, a youth bulge, high unemployment, and large infrastructure gaps. Against a backdrop of political progress marked by the emergence of new Federal Member States (FMSs) within the new constitutional framework and continued insecurity, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has embarked on a process of structural, legislative, and institutional reform. The economy is starting to respond: Somalis are returning from abroad to invest, shops are opening, and the property market is booming. This is the first economic update for Somalia since the 2005 World Bank country economic memorandum for Somalia. The long conflict made monitoring of economic and social data nearly impossible since the late 1980s. With the relative stability of the past few years, new data have become available. The update is divided into two parts. Part one presents information on the social, economic, and governance status of Somalia. Part two focuses on intergovernmental fiscal relations.
Afghanistan is in a state of transition which involves the handover of security responsibilities from international forces to the Afghan government. However, at present, Afghanistan's economy is growing strongly as a result of an exceptionally good harvest this year. Real gross domestic product (GDP) growth will most likely close the calendar year at 10 percent, a significant increase from last year's 5.8 percent. The services and construction sectors continue to grow strongly, driven mostly by continued high military spending and external aid. The good harvest has also brought Afghanistan to near food self-sufficiency and slowed inflation to 4.6 percent in July 2012 (y-o-y). Progress in the mining sector is clouded by uncertainty about a new mineral law. While investor interest in the sector is encouraging, gaps in the legal and regulatory framework of the sector do not provide sufficient confidence to investors to start operations or make firm commitments. A new low is in preparation but has also been heavily debated. Afghanistan's economic growth prospects for 2012 give cause for optimism. Although real GDP growth slowed, to around 7 percent in 2011 (from 8 percent the year before), due mainly to unfavorable weather and a poor harvest, the agriculture sector rebounded strongly in 2012 and is expected to boost economic growth to over 10 percent. Agriculture is an important but volatile component of economic growth.
This Cameroon economic update, the World Bank is launching a program of short, crisp and more frequent country economic reports. These economic updates will analyze the trends and constraints in Cameroon's economic development. Each issue, produced bi-annually, will provide an update of recent economic developments as well as a special focus on a selected topical issue. The economic updates aim to share knowledge and stimulate debate among those interested in improving the economic management of Cameroon and unleashing its enormous potential. The notes thereby offer another voice on economic issues in Cameroon, and an additional platform for engagement, learning and change. The report's special focus on the telecommunication sector. Cameroon has been hit by the global economic and financial crisis over the past two years, as reflected in steep declines in the price and demand for its export commodities including oil, timber, rubber, cotton and aluminum. However, the upturn in the global economy and measures taken by the authorities to stimulate domestic production, preliminary indications suggest that economic activity is recovering. Gross domestic product (GDP) growth in 2010 is estimated to have reached 3 percent on the back of stronger non-oil activities, which expanded by about 4 percent (particularly food crops, forestry, construction, transport, and telecoms). Data on private credit growth corroborate this assessment. Cameroon is a relatively small and mature oil producer, where oil production is declining. Depleting reserves, aging equipment, and more recently postponements of some development projects and investments because of the financial crisis explain this profile. The contribution of this sector to GDP growth has been mostly negative in recent years: oil production is estimated to have contracted by a further 16 percent in 2010 (to 23.2 million barrels).
This paper identifies four primary drivers of proactive disclosure throughout history. The first is the need to inform the public about laws and decisions and the public's right to be informed, to know their rights and obligations. The second is the public's demand for the information needed to hold governments accountable both at and between elections. The third is the demand for information in order to participate actively in decision-making. The fourth is the provision to the public of information needed to access government services, which has expanded significantly in the past decade with growth of electronic access to services or 'e-government.' This paper attempts to advance the debate around that question by analyzing the multiple proactive disclosure provisions in national law and international treaties in order to identify the emerging global consensus on the classes of information which should be included in a proactive disclosure regime. The paper examines the practical challenges related to the implementation of proactive disclosure regimes and some of the lessons learned from which principles for making proactive disclosure work in practice can be derived. It concludes by identifying some future challenges and areas where additional research is needed.
Recent academic research has questioned the role of economic policy as a determinant of long term growth rates. While there seems to be a correlation between several policy variables and growth rates, this correlation disappears when controlling for other factors. As an example, the significance of key economic policy variables such as inflation or government size disappears if we account for the quality of institutions. This paper looks at recent empirical research that questions the conclusion that macroeconomic policy does not matter for growth. By looking at the volatility of economic policy (whether it is fiscal policy or exchange rates), the authors find that policy is still a relevant and robust explanatory variable of cross country differences in economic growth. These results have strong policy implications. Improvements in the conduct of macroeconomic policy can have beneficial growth effects even if institutional reforms are not taking place. These results do not deny the importance of institutional reforms. By setting the right institutions one can ensure the proper conduct of macroeconomic policy without having to rely on the 'quality' of the decision maker.
Recent academic research has questioned the role of economic policy as a determinant of long term growth rates. While there seems to be a correlation between several policy variables and growth rates, this correlation disappears when controlling for other factors. As an example, the significance of key economic policy variables such as inflation or government size disappears if we account for the quality of institutions. This paper looks at recent empirical research that questions the conclusion that macroeconomic policy does not matter for growth. By looking at the volatility of economic policy (whether it is fiscal policy or exchange rates), the authors find that policy is still a relevant and robust explanatory variable of cross country differences in economic growth. These results have strong policy implications. Improvements in the conduct of macroeconomic policy can have beneficial growth effects even if institutional reforms are not taking place. These results do not deny the importance of institutional reforms. By setting the right institutions one can ensure the proper conduct of macroeconomic policy without having to rely on the 'quality' of the decision maker.
An Analysis of Six Case Studies in Developing and High-Income Countries ; This paper focuses on core aspects of the political economy of reform, drawing on case studies of three economies transitioning to stronger business environments (Hungary, the Republic of Korea, and Mexico) and three countries with well-developed business environments (Australia, Italy, and the United Kingdom). The purpose is threefold: first, to identify so-called drivers of reform among successfully reforming countries; second, to explore how a reform strategy can make optimal use of the opportunities provided by the drivers of change; and third; to suggest how these lessons can be proactively used by other reformers to design and guide reforms. The case study findings suggest that, regardless of the content of reform, success is influenced by an evolving mix of seven drivers of change: i) globalization or competitiveness; ii) crisis; iii) political leadership; iv) unfolding reform synergies; v) technocrats; vi) changes in civil society, and vii) external pressure. The case studies suggest that reformers can influence the direction and pace of change by mobilizing and exploiting drivers of it. Rather than a cause-and-effect scenario in which a single driver-such as a crisis-creates and defines the success of a body of reforms, what happens is an unfolding series of events in which various drivers become more and less important in defining phases of the reform process.
This paper analyzes the role of the leadership in the economic growth in Rwanda, a country that was seriously affected by civil war and the 1994 genocide. It appears that the will and the clear vision of the leadership in Rwanda were one of the central pillars of the very good economic and social performances in Rwanda. This is particularly important because the country has almost no natural resources and the economy and its fundamentals were completely destroyed by the 1994 genocide. This paper thus helps enrich the various economic growth models by stressing the importance of the quality of leadership.
The literature on the economics of happiness in developed economies finds discrepancies between reported measures of well-being and income measures. One is the so-called Easterlin paradox: that average happiness levels do not increase as countries grow wealthier. This article explores how that paradox and survey research on reported wellbeing in general can provide insights into the gaps between standard measures of economic development and individual assessments of welfare. Analysis of research on reported wellbeing in Latin America and Russia finds notable discrepancies between respondent assessments of their own wellbeing and income or expenditure based measures. Accepting a wide margin for error in both types of measures, the article posits that taking such discrepancies into account may improve the understanding of development outcomes by providing a broader view on wellbeing than do income or expenditure based measures alone. It suggests particular areas where research on reported well-being has the most potential to contribute. Yet the article also notes that some interpretations of happiness research psychologist set point theory, in particular may be quite limited in their application to development questions and cautions against the direct translation of results of happiness surveys into policy recommendations.
This article takes an integrated approach to evaluating the interaction of initial conditions, political change, reforms and economic performance in a unified framework covering 28 transition economies in East Asia, Central and Eastern Europe, and the Former Soviet Union (FSU). Initial conditions and economic policy jointly determine the large differences in economic performance among transition economies. Initial conditions dominate in explaining inflation, but economic liberalization is the most important factor determining differences in growth. Political reform emerges as the most important determinant of the speed and comprehensiveness of economic liberalization, raising the important question of what determines political liberalization. Results suggest the importance of the level of development in determining the decision to expand political freedoms.
Building upon research done by Carl J Richard, and Ricardo Herrera, this research paper will discuss how the Ancient Greek and Roman ideals that Alden Partridge was exposed to through his life growing up in close proximity to the time of the American Revolution and resulted in his development of a values based educational system that would produce citizen soldiers who would be able to serve their country both in the military and civilian sectors. ; Winner of the 2021 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the University Archives category. ; There is Nothing More Inherently American: How the rebellion of Alden Partridge and Greek and Roman influences lead to the rejuvenation of the American education system Alex Rollins Professor McCann HI 243 Historical Methods 4 December 2020 1 Alden Partridge believed that the future of the new American Republic would be secured or lost as a result of the education of its youth. Living in a time of great reform and turmoil in the first 50 years after the founding of the American Republic, Alden Partridge was subject to the same influences of the Founding Fathers: The Ancient Greeks and Romans. The ideals of the Ancient Greeks and Romans penetrated the core of the educational curriculum that most European men received in the late 18th and early 19th centuries and served as the catalyst for the fight against British tyranny in the American Revolution. Partridge was a product of Dartmouth College and the United States Military Academy at West Point and was a man that was so radical that he was removed from his position of Superintendent at West Point by a Summary Court Martial in 1818. Despite his humiliation at the United States Military Academy, Partridge still retained his passion of educating the American youth. Partridge made the decision to create his own institution, the American Scientific and Literary Academy in Norwich Vermont in 1819 which is now known as Norwich University. Building upon research done by Carl J Richard, and Ricardo Herrera, this research paper will discuss how the Ancient Greek and Roman ideals that Alden Partridge was exposed to through his life growing up in close proximity to the time of the American Revolution and resulted in his development of a values based educational system that would produce citizen soldiers who would be able to serve their country both in the military and civilian sectors. Partridge embedded the Ancient Greek and Roman principles of individual freedom, duty to state, civic virtue, and ardent patriotism in order to create an educational system that prepares 2 ndividual citizens and aimed to ultimately "qualify them for all of those high responsibilities resting upon a citizen of this free republic." 1 Alden Partridge was a product of the time in which he lived: The age of the early American Republic. Hailing from Norwich Vermont, Partridge was educated in the "neighborhood schools" surrounding the town.2 Partridge eventually gained admittance to Dartmouth College, where he was introduced into "the mainstream of intellectual thought of the eighteenth century."3 While attending Dartmouth, Partridge developed expert level proficiency in Latin and Greek classics, arithmetic, grammar, and reading in a colonial era grammar school.4 These schools were known for having a "uniformed and standardized" education that was centered around knowledge in Greek and Latin as those languages were seen as the keys to college admission at the time.5 Like most children at the time who attended these school, Partridge most likely received instruction in arithmetic, Euclid's books, became familiar with the works of Virgil, Horace, Homer, and Xenophon, and Cicero's orations. Partridge would have been bombarded with classical influences and would have most likely developed an appreciation for living a moral and virtuous life like most Greek and Roman works compel their audience to do. Partridge Despite being a gifted academic blessed with the ability to teach, Partridge was drawn towards service to his community in the militia. Desiring to follow in his father and uncle's footsteps, Partridge joined the Regiment of Artillerists and was ordered to attend the United States Military Academy at West Point in the years immediately following its founding in 1802.6 While at West Point Partridge received training in military engineering and gained such a 1 Norwich University Cadet Handbook, iii. 2 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 1. 3 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 1. 4 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 2. 5 Gummere, The American Colonial Mind and the Classical Tradition, 55. 6 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 3. 3 profound proficiency that he was later asked to instruct military engineering following his commissioning as an officer. He became proficiency in all aspects of military engineering, the employment of field artillery and infantry operations. While attending West Point, Partridge noticed several problems with the education system. Partridge wanted to ensure that a commission would only be given when one's studies are complete and thought that there needed to be tougher academic regulations to obtain a degree from the institution. Partridge contributed a great deal to West Point including introducing moral education and instruction in the application of living a life based off of the values of duty, obedience, and "morality, virtue and honor." 7 Alden Partridge excelled during his time instructing at West Point and took great strides to improve West Point in order to further the developments of the cadets and in his mind, ultimately secure the safety of the early American Republic. At the end of 1814, Partridge traveled to Washington DC to meet with Secretary of War Monroe about pushing more funding towards West Point and providing more support to the changes that he desired to make. When he returned to West Point however, Partridge found that "reports injurious to his reputation had been industriously circulated" and the faculty had begun to enact a plan to change the philosophy and overall purpose of West Point.8 These men included Andrew Ellicott, Jared Mansfield, and CPT David B. Douglass and their goals included to convert West Point into a civilian run school where the instructors would not be military officers.9 Their overall redesign of the institution included removing the Corps of Engineers as the primary operators of the school, introduce an entirely civilian staff, and to redesign the training process to prioritize developing engineers to serve the nation rather than military 7 Webb, Captain Alden Partridge and the United States Military Academy, 1806-1833, 203. 8 Webb, Captain Alden Partridge and the United States Military Academy, 1806-1833, 33. 9 Webb, Captain Alden Partridge and the United States Military Academy, 1806-1833, 51. 4 officers. 10 These three men pushed for Partridge to be court martialed under these 4 charges: 1.) Neglect and unofficer like conduct, 2.) Four accounts of unofficer like conduct that were to the "prejudice of good order and military discipline" for showing favoritism to cadets, 3.) Disobedience to orders for contradicting an order from a general officer and the President, and 4.) Mutiny, and the beginning and exciting mutiny.11 The Court martial which charged Alden Partridge of these crimes forced his departure from the United States Military Academy at West Point and serves as the mark of his new beginning as a civilian. After settling into civilian life, Partridge wrote President Monroe in November of 1820, "My employment since I left military service, I believe has been both honorable to myself and useful to my country and I now find myself placed at the head of a Seminary, founded by my own Exertions, and the first of the kind established in the United States-the Superintendency of which I hold, not at the option of any Human Being."12 This seminary is referring to the American Literary, Scientific and Military Academy, which became known as Norwich University. Partridge's Academy mirrored the educational background of the Ancient Greeks and Romans and was subjected to the influence of classical ideals of civic virtue, and duty to state that perpetrated educated men during the time of the Early American Republic. Partridge claimed that "In organizing the plan for this institution, I have taken for my guide, in part, the Constitution of the United States", a document filled with Roman Republican values.13 Partridge hoped to instill those values of duty to state and enthusiastically supported how the Constitution supported how all citizens should be used as a force to protect not only their own interests, but 10 Webb, Captain Alden Partridge and the United States Military Academy, 1806-1833, 52. 11 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 89. 12 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 109. 13 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 138. 5 also serve as a vanguard against tyranny and control by elites. When the Constitution was written, it was the "time when the influences of the classics was at its height." 14 Drawing from their Classical education, the Founding Fathers relied heavily on the structure of the Roman Republic when designing the structure of the American experiment in liberty. The forefront of the Republican ideology that was present during this time was a counterculture movement against monarchical governments. The Founding Fathers were inspired by the stories of Sparta portrayed by Aristotle to "create a republic [established] on the natural rights of the citizen, even while urging the sacrifice for the common good."15 The Spartan state connected the concept of citizenship to the republican concept of duty to the state. Partridge, much like the Founding Fathers, admired "the Spartan's intense military training" which was the medium through which a Spartan citizen, much like an American one, carried out his duty to the state.16The Spartan State required all military aged males to undergo intense military training throughout the course of their youth because "individual Spartans could be conscripted by the state at any moment and could only be freed [from their duties] by the state" to return to society as normal citizens. Partridge followed a similar ideology within his citizen-solider concept that he wished to instill at his institution. Partridge believed that the American people should be "an informed people [who could] protect their liberties" which would be enabled through his scientific military instruction.17 Partridge also intended for his students to maintain a "Spartan life" which would force those students to focus on their studies both academically and militarily.18 14 Gummere, The American Colonial Mind and the Classical Tradition, 174. 15 Richard, Greeks & Romans Bearing Gifts, 23. 16 Richard, Greeks & Romans Bearing Gifts, 31. 17 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 139. 18 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 139 6 The Roman concept of citizenship lay in being an individual who held themselves to high moral standards, opposed corruption, defended liberty, and believed in their service to the state. Partridge held similar thoughts. In the 1820 prospectus for the A.S.L.M., Partridge outlined the classes that would meet his desired end state of creating model citizen-soldiers. Those classes included instruction in Latin and Greek, the sciences, History, logic, artillery gunnery, military tactics, and the ancient tactics of the phalanx and the legion to provide historical context as to how the US military has evolved while still retaining its classical influences. Partridge's citizen soldier concept was no doubt influenced by Cincinnatus, the Roman epitome of civic virtue and citizen-soldiery and the impact that he had on the Founding Fathers and the founding of the United States. Cincinattus was a Roman statesman who seized the reins of power to fight an invading army in a time of crisis and then voluntarily gave the up to return to his farm. Just as Patrick Henry believed that the fighters of the revolution were "sons of Cincinnatus…that served their country without ruining it", Partridge's institution would develop the same caliber of individual, who upon graduation would be postured to serve as a leader in the militia and his community.19 American soldiers in the years of the Early Republic embraced the ideas of liberty, citizenship, republicanism, and democracy. These ideals were utilized in the curriculum at Partridge's Institution which he linked to the aspect of serving in the military and helped develop as the corner stone of the military and overall American ethos. Partridge believed strongly in military service acting as the platform from which moral education is built on which aligns with the Roman principles of civic virtue and the Greek ideals of protecting individual liberty. Partridge sought to develop the American spirit which collectively resides in fighting 19 Richard, Greeks & Romans Bearing Gifts, 125. 7 tyranny as a soldier, and then having the ability to return to society after service to better the nation in a different capacity. Partridge was a devout believer in the fact that military service is "basic to the very definition of American Nationalism" and helped American citizens define their relationship to the American Republic.20 Partridge stated in his Lecture on National Defense that "The liberties of Romer were safe, while every Roman citizen considered and felt himself a soldier."21 Using the same logic, Partridge sought secure the liberties of the American citizen at his institution by placing the Citizen-Soldier concept as the cornerstone of his curriculum. While this idea of having a militia composed of individual citizens was the key to America's success in its revolt against Britain, it was not a popular idea at the time. In a correspondence on the subject of Partridge's Lecture on Defense between William Sumner the Adjutant General of the Commonwealth and John Adams, the former President of the United States, Sumner presents his distaste of having a organized militia. Sumner stated that a "Militia, however large, never can be; for it is composed of citizens only, armed [and trained] for the preservation of their own privileges."22 Partridge did not agree with that belief at all. In fact Partridge made it where citizen-soldiers trained at his institution would identify with the concepts of self-sacrifice and catering towards the needs of the community and ultimately the state "became the touchstones of republican virtue and self-worth."23 In his Lecture on Education, Partridge highlighted that he would develop citizen-soldiers and fix the issues that he saw at West Point and in the American Education System as a whole. 20 Herrera, For Liberty and the Republic, 87. 21 Partridge, "Lecture on Defense", 2. 22 Adams, Partridge, and Sumner, Observations on National Defence, Drawn from Capt. Patridge's Lecture on That Subject, and from Gen. Sumner's Letter to the Venerable John Adams, on the Importance of the Militia System, 20. 23 Herrera, For Liberty and the Republic, 87. 8 Partridge's lecture on education presents the argument that investment in the elementary education of the American Youth is paramount because it is "the rising generation that we are to look for the future guardians and protectors of the inestimable rights and privileges."24 Partridge states that he does not believe that education should be tailored to any specific job but instead believes that education should be tailored to prepare "a youth in the best possible manner for the correct discharge of the duties of any situation that he may be placed."25 Partridge cites 6 major deficiencies in the education system. The first deficiency that Partridge highlights is that the education system is "not sufficiently practical, nor properly adapted to the various duties an American citizen may be called upon to discharge."26 Partridge observed that the American youth who were "destined for a liberal education"27 would be required to study Greek and Latin more than they were required to study their native language of English which he believed to be extremely impractical. Partridge states that while the youth are required to gain proficiency in dead languages, they are not taught relative subjects such as government, international relations, and physical fitness. These are all subjects that the American youth must be proficient in to be productive citizens in the civilian sector of society or to be the "defender of their countries rights and the avengers of her wrongs" as leaders in the military."28 Partridge asserts that if the education system does not set up American citizens to perform their duty and contribute to society, then it is nothing short of defective and sets America up for failure. Partridge notes that there is additionally a neglect of physical fitness and physical education within the American education system. Identifying physical fitness as an "absolute 24 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 1. 25 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 2. 26 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 2. 27 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 2. 28 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 2. 9 necessity," Partridge believes that a citizen's ability to endure fatigue and their ability to take care of themselves is critical to the creation and maintenance of the American workforce. 29 In order to have a strong, productive workforce, Partridge believes that it is up to the individual citizen to maintain a high level of physical fitness so that they do not "prematurely die or linger out a comparatively useless and miserable existence."30 Partridge additionally believes that it is important for citizens to be able of "enduring exposure, hunger, and fatigue."31 Partridge links one's ability to exert themselves physically to their ability exert themselves mentally and asserts that a strong body houses a strong mind. Partridge additionally identified that the current system of education fails to manage time adequately and creates an environment that fosters a sense of idleness and lackadaisicalness. Partridge believed that with proper time management, that the American youth could occupy their time with productive activities that reinforce what they are learning in the classroom. Fourthly, Partridge claims that students should live frugally while obtaining their education. He believes that access to more wealth allows students to live extravagant lifestyles that are "highly injurious" to the individual and are not conducive to a productive academic environment.32 Partridge states that giving youths money "and allowing them a portion of idle time and it may be viewed as a miracle if a large portion of them do not become corrupt in morals.[and] they are prepared to become nuisances" to society and not benefit the greater good.33 Fifthly, Partridge highlights that all students should not be required to pursue the same courses of study as everyone has their own strengths and weakness. Partridge believes that when 29 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 2. 30 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 3. 31 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 3. 32 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 4. 33 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 4. 10 one is forced to pursue a course of study that does not interest them that they will never excel in that field, achieve a state of proficiency in the subject, and will develop a general disdain to engage in academic activities. Finally, Partridge states that he does not believe there should be a set time limit to complete one's education and advocates for one to be able to work at their own pace. According to Partridge it is pertinent that a student is able to progress as quickly or as slowly as he or she wants so that they develop a "thorough understanding of the subject" that they choose to pursue. 34 Partridge sought to fix the deficiencies he presented in his lecture in his own institution where he would integrate military discipline and organization, the instruction of military science, history, and general sciences within the academic environment. It is through military organization and discipline that Partridge hopes to instill the Roman traits of honor, manliness, and obedience in the individual citizen to aid in his/her success in the academic environment. The instruction of military science reinforces the fostering of the traits of a soldier and strengthens the skill of the militia to eliminate the need of a large standing army that has the potential to infringe on the freedoms of the American citizen. Partridge believed heavily in incorporating the study of history to supplement the instruction of military science by providing case studies and context as to why military operations are conducted in the manner that they are and highlight the principles on which victory is created. Through this integration of military science, history, and general science instruction, Partridge hoped to increase the financial stability of the early American Republic by lowering defense spending and thereby decreasing 34 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 4. 11 national debt. Partridge's educational model would achieve this as a result of military training/defense spending would be tied to the general education of the American population. In examining whether the ideals of the Ancient Greeks and Romans influenced Alden Partridge, it is difficult to say given the time and access needed to peruse hundreds upon hundreds of documents. Partridge's life was devoted to the education of America's youth because he believed that the success of the American Republic pivoted on the education of the youth. It can safely be asserted that Alden Partridge's educational ideology correlates with the Greek and Roman values of civic virtue, and duty to state; however, correlation does not equal causation. In examining three archival sources from the Partridge Papers and other secondary sources pertaining to the subject of the early American Education system and Classical Education as a whole it can only be asserted that if Partridge was subject to Ancient Greek and Roman ideals, then they implicitly impacted his plan to rejuvenate the American system of education along with his experiences both good and bad instructing at the United States Military Academy at West Point. 12 Annotated Bibliography Archival Sources from Norwich Partridge, Alden. The Partridge Papers. 5th Floor Special Collections. Norwich University Archives, Kreitzberg Library, Norwich University, Northfield, Vermont, United States. • Partridge, Alden. Lecture on Education, 1828. 5th Floor Special Collections. Norwich University Archives, Kreitzberg Library, Norwich University, Northfield, Vermont, United States. • Partridge, Alden. Lecture on National Defense, 1824. 5th Floor Special Collections. Norwich University Archives, Kreitzberg Library, Norwich University, Northfield, Vermont, United States. • Observations on National Defense, Drawn from CPT Partridge's Lecture, 1824. 5th Floor Special Collections. Norwich University Archives, Kreitzberg Library, Norwich University, Northfield, Vermont, United States. These sources from the Partridge Collection at the Norwich University Archives provide Partridge's opinion on education, national defense, and the opinion of other key players in American history such as John Adams and John C. Calhoun regarding Partridge's idea of national defense. These sources are very cut and dry in addition to being easy to read and are critical to my research as they present the revolutionary ideas of the citizen-soldier concept and Partridge's educational reform straight from the man himself. Primary Sources Painter, Jacqueline S., Dean Paul. Baker, and United States. Army. Court-martial (Partridge : 1817). The Trial of Captain Alden Partridge, Corps of Engineers: Proceedings of a General Court-Martial Convened at West Point in the State of New York, on Monday, 20th October 1817, Major General Winfield Scott, President. Norwich University Library Occasional Paper; No. 3. Northfield, Vt.: Friends of the Norwich University Library, 1987. This source is the transcript from the court-martial of CPT Alden Partridge that led to his dismissal as superintendent of the United States Military Academy at West Point. This transcript is critical to my research as it gives historical context to a key event in CPT Partridge's life that pushed him to go out and create his own educational institution. This source reveals the immense controversy that surrounded the case and highlights a key time in the development of American Military education. 13 Secondary Sources Baker, Dean Paul. "The Partridge Connection: Alden Partridge and Southern Military Education," (PhD diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill), 1986. This is a dissertation that was submitted to UNC Chapel Hill to satisfy the requirements for a History PhD for Dean Paul Baker. The fifth chapter titled "The Captain's Academy" provides a unique presentation of how Partridge's Academy fits in the larger picture of American Education at the time of the early 19th century. Baker additionally covers how Partridge spearheaded educational reform and inspired others to do so. Baker highlights while Partridge's academy specialized in training military leaders, its greatest contribution to society was training men for civilian careers. Harmon, Ernest N. Norwich University: Its Founder and His Ideals. Newcomen Address, New York: Newcomen Society in North America, 1951. MAJ. GEN. Ernest Harmon was the Professor of Military Science and Commandant of Cadets at Norwich University from 1927-1931. This is a small 31 paged primary source document that explains the founding of Norwich University and how it has contributed to American success both on the battlefield and on domestic soil. This document provides a look as to how the leader of Norwich University as an institution views the ideals of Alden Partridge and additionally provides an overview on Norwich's establishment following Partridge's removal from West Point. Hanson, Victor Davis., and John Heath. Who Killed Homer?: The Demise of Classical Education and the Recovery of Greek Wisdom. 1st paperback ed. San Francisco [Calif.]: Encounter Books, 2001. Victor David Hanson is a Professor of Greek at California State University at Fresno and is a renowned author, military historian. He additionally holds a PhD in the classics from Stanford University. Who Killed Homer? describes the importance of understanding Greek culture and its contribution to the development of the United States and Western Civilization as a whole. The second section of the work is entitled "Thinking Like a Greek" and provides a clear and concise overview of what ideas and ideology is considered to be "Greek" and gives a broad context as to the Greek influences on one's life. This is critical to this paper as it presents Greek ideas and ideology simply as interpreted by a leading expert in the Ancient Greeks. Herrera, Ricardo A. For Liberty and the Republic: The American Citizen as Soldier, 1775-1861. 1 online resource. vols. Warfare and Culture. New York: New York University Press, 2015. Ricardo Herrera is an associate Professor at the US Army Command General Staff College. This source relies primarily on unpublished manuscript sources to convey the ethos of the citizen soldier concept from America's birth to the breaking of the Civil War. Herrera goes into great detail as to how in the mind of an American, the idea of citizenship is closely linked 14 with being a soldier. This source is pertinent in my research because it displays how in early American History, the ideals of liberty, citizenship, republicanism, and democracy are linked to serving in the military. The identification of these ideals in the citizen-soldier ethos can be utilized to highlight similarities to the ethos that existed in Ancient Greek/Roman society and that has transcended the Hellenic age to the time of America's birth and the early 19th century when Alden Partridge founded his academy. Howe, Daniel. "Classical Education in America." The Wilson Quarterly (1976-) 35, no. 2 (2011): 31–36. The focus of this source is how classical education has developed and been implemented throughout America History starting just after the Revolution. The article gives a fantastic overview of how classical ideas influenced the creation of America and remained a cornerstone from which the republic was developed. I plan to implement this source in my research by using it to provide an overview of how classical ideas remain present during the time of Alden Partridge, and how they influenced his upbringing and his personal education in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Gummere, Richard M. The American Colonial Mind and the Classical Tradition : Essays in Comparative Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963. https://doi.org/10.4159/harvard.9780674284531. This source is a compilation of essays that discuss how the classical tradition influenced Colonial Americans. One essay is entitled "Colonial Reactions to a Classical Education" and discusses the classically based curriculum of the colonial grammar schools. Highlighting the emphasis placed on reading Greek authors such as Homer, Xenophon, Euclid, and developing an appreciation for learning Greek and Latin, this chapter aids me in my research paper by providing a detailed look as to what the curriculum of the early classical schools were and helps me develop a better picture of what Partridge's education was as an American youth. Norwich University Cadet Handbook. The Office of the Commandant, 2020. This is the handbook with all of the knowledge that is required to learn as a first-year cadet at Norwich University. The Office of the Commandant releases a new one each year. In this book you will find the Norwich Cadet's Creed, a brief history of Norwich University, a list and brief bio of the medal of honor winners and other things such as that. 15 Richard, Carl J. Greeks & Romans Bearing Gifts: How the Ancients Inspired the Founding Fathers. 1st Edition. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2009. Carl J. Richard is a professor of history at the university of Louisiana. This source explains how the Founding Fathers of the United States were influenced by their education in the Greek and Roman Works. Richard explains that the ideals of civic virtue, individual liberty, checks and balances on government, were derived from the classics and aided the Founding Father's in their incitement of revolting against tyranny. This source critical to my research because it specifically outlines what about the Greeks and Romans influenced the creation of America and will provide ample amounts of evidence that I can tie to the ideology that Partridge shares with the Founding Fathers. Thelin, John R. A History of American Higher Education. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004. This source covers the overview of higher education in America from the founding of colleges in the colonial era to the 21st century. This source goes into detail as to the curriculum and teaching methods utilized at early American universities such as Dartmouth, Alden Partridge's Alma Mater prior to attending the United States Military Academy at West Point. I plan to utilize this source in my research paper to provide insight as to what Partridge's educational experience was like at Dartmouth and sheds light as to what the potential influences are on his educational philosophy that was considered so radical at the time. Urban, Wayne J., and Wagoner, Jennings L., Jr. American Education: A History. London: Taylor & Francis Group, 2013. Accessed November 5, 2020. This source covers the history of American education from the precolonial era to the twenty-first century. The source develops a whole chapter to the development of the education system from 1776-1830 entitled "Education and the Building of a New Nation" that covers the influences of classical education on the development of civic virtue and duty to state that Partridge sought to instill in his students at his institution. The author covers the classical influences on the enlightenment that perpetrated the thoughts of the founders of America and explains how those classical ideas remained tied to the development of citizens within the educational system. I plan to use this work in my research paper by using it to explain the type of school that Alden Partridge attended and to show how common the proliferation of classical ideals were in 18th-19th century society . 16 Webb, Lester A. Captain Alden Partridge and the United States Military Academy, 1806-1833,. Northport, Ala.: American Southern, 1965. This source is a biographic overview of Partridge's upbringing in the Vermont frontier all the way to when he was fired at West Point. Lester Webb presents a thoroughly researched work that compiles information from varying primary sources regarding Alden Partridge and his career as a teacher of mathematics and military science. I plan to incorporate this source in my research paper by using it to help me provide context as to how Alden Partridge was brought up and to help me describe what educational influences he was subject to since not much is known about his childhood. Wood, Gordon S. The Idea of America: Reflections on the Birth of the United States. Penguin, 2011. Gordon S. Wood is a Pulitzer Prize winning historian that has written several books on the American Revolution. This work focuses on the emphasis that Ancient Greece/Rome played in the development of the American Republic and how education is a cornerstone of creating citizens and instilling a sense of pride and involvement in the activities of one's nation. I plan to implement this work in my research by using it to draw parallels between the ideals of the Greeks and Romans that the ideal of America was based on and the educational ideals and citizen soldier concept developed and implemented by CPT Alden Partridge.
El objeto de estudio comprende varios temas; 1. Se refiere a la vasta utilidad que tiene el enfoque funcional dentro del método comparativo en el Derecho Constitucional Comparado (DCC), considerado como disciplina de estudio autónoma, que comprende el examen de la problemática lingüística, histórica, sociológica y política; 2. Enseguida trata de la importancia y trascendencia que tiene la función jurisdiccional en la evolución teórica-práctica del constitucionalismo democrático; enfatizando el peso que tienen la independencia y autonomía con que deben gestionarse el gobierno y la administración del Poder Judicial, en mérito del principio de la división del poder político; 3. Se examina qué tan factible es ejercer el derecho a la información, junto al debido cumplimiento de actuar con transparencia, la obligación de rendir cuentas y, el grado de satisfacción ciudadana, expresado acerca del desempeño de los órganos colegiados encargados de su gestión en Italia, España y México. El foco de observación se centra en el periodo que va de la promulgación de la Constitución de la República Italiana en 1948, y su influencia en la nueva Constitución Española de 1978, y -a partir de esta- en las reformas a la Constitución de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos de 1994 y 1999; con referencia especial a la vigencia del principio de la división del poder político y su eficacia en el correcto desempeño de la función jurisdiccional; la defensa de la autonomía funcional de los órganos del Poder Judicial, y la independencia de los juzgadores -individual y colectivamente-; así como la aprobación de su presupuesto, el gasto; la transparencia y rendición de cuentas; selección, nombramiento, capacitación y disciplina del personal. De manera resumida adelanto que indago sobre la posibilidad de comparar la institucionalización de la forma del gobierno y administración del Poder Judicial, que prácticamente se ha generalizado en los países que adoptan la forma del Estado Constitucional Democrático (incluida en esta la forma del Estado Social y Democrático de Derecho); centrando la visión en la concepción, estructura, funcionamiento, eficacia y transparencia con que actúan los organismos conocidos como Consejo General del Poder Judicial, Consejo de la Judicatura Federal y Consejo Superior de la Magistratura. Insisto en afirmar que se equivocan quienes creen que, para hacer DCC, basta comparar varios ordenamientos. Naturalmente esto es estudiar el Derecho desde una perspectiva más amplia; pero no por ello se está creando Derecho Comparado. Quedarse sólo con la referencia del derecho extranjero, no agota la realización científica del DCC. No es lo mismo describir el derecho extranjero, que hacer su comparación jurídica. Es pertinente reconocer que la instrucción comparativa no reside solo en hacer referencia al derecho extranjero; es necesario profundizar en el análisis de las anomalías a que da lugar su recepción en contextos culturales diferentes. No puede dejarse al margen la nota de que una cosa es comparar estructuras constitucionales (y/o bloques de constitucionalidad), otra es comparar el funcionamiento de sus órganos, y otra más es comparar la eficacia que tal estructura y modo de funcionar alcanzan en la solución de la problemática jurisdiccional que se pretenda resolver. En buena medida la importancia del Poder Judicial en la actualidad, es consecuente con su proceso de evolución, iniciado a partir del nacimiento de esta forma de organizar políticamente a la sociedad que llamamos El Estado, desde la perspectiva del empoderamiento imperioso del aparato jurisdiccional y del control de la constitucionalidad, bien pudiera aceptarse a grandes rasgos y de manera generalizada, para toda forma de organización política de la sociedad que adopta la fórmula de la Democracia Constitucional; lo cierto es que, en tanto expresión abreviada del neo-constitucionalismo, caracterizado por las circunstancias inherentes al devenir histórico y uso lingüístico de cada Nación, no reporta un mismo desarrollo institucional y, por tanto, justifica su estudio y deslinde comparativo. En síntesis, la cuestión que nos ocupa se concreta en los aspectos que me parecen medulares en cada uno de los siguientes objetos a comparar, según se reseña en el siguiente cuadro resumen: Aspectos a comparar Objetos a comparar Definición Contenido 1).- El contexto político Diferencias en la conformación del sistema político Formas de Estado, de gobierno y régimen político, en relación con las cualidades e intereses de la ciudadanía. 2).-Estructura organizacional Modelo organizacional conforme al cual se institucionalizan los órganos del gobierno y la administración del PJ. Institucionalización centralizada, descentralizada, mixta o autónoma Unidad o dispersión de la judicatura Conformación y procedimiento de integración de los órganos de gobierno y administración. 3).- Funcionamiento de los órganos operativos Procedimientos para la toma de decisiones en los órganos de autoridad del Poder Judicial. Grados de autonomía funcional ¿Quién elabora, aprueba, ejerce y fiscaliza el gasto del Poder Judicial? Selección, nombramiento, capacitación, disciplina y remuneración del personal que labora en el PJ. Gestión de recursos materiales, financieros, de la construcción y el mantenimiento de instalaciones. 4).-Eficacia y transparencia en el ejercicio de atribuciones Eficacia en desempeño y transparencia en el funcionamiento de los órganos de gobierno y administración del Poder Judicial. Deber de transparentar todas sus actuaciones. Obligación de rendir cuentas públicamente de su gestión. Percepción de los colectivos de sus miembros integrantes, el foro profesional y la opinión pública, acerca del desempeño del Poder Judicial. 3. Objetivos e interrogantes de la investigación Objetivo principal: "Demostrar la utilidad del enfoque funcional del método del Derecho Constitucional Comparado, con la evaluación del desempeño de los órganos encargados del gobierno y la administración del Poder Judicial; examinando su autonomía operativa, la independencia de sus jueces y el grado de transparencia con que ejercen la función jurisdiccional en Italia, España y México". Objetivos instrumentales: " Precisar en qué consiste el método del Derecho Constitucional Comparado, concebido como disciplina científica; su deslinde del Derecho Comparado Privado y Público, y ¿cuáles son las ventajas que ofrece su utilización? " Especificar el significativo valor que tiene en la Teoría de la División del Poder Político en el surgimiento, evolución y praxis del Estado Constitucional Democrático. " Evidenciar la importancia y trascendencia que tiene la acreditación de la autonomía del Poder Judicial y la independencia de sus jueces, magistrados y ministros de la Suprema Corte; en el ejercicio de la función jurisdiccional. " Ofrecer parámetros para evaluar la eficacia, eficiencia, transparencia y rendición de cuentas del desempeño de los diferentes órganos integrantes del Poder Judicial; a la vista de la institucionalización jurídico-política de la democracia. Interrogantes de la investigación: a. ¿Qué trascendencia tiene para la epistemología política-jurídica el debate sobre si el Derecho Constitucional Comparado es Ciencia o es método? ¿Acaso son excluyentes y afectan sin remedio el resultado de su aplicación? ¿Cuáles son los parámetros necesarios para el uso del método comparativo con enfoque funcionalista, más que institucionalista, en el ámbito del derecho constitucional? b. ¿Deben respetarse las tradiciones culturales en todo intento de reforma constitucional tendiente a incorporar instituciones jurídico-políticas de un Estado en otro? ¿pueden incorporarse con éxito desde las cúpulas del poder, aun cuando impliquen cambios sobre los patrones culturales? c. ¿Pueden hacerse tales incorporaciones sin identificar las realidades inherentes, indispensables para evitar riesgos en la adopción de nuevas instituciones; es decir, sin analizar los valores comunes al Estado Constitucional Democrático, según su grado de desarrollo interno, a la vista de la juridicidad y justiciabilidad de los derechos humanos; el ejercicio popular de la soberanía; el control jurisdiccional de la Constitución, y la división razonable y equilibrio ecuánime del poder político? d. ¿Es posible hacer el análisis de los procesos de reforma a la configuración y funcionamiento del Poder Judicial y de la praxis de la justicia, con toda su complejidad organizacional, comparando realidades político-culturales tan disparejas? ¿Cuáles son los criterios para el análisis de los países objeto del presente estudio? e. ¿La coincidencia en la ideología del constitucionalismo democrático, permite -lisa y llanamente- trasladar instituciones jurídico-políticas de un Estado de forma unitaria, con gobierno monárquico y régimen parlamentario, a otro de forma federal, con gobierno republicano y régimen presidencialista? f. ¿La exigencia de transparencia y rendición de cuentas sobre la actuación de los integrantes tanto del aparato de gobierno y administración, como de quienes ejercen la función jurisdiccional, son elementos de juicio idóneos -prima facie- para evaluar el cometido del Poder Judicial a la luz del constitucionalismo democrático? 4. Aspectos metodológicos En relación con los aspectos metodológicos, se abordan los puntos relativos a las diferencias entre el DCC y hacer una simple referencia al Derecho extranjero, así como la idoneidad de la perspectiva funcional; los niveles de investigación comparativa y el aprovechamiento del método comparativo. Un aspecto prioritario está en abocarse al examen de la lingüística, que pueda resultar equívoca antes de introducirse al estudio del DCC. Sin duda puede afirmarse que la precisión terminológica es condición ineludible para alcanzar el entendimiento y llegar a acuerdos. Un ejemplo de terminología imprecisa convertida en tópico relacionado con el Poder Judicial, está en el uso indistinto de las nociones de administración judicial y/o administración de justicia, que en la actualidad se evita en razón del equívoco a que da lugar, toda vez que la judicatura en todo caso no administra sino imparte. Estoy convencido de que la realización de todo trabajo de investigación sobre este tema, no alcanza a prepararse de manera adecuada, si -en principio- no se presenta el método comparativo a que alude Paolo Biscaretti en la Premisa Metodológica de su libro: Introduzione al Diritto Costituzionale Comparato, en el que plantea la necesidad de consolidar esta disciplina, dentro del conjunto de las disciplinas que estudian el Derecho Constitucional. En el caso se busca que, mediante la investigación sobre los puntos de coincidencias y sobre las diferencias específicas, se pueda dar luz sobre la evolución y desarrollo de las instituciones encargadas de gestionar el gobierno y la administración del Poder Judicial, a fin de encontrar elementos apropiados para profundizar su conocimiento y apreciación, a la vez que subrayar las carencias y deficiencias susceptibles de ser solucionadas. Ciertamente el objeto específico a seguir con el uso del método comparativo, se determina en relación con la naturaleza de la investigación, la cual puede orientarse tanto al ordenamiento constitucional en su conjunto, como a ciertas funciones e instituciones de éste. Otro aspecto imprescindible fue el relativo a la ubicación y profundidad del nivel de examen que debe realizarse en el DCC, está en el tema de los diferentes niveles en que suele clasificarse la investigación comparativa, fundamentalmente por el conjunto de instrumentos de análisis que dispone para cada uno de esos niveles, los cuales varían en razón de las finalidades que se persiguen: a)Comparación interna versus comparación externa; b)Comparación nacional versus comparación internacional; c)Comparación en sentido restringido versus comparación en sentido amplio; d)Comparación horizontal versus comparación vertical; e)Comparación sincrónica versus comparación diacrónica; f)Macro-comparación versus micro-comparación. En esta búsqueda, no pueden dejarse de aprovechar las reflexiones que hace al respecto Léontin-Jean Constantinesco, sin duda uno de los precursores más seguido por los estudiosos del derecho comparado; especialmente en lo que se refiere a su interesante teoría de los elementos determinantes, los que identifica como generadores de la identidad del ordenamiento jurídico; esto es, los elementos que trazan la forma de un sistema, fijando incluso su estructura fundamental. Es en este entendido que la secuencia de las reflexiones acerca del uso del método comparado se organiza en cuatro planos: En un primer plano tenemos la comparación propia del discurso común al campo de estudio de la ciencia jurídica, prácticamente desplegados inicialmente en los ámbitos del Derecho Privado. En un segundo plano habrá que identificar los principios, reglas y demás aspectos característicos de la comparación, propios del estudio del Derecho Público. En tercer plano habrá que abordarse el estudio de la materia constitucional; de modo que puedan deslindarse los campos específicos entre el Derecho Constitucional y el Derecho Comparado; y, en un cuarto plano, encontramos precisamente al examen del Derecho Constitucional Comparado y su metodología específica. Me parece del mismo modo pertinente mencionar las que considero puntualizaciones básicas para el estudio del Derecho Constitucional Comparado: La primera es que su origen corresponde a una creación científica; esto es, no resulta de las relaciones sociales sino de una construcción teórica, que llega a formar parte relevante de la dogmática jurídica; La segunda puntualización que creo oportuno mencionar, reside en el reconocimiento de la tradición comparatista de los juristas alemanes, franceses e italianos, iniciada entre los estudiosos del derecho privado, y enseguida desarrollada por los juspublicistas; Una tercera puntualización, está en mi convicción de que siempre será una necedad pretender demostrar la autonomía del derecho constitucional, respecto de la historia política; Como cuarta puntualización sostengo que nuestro acercamiento al Derecho Constitucional Comparado, más que obedecer a la intención de describir ordenamientos jurídicos existentes, ajusta su análisis al tenor del derecho que tienen los ciudadanos a saber y la obligación que tienen los funcionarios de transparentar sus actos y rendir cuentas; La quinta puntualización alude nada menos que a la selección del método comparativo, a seguir en la Ciencia del Derecho Constitucional Comparado; mismas que resumo en los siguientes pasos básicos: a)Cotejar normas e instituciones; b)Evidenciar características distintivas, similares o diferenciales; c)Alcanzar la determinación de principios y reglas que resulten de su aplicación; y d) Construir o elaborar una doctrina con la finalidad de: satisfacer exigencias de orden cultural apropiadas para la Teoría General del Derecho; mejorar la interpretación y valoración de las instituciones Jurídicas del ordenamiento nacional; especialmente si provienen de la misma cepa genealógica; mejorar la política legislativa, considerando la utilidad que brinda el buen conocimiento de las instituciones de estados semejantes; alcanzar la meta de unificación legislativa, que resulta de los cada vez más estrechos vínculos que se dan entre numerosos estados nacionales, con los cuales constituyen estructuras supranacionales. Por último, y con el propósito de adentrarnos en el estudio que permita acreditar la ventaja del enfoque funcional en el método comparativo, creo conveniente rescatar la opinión del profesor Giuseppe De Vergottini, en relación con lo que identifica como las tres cuestiones fundamentales que orientan el discurso científico de la comparación jurídica, a saber: ¿Para qué se compara? Esto es, despejar el problema de la función; ¿Qué se compara? Esto es despejar el problema del objeto; y, ¿Cómo se hace la comparación? Esto es despejar el problema del método. Se trata de ofrecer una investigación sistemática de la función, el objeto y la metodología del estudio comparativo del derecho constitucional; reconociendo prácticamente dos niveles de análisis; uno primario, el cual tiene que ver con la generación de conocimiento; de ahí la concepción del Derecho Constitucional Comparado como ciencia. Otro nivel, secundario, que concierne al aprovechamiento de los resultados obtenidos en el nivel primario, con el fin de cumplir diversos objetivos, como serían: a) las elaboraciones doctrinales; b) los fines prácticos en el ejercicio profesional; c) el apoyo en la interpretación constitucional; d) la preparación de textos normativos; y, e) la elaboración de resoluciones judiciales y/o jurisprudenciales. 5. Evolución del constitucionalismo y función jurisdiccional Estoy convencido de que toda intención de asomarse al estudio del Derecho Constitucional Comparado, para examinar y evaluar el desempeño del gobierno y la administración del Poder Judicial, debe contener una revisión y deslinde -aunque sea de manera sucinta- de las concepciones que le contextualizan, las cuales en nuestro caso conciernen a la doctrina del Constitucionalismo, la Teoría de la Constitución y el propio Derecho Constitucional, así como las que le dan marco en la actualidad, como las del neo-constitucionalismo; la constitucionalización del sistema de valores superiores del ordenamiento jurídico; las peculiaridades en la interpretación de la Constitución; la teoría de la supra-constitucionalidad, el denominado bloque de constitucionalidad, y las mutaciones constitucionales; habida cuenta de que todos estos conceptos tienen significados bien delimitados entre sí, aun y cuando sean -a la vez- complementarios respecto de su fuente, y de que en no pocos fragmentos -incluso- compartan contenidos propositivos. De ahí que sea imprescindible, más que oportuna, la reflexión sobre estas nociones, de cuya familiaridad conceptual alineamos el lenguaje modélico del Derecho Constitucional Comparado; y con las cuales configuramos el contorno epistémico del objeto de nuestra investigación jurídico-constitucional comparada. 6. Independencia, autonomía y legitimidad de la judicatura Se tiene por bien sabido que en toda obra literaria que se escriba sobre el Estado Constitucional Democrático, hay dos temas que no pueden eludirse: la juridicidad y justiciabilidad de los Derechos Humanos y la división del poder político; habida cuenta de que ambos componen el elemento inherente genérico del propio bastimento constitucional. Si bien el tema medular de nuestra investigación exige concentrarnos en la transformación que ha tenido aquella idea originaria de la separación de los poderes, hasta alcanzar lo que hoy significa propiamente la división del poder político, y dentro de ésta el papel que corresponde cumplir al Poder Judicial; me parece pertinente reconocer la aprobación -prácticamente universal- que ha ganado la idea de dividir el poderío del Estado, en tres poderes correspondientes a la manifestación soberana de crear, ejecutar y definir el derecho; pero, sin dejar de tener claro que sus términos no son necesariamente adaptables a toda sociedad, de la misma manera y en todo tiempo. Desde luego, tengo la convicción de que al tema de la división del poder político no sólo debemos aproximarnos enfocando su contenido dogmático, como principio, sino también en razón de su importancia funcional, en tanto componente fundamental del sistema político. Esto sin dejar de lado que nuestro examen se despliega del ámbito de la política al ámbito del derecho y, de este, al de la especificidad de la interpretación constitucional; tratándose del tema del Derecho Constitucional Comparado, con aplicación específica al funcionamiento del gobierno y administración del Poder Judicial; considerando de manera especial el transcurso mediante el cual las instituciones judiciales alcanzan a ejercer sus funciones con independencia y autonomía; pues, en efecto, la evolución del Poder Judicial como tercer poder integrante del Estado Constitucional Democrático o el Estado Social y Democrático de Derecho, sobreviene de modo diferente en lo que -a mi juicio- son las dos etapas, conocidas y demarcadas en estricta correlación con la historicidad del concepto, expresado inicialmente como separación o división de poderes -el rey equiparado con el Poder Ejecutivo versus el Parlamento equiparado con el Poder Legislativo-, para expresarse posteriormente como división del poder político, convertido en principio fundamental a verificar en la distribución del ejercicio del supremo poder del Estado, propio de los estados americanos. Podemos afirmar que se trata de un principio que trasciende diferencias nacionales, épocas y lugares; es el principio que reconoce la importancia de tener una judicatura con la fuerza suficiente para hacer efectivo el derecho, y que ésta radica esencialmente en la independencia de quienes están encargados de hacerlo. Es la característica esencial del Poder Judicial, absoluta, incondicional e irrenunciable. Sin independencia no cabe hablar de juez justo. No es un fin, sino el medio para alcanzarlo. Es la médula del imperio de la ley que da a la ciudadanía la confianza en que las leyes se aplicaran justa e igualmente. Hace posible que los jueces adopten decisiones poco populares, incluso contrarias a los intereses de otras ramas del gobierno. Esto es así, de tal manera que independencia e imparcialidad judicial vienen a ser valores inseparables. 7. Gobierno y administración del PJ en Italia, España y México El replanteamiento del modelo de administración judicial en el Estado Constitucional, vigorizó el principio de la independencia de la Magistratura italiana, en tanto institución constitucional, así como de los jueces dentro de ella, no solo frente a los otros poderes políticos, sino frente a cualquier sujeto de poder formal o fáctico; de suerte que su estructura y funcionamiento terminaron por quedar al margen del Poder Ejecutivo, para ubicarse en un órgano completamente nuevo: Il Consiglio Superiore Della Magistratura (correctamente traducido como El Consejo Superior del Poder Judicial), presidido por el Presidente de la República e integrado, en dos terceras partes, por magistrados ordinarios electos mediante sufragio interno entre todos los pertenecientes a las diversas categorías, y otra tercera parte por juristas de prestigio elegidos por el Parlamento en sesión conjunta, entre catedráticos titulares de universidades en materias jurídicas y abogados con 15 años de ejercicio. Así mismo forman parte del mismo el primer Presidente y el Fiscal General del Tribunal Supremo. Todos los integrantes eligen al vicepresidente de entre los componentes elegidos por el Parlamento. La nueva Constitución Italiana de 1948, que establece e impulsa la independencia del Poder Judicial, se despliega en un contexto histórico marcado por cambios vertiginosos que fueron consolidando su importancia y trascendencia republicana, al grado que llegan a transformar la realidad de la política en Italia. En los años cincuenta del siglo pasado el desempeño del Poder Judicial apenas llamaba la atención pública; en la década de los años setenta empieza a aparecer en las portadas de los diarios y, en los ochentas, los casos judiciales ocupan grandes espacios en los medios masivos de comunicación como objeto de discusión pública, y los jueces aparecen entrevistados a menudo. En los noventa la acción combinada de jueces y fiscales impactó en el sistema político-jurídico italiano, como consecuencia de la lucha anticorrupción iniciada desde la oficina del fiscal de Milán, bajo la identificación del movimiento conocido como Manos Limpias (Mani Pulite), a causa del cual desaparecieron los dos partidos políticos que dominaban el escenario italiano: el Demócrata Cristiano y el Socialista; dando margen para el surgimiento de un nuevo movimiento político de centro-derecha, encarnado en el partido Forza Italia, que encabeza el empresario Silvio Berlusconi, quien vino a elevar al sistema político italiano a su nivel más alto de corrupción durante la primera década del siglo XXI. En este contexto histórico se despliega la judicatura italiana, prevista desde la Constitución de 1948 que establece e impulsa la independencia del PJ. La estructura y el funcionamiento del gobierno del Poder Judicial en España, se entiende a partir del estudio del Título VI de la Constitución Española, aprobada por las Cortes el 31 de octubre de 1978; complementado con los estudios correspondientes de la Ley Orgánica del Consejo General del Poder Judicial 1/1980, y la Ley Orgánica del Poder Judicial 6/1985; misma que ha sido reformada mediante Ley Orgánica 2/2001 del 28 de junio; Ley Orgánica 4/2013 de 28 de junio, y la más reciente Ley Orgánica 7/2015 de 21 de julio. Además naturalmente con la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Constitucional. En efecto, la Constitución Española establece en el artículo 122 -especialmente en el segundo punto- la institución de El Consejo General del Poder Judicial como órgano de gobierno del mismo; anticipando que La ley Orgánica establecerá su estatuto y el régimen de incompatibilidades de sus miembros y sus funciones, en particular en materia de nombramientos, ascensos, inspección y régimen disciplinario; la cual no puede asimilarse cabalmente sin considerar a la vez el artículo 117.1 de la propia Constitución Española, por cuanto establece que La justicia emana del pueblo y se administra en nombre del Rey por jueces y Magistrados integrantes del poder judicial, independientes, inamovibles, responsables y sometidos únicamente al imperio de la ley. En principio atrae la atención el hecho de que el título VI de la Constitución Española se denomine positivamente Del Poder Judicial, contrastando con los enunciados constitucionales de los otros poderes del Estado, a los que denomina como De las Cortes Generales, en el caso del Poder Legislativo, y Del gobierno y de la administración, respecto del Poder Ejecutivo. Por su parte el enunciado Del Poder Judicial se reafirma en el apartado 1 del artículo 117; así mismo, corrobora tal noción de Poder Judicial en el apartado 2 del artículo 122 constitucional. Una observación pertinente sobre las bases constitucionales del CGPJ que no puede soslayarse, está en el apartado 3 del mismo artículo 122 de la Constitución, por cuyo contenido el Presidente del Tribunal Supremo será quien presida a su vez el Consejo General, el cual estará integrado además por veinte miembros nombrados por el Rey para un período de cinco años. De éstos, doce deberán ser seleccionados entre Jueces y Magistrados de todas las categorías judiciales (civiles, penales, contencioso-administrativos y laborales o sociales); otros cuatro a propuesta del Congreso de los Diputados y cuatro más a propuesta del Senado; elegidos en ambos casos por mayoría de tres quintas partes de sus integrantes, entre abogados y juristas de reconocida capacidad y con más de quince años de ejercicio profesional. Según el artículo 123.2 de la Constitución Española el Presidente del Tribunal Supremo será nombrado por el rey, a propuesta del Consejo General del Poder Judicial, en la forma que determina la ley y de conformidad con el artículo 124.4 de la misma Constitución, el fiscal general del Estado también será nombrado por el Rey, pero a propuesta del gobierno y, simplemente, oído del Consejo General del Poder Judicial. Asimismo, en términos del artículo 159.1 de la CE, dos de los doce magistrados del Tribunal Constitucional han de ser designados a propuesta del Consejo General del Poder Judicial. La transformación del Consejo General del Poder Judicial, al abrogarse la LO 1/1980 por la LO 6/1985 del Poder Judicial, sin duda inició uno de los debates políticos más encendidos y duraderos desde la promulgación de la Constitución Española en 1978; motivada con el argumento repetitivo de que su actualización era imperiosa para mejorar el gobierno y la administración del Poder Judicial, dando lugar a varias modificaciones y adiciones; todas las cuales han sido consideradas de manera que los cambio aplicados en la elección de los vocales y posterior funcionamiento del CGPJ, en la realidad responden, a intereses de carácter político-partidista. Hay consenso prácticamente unánime en considerar que la partidocracia ha sido nociva para la independencia del Poder Judicial. El proceso de transición del sistema jurídico mexicano contemporáneo, a partir de la asamblea constituyente de 1916-17, va de un contenido normativo claramente autoritario a otro de carácter democrático, ciertamente se ha resuelto de manera pacífica cumpliendo los requerimientos de la vía jurídica ordinaria establecida por la misma Constitución. En casi 100 años de vigencia todas sus disposiciones relativas al Poder Judicial, contenidas en el Capítulo IV, artículos 94 a 107, han sido modificadas -al menos en una ocasión-; aunque algunos artículos como el 94 y el 107 han sido reformados en diez y trece ocasiones respectivamente. En todas estas reformas se encuentra lo que bien puede llamarse el proceso de transición del Poder Judicial de la Federación Mexicana; aunque, en realidad este proceso se identifica mejor en el período que va de 1987 a 1999, habida cuenta de que de 1917 a 1987 el gobierno y la administración del Poder Judicial se mantuvieron inalterables a cargo del Pleno de la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación. Es común encontrar el reconocimiento de que en México, el Poder Judicial jugó un papel de poca importancia en el esquema de división de poderes hasta 1987, en que comenzó su reforma sustancial orientada a lograr la independencia judicial, como potestad conferida a los jueces en virtud de la cual se encuentran en la posibilidad de administrar justicia de acuerdo con su ciencia y su conciencia, sin que estén sujetos a consignas o directrices de los órganos de los demás poderes del Estado, o de los órganos superiores del poder a que pertenecen. De suerte que la independencia vino a ser considerada como requisito inexcusable para el ejercicio de la función jurisdiccional. Fue hasta mediados de los años noventa cuando el tema del Poder Judicial dejó de ser una cuestión intrascendente para explicar el funcionamiento del sistema político. En México se hizo realidad la aseveración, de que si bien en el siglo XIX florecieron los órganos parlamentarios, especialmente en los EUA y en Europa Continental; y el siglo XX se caracterizó por el empoderamiento de los titulares de los poderes ejecutivos, inclusive en los regímenes parlamentarios; en el XXI gozaríamos de la eficacia de los organismos jurisdiccionales, como parte esencial del fenómeno que comparten las nuevas democracias constitucionales, mismas que en el momento reportan una creciente expansión del Poder Judicial. En efecto, el 31 de diciembre de 1994 se publicó en el Diario Oficial de la Federación la reforma constitucional que modificó sustancialmente la composición orgánica y funcional de la SCJN e incorporó la figura del Consejo de la Judicatura Federal; legislándose con inusitada rapidez la actualización de la reglamentación secundaria correspondiente; misma que facilitó la instalación del primer Consejo de la Judicatura Federal el 2 de febrero de 1995; en principio mediante una adición a la Ley Orgánica del Poder Judicial vigente desde 1988, para finalmente quedar contenido en una nueva Ley Orgánica del Poder Judicial de la Federación, publicada en el DOF el 26 de mayo de 1995. Aunque a menos de 5años se produjo la enmienda, que un sector de la doctrina jurídica reconoce como la contrarreforma constitucional de 1999. Ciertamente la instauración del CJF del Poder Judicial de la Federación con atribuciones en materia de gobierno y administración -que antes correspondían lisa y llanamente a la SCJN- ha sido, sin duda, uno de los acontecimientos más destacado de esta -bien llamada- gran reforma de la CPEUM en materia judicial. Nuevo órgano integrado por siete consejeros propietarios, bajo la presidencia del mismo presidente de la SCJN; que vino a transformar la organización y el funcionamiento del Poder Judicial de la Federación. Por cierto no exento de contradicciones y complicaciones, como las que resultan de ese doble papel que asume el presidente de ambos órganos a la vez, en cuanto que le queda la responsabilidad de revisar los actos en que ha participado. Ciertamente esta reforma se inspiró en la creación del CGPJ español y, en consecuencia, del CSM italiano, aunque con diferencias importantes, sobre todo en cuanto al tamaño de su estructura, la cual trasciende - desde luego- a su funcionamiento. 8. Conclusiones, recomendaciones y propuestas Acaso en la configuración de manera secuenciada de unas y otras, podría darse la impresión de duplicidad, opté por considerar que la reiteración, si bien abunda innecesariamente, afecta menos que la ausencia. Con el propósito de abreviar, me resulta difícil escoger unas de las 50 conclusiones-recomendaciones. En cuanto a las interrogantes que formulé desde que presenté el protocolo de la investigación, procedo a darles respuesta con fundamento en las reflexiones y demás información contenida en el desarrollo temático de los siete capítulos que conforman la tesis, en los siguientes términos: a) Me he alineado entre los estudiosos del derecho público que impulsan el carácter científico, más que metodológico, de la disciplina de estudio denominada Derecho Constitucional Comparado, que tienen su asiento principal en la Universidad de Bolonia, encabezados por el Dr. Lucio Pegoraro. Inmerso en esta corriente concluyo que no son necesariamente excluyentes ambas conceptualizaciones, de manera que su uso indistinto tampoco afecta el resultado de su aplicación. b) En cuanto a los parámetros necesarios para el uso del método comparativo desde un enfoque eminentemente funcionalista más que institucionalista, en el ámbito del derecho constitucional, es pertinente reconocer que el devenir histórico del constitucionalismo en cada Nación ocurre de manera desigual, presentando tanto analogías como diferencias, que terminan por generar dificultades, sobre todo al momento de pretender instaurar nuevas instituciones; de manera que el respeto a sus tradiciones, siempre se hace presente, sobre todo cada vez que se intenta una reforma constitucional tendiente a adoptar instituciones jurídico-políticas de un Estado en otro. c) En cuanto a si pueden hacerse -con éxito asegurado- tales incorporaciones, desde las cúpulas del poder, aun cuando impliquen cambios sobre sus patrones culturales, sostengo que sí pueden hacerse, pero cuidándose de identificar las diferencias más que las semejanzas, que cada realidad inherente exhibe, lo cual es indispensable para evitar riesgos en la adopción; es decir, cuidándose de analizar los valores comunes a la formulación del Estado Constitucional Democrático, según su grado de desarrollo interno, y a la vista de la juridicidad y justiciabilidad de los derechos humanos; el ejercicio popular de la soberanía; el control jurisdiccional de la Constitución, y la división razonable y equilibrada del poder político. d) Por lo demás, alego en favor de que si puede ser meritorio verificar el análisis de los procesos de reforma constitucional y legal, relativos a la configuración y funcionamiento del Poder Judicial y la praxis de la justicia, con toda su complejidad organizacional, comparando realidades político-culturales tan disparejas; siempre y cuando tales diferencias puedan dejarse de lado, ante la evidencia de la similitud de la misión que están llamadas a cumplir. e) Me parece pertinente dejar claro que en cuanta ocasión he mencionado la necesidad de identificar las diferencias estructurales, de organización y funcionamiento, a lo largo del contenido de la tesis, estas aluden evidentemente a las diferencias en las formas de Estado, de gobierno y de régimen político, mismas que comprenden a cada uno de los sistemas políticos respectivos a Italia, España y México; pero insistiendo que tal identificación de diferencias se haga dentro de la doctrina de la democracia constitucional. f) Es así que, entre los principales criterios para llevar a cabo un análisis adecuado de los órganos que gobiernan y administran el Poder Judicial, en los países objeto del presente estudio, tenemos -desde luego- a la coincidencia en la ideología del constitucionalismo democrático; la cual permite -en principio y según la argumentación expuesta- trasladar instituciones jurídico-políticas de un Estado de forma unitaria, con gobierno monárquico y régimen parlamentario, a otro tipo federal, gobierno republicano y régimen presidencialista. g) Ciertamente el reconocimiento y la puesta en práctica del derecho a la información, junto a la exigencia de transparencia y rendición de cuentas, sobre la actuación de los integrantes del aparato de gobierno y administración, así como de quienes llevan a cabo la función jurisdiccional, llegan a ser elementos de juicio idóneos -prima facie- para evaluar el cometido del Poder Judicial a la luz del constitucionalismo democrático, sobre todo ante los indicadores desarrollados por diversos organismos internacionales afiliados a las Naciones Unidas, la Unión Europea, como The Office of Democracy and Governance, USAID, UNODC-VIENA, ENCJ, CEJA, OCDE, CIEJ, CJI, Instituto de Investigaciones Jurisprudenciales y de Promoción y Difusión de la Ética Judicial, CEPEJ, Centre for Law of Democracy, Access Info; entre otros.
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Plekhanov/Labriola As a bit of an experiment, coupling my interest in André Tosel and my work on translation, I have decided to try my hand at a few translations of the former when I get the time. These are totally unauthorized, and rough drafts posted for edification and entertainment purposes only. I started on this piece because it is short, and because it works on an area that I need to learn more about, the history of Marxist-Spinozism before Matheron or Althusser. However, the more I worked on this piece, the more I thought that this split between Plekhanov and Labriola, still exists, in the divide between neo-enlightenment Spinozists and what some might call post-modern, but I prefer to call Marxist Spinozists. The Marxist Uses of Spinoza: Lessons of Method The history of the role of Spinoza's thought in the formation and the development of the work of Marx remains to be written, as is that of the history of the diverse Marxist usage (from different Marxisms) of Spinozist philosophical elements. This double history would reveal the work of Marx, and its contradictions, as much it would open up the work of Spinoza himself. Marxisms have reflected their aporias and their hopes onto Spinoza without necessarily truly thinking them through. In other words this is a domain of misunderstandings and equivocations. In order to undertake this history it would be useful to draw some lessons from the encounter of Marx and Marxist thought with Spinoza. First remark. The encounters of Spinoza by Marxists are discontinuous and contradictory. This discontinuity is initially characterized by the lack of a definitive encounter between Marx himself and Spinoza. Marx is formed through the reading of Spinoza, of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, and the correspondence. Not to learn the lessons of materialism, but an ethico-political lesson. Spinoza is considered as philosopher of freedom and autonomy, modern incarnation of Prometheus and continuation of Epicurus, all at once. Marx, in is progression from Kantian-Fichtean idealism to the speculative communism of the 1844 Manuscripts, develops three theses which are the practical theses of philosophical materialism, without the epistemological and ontological theses of this materialist tradition. Thesis One: Philosophy has a fundamental interest in the liberty of humanity, understood as autonomy and as the end of all heteronomies. Thesis Two: Philosophy is critical of all transcendental authorities of all principle of domination which justify and represent their domination through this principle. Thesis Three: Philosophy is eminently a science, knowledge, but knowledge of life, of the simple life of spirit of bodies rendered by their power. All particular sciences and knowledge must be thought from the point of view of science of life and its forms, as forms of life. When Marx elaborates the materialist conception of history he revolutionizes materialism but he does this without ever connecting it to the spinozist theory of nature, of the relations of extension and thought, of bodies and mind. He integrates and modifies the strong ontological and epistemological thesis of materialism, but these theses are taken more from Hobbes and other materialists of the eighteenth century than from Spinoza. Let us state these theses which are capable of a Spinozist formulation, without however assuming such a formulation. Thesis Four: Nature is the original reality and it is organized as matter at different objective levels. Thought cannot be separated from matter. Thesis Five: Nature in its diverse senses is intelligible. It emerges only from itself, excluding all creation. The human order is not a kingdom within a kingdom and susceptible of being understood. Thesis Six: All knowledge presupposes the reality of its object outside of thought. The appropriation by the knowledge of its own object of knowledge presupposes the reference to a real object. It is necessary to pay attention to the debates in Marxism of the Second International in order to see how the question of "Spinoza precursor of Marxist materialism appears." Emerging in the years of the crisis of revisionism the debate engages above all the German and Russian theorists of social democracy: Bernstein, Kautsky, and Plekhanov. It is in part based on the Anti-Dühring of Friedrich Engels and puts into play the complex questions of the relationship between the materialist theory of history with the sciences of nature with the political problem of the alliance of the intellectual groups in the perspective of socialist transition. This debate between 1896-1900 is inscribed in a theoretical problematic, such of Marxist orthodoxy that will find a new actualization with the problems proper to Soviet philosophy between 1917 and 1931, when it is a matter of specifying what would be called "Marxism-Leninism." If the question of materialism assumes the continuity between the Spinoza of the Second International and that of the Third, nothing would be more erroneous than to let oneself be taken in by the apparent continuity of an imaginary history of philosophy. These occurrences are in effect specific, they constitute theoretical and political conjunctures which must be grasped in a way that takes into account the strategic dimensions of the class struggle whether or not it is led by Marxist parties, the problem of alliances, that of the intellectual division of labor. Marxist philosophy, as it is officially constituted, is part of the practice of parties, and the reference to Spinoza is overdetermined by the political and theoretical stakes that have to be elucidated in each specific situation. Here we touch on the second lesson of method: it is necessary to historically specify the conjunctures where Spinoza intervenes and where and how there is a specific usage of this prestigious and troubling reference. This method makes it possible to determine what falls under ideological legitimation, and what is inserted at the level of the practical politics of the party, of the state, of the level of specialized intellectuals. Spinoza does not only appear only in the emergence of Marxist orthodoxy. He intervenes, in a subterranean manner, in the elaboration of theorists where the considerable theoretical importance has never been associated with an actual political importance. This can be found in the crisis over revisionism in the last century, such that Antonio Labriola in his Essays on the Materialist Conception of History (1895-1898) attests to the presence of a different Spinoza than that of his contemporary Plekhanov and a fortiori than that which was celebrated in Soviet Philosophy in 1927 and 1932. Spinoza intervenes as a critic of the same orthodoxy which returns as elements of an older materialism in another theoretical configuration that has solicited different aspects of his philosophy: no longer the parallelism between extension and thought, not a determinist ontology but the mode considered to be at once conceptual and experimental, the same geometrico-genetic method, in that it now excludes the guarantees of teleological philosophies of history. A contradictory intervention which is not without analogies to another occurrence, the most recent, that of Spinoza in the work of Louis Althusser which can be considered as a systematic deconstruction of the Marxist orthodoxy of the Second and Third International. Between Labriola (1898) and Althusser (1965), if we except the Soviet Spinoza, there is little except Ernst Bloch's remarks that no one has yet taken into account for a history of materialism oriented in the direction of a utopian ontology. This appearance of a Spinoza critical of stated and intended Marxist orthodoxies gives a third lesson of method: the diverse contradictory Marxist uses of Spinoza are situated between two poles, the first is that of an orthodoxy elaborated by the intellectuals of the social democratic and communist parties at the end of an a party/state conception of a finalist world and at the other is from thinkers situated in a problematic relation to the party, who look in Spinoza for other ways to make sense of the world and other practices then the becoming state of the worker parties. This opposition can appear to be schematic. It can be developed into provisional and schematic path of investigation. Such an investigation takes one central question: What is it in the philosophy of Spinoza that authorizes these discontinuous usages, determined by their conjunctures, and perhaps violently opposed? Confronting therefore these different usages of Spinoza that can be considered historically significant in the course of history, that is to say in terms of their specific conjunctures. This can be seen with the orthodox use of Spinoza by Plekhanov and the critical usage of Spinoza by Labriola at the heart of the second international. Plekhanov gave himself the task of elaborating the originality of Marx's philosophy and defending it in the face of revisionists who, with Bernstein, contest the self-sufficiency of Marx's philosophy, dividing into an evolutionary sociology and a Kantian inspired ethics. For Plekhanov there is very much a Marxist philosophy. It is inscribed in the materialist current which it revitalizes by giving it a historical dialectical dimension. Spinoza is the direct ancestor of Marx in that it is through the monism of the former that one can unify the science of nature and the science of history of the latter. Marx has revitalized substance as historical-social matter, metabolism of humanity with nature, and has inherited his realist theory of knowledge, thought is nothing other than a moment or function of matter. There is a Spinozism of Marx that is the realization of historical Spinozism as a the affirmation of the materialist conception of the world, one predicated on the knowability of matter in terms of its organization at diverse levels. Only this conception of the world can give the workers' movement its organization and which would permit it to avoid the disorganization that revisionism introduces, neo-Kantian idealism cannot organize the class struggle without harmful compromises. Spinoza is one part of orthodox Marxism returned to during this period. This Spinoza can authorize the theses of Friedrich Engels, in some sense simplifying the complexity of the Anti-Dühring. Concerned to think together the development of the sciences of nature, the materialist conception of history, and developing a philosophy capable of correct reflection and the movement of the specialization of sciences and the political struggle of classes (alliance with the intellectual stratum), Engles had proposed the idea of a materialist dialectic that oscillates between an ontological conception and a methodological conception of this dialectic. These two conceptions are apparently unified in the idea of "the science of the general laws of motion, both of the external world and of human thought — two sets of laws which are identical in substance, but differ in their expression in so far as the human mind can apply them consciously, while in nature and human history (at least up to now), these laws assert themselves unconsciously, in the form of external necessity, in the midst of an endless series of seeming accidents." This parallelism between (laws of) movement of the external world and (the laws of) thought has a Spinozist connotation which reinforces the idea of liberty as the comprehension of necessary laws. However, it remains above all intended to make possible a representation of the dialectic under materialism, without examining its own difficulties. Plekhanov is not interested in these difficulties in elaborating a general materialist conception that Marx completes and fulfills through the mediation of Hegel. Antonio Labriola, who wrote "Origin and Nature of the Passions According to Spinoza's Ethics" at a young age (1866), refuses this ontologization or methodolization of the dialectic in order to develop the idea of a philosophy of praxis as a philosophy immanent to a new conception of history, reflecting the constitution of history as a complex unifying ground and surface. In this sense, the Plekhanov project, apparently Spinozist, of thinking the continuity of nature and society at the heart of a substantial and homogenous causality loses its sense. The process of social life must be desubstantialized at with it the philosophy that is presented as a hyperphilosophy or super science organized as "theosophic or metaphysic of the totality of the world, as if by an act of a transcendent knowledge we can arrive at a vision of substance and all of the phenomena and processes under it." Antonino Labriola as much as he refuses to make man an 'kingdom in a kingdom' refuses the naturalization of history and the transformation of Marxism into a naturalist ontology where social practice becomes a species of being in general. Labriola denounces a matter found on things as a form of metaphysical superstition. Spinoza is evoked as a hero in the struggle against the imagination and ignorance that resurfaces in Marxist orthodoxy under the form of universal materialism. It is necessary above all to think of the diverse levels of the "animation" of matter, and therefore the specificity of the "artificial terrain" which constitutes practice. What Spinoza knew how to do for the theory of passions must be done for praxis: each one, the relations of affects and and those that constitute praxis, are not ruled by a subject and for this reason must be studied through a genetic method. Labriola speaks of a genetic method that also defines the method of Marx in Capital. The genetic method takes its distance from the dialectic and its teleological philosophy of history and established guarantees. For Labriola the turn to Spinoza is less about the strengthening of a materialist monism than it is about the possibility of reinterpreting Marx's Capital as a geometry of capitalist social being. The geometrical method is an instrument of internal purification destined to eliminate the finalism of productive causes and biological predetermination from Marxist orthodoxy. The philosophy of praxis manifests the basic critical and formal tendency of monism: everything is conceivable as a the causal genesis of a complex totality. The materialist dialectic is neither a universal method nor a logic of being, but constitutes the critical movement internal to knowledge which acts on the practice of philosophy and makes it a "conceptual form of explication" parallel to contemporary science. The reference to Spinoza intervenes in the critique of a Marxist orthodoxy which is supposed to include in a dogmatic manner Spinoza's own materialism. Marx and Spinoza are considered as two practitioners of philosophy who refuse the closure of knowledge in favor of the immanent self-reflection of knowledge. The lesson of Spinoza is not to find the unity of knowledge under a principle but to demystify the fetishes which substitute imaginary principles for the movement of practice. One could develop a similar analysis of the confrontation of the Soviet Spinoza of the Third International to the Spinoza of Louis Althusser. The Soviet Spinoza is an impoverished and petrified version of the Spinoza of Plekhanov. With respect to Althusser, Spinoza's critique is referenced constantly and augmented, infinitely better elaborated than in Labriola, since it acts this time not as a critique of metaphysical fetishism, even materialist, but of the metaphysics of the juridical subject characteristic of occidental rationalism. The contributions of R. Zapata and J.-P. Cottent have clarified these points, but it seems opportune to underly the paradox of this history: it is possible to tie together the diverse uses of Spinoza, one against the other. If Spinoza is enrolled in the constitution of a "conception of the world" which intends to complete a current of philosophy and which cannot at any time criticize its presuppositions, it is also possible, as with Althusser, to think the structure of ideological interpellation that constitutes the ideological subject and invalidates philosophy considered as a theory of knowledge. If Spinoza makes possible a conception of the world in which the State Party is supposed to be the subject of history accomplishing its ultimate ends, it also makes it possible for Althusser to try to reconstruct Marxist theory on the ruins of the triple myth of origin, subject, and the end. The Labriolian critique of imaginatio and ignorantia is radically interiorized in the destruction of Marxisms of the Second and Third International. The recourse to structural causality supposed to have been developed in the theory of modes and substance serves as an incomplete program to develop the theoretical revolution of Marx. However, it goes further still: there are two Spinoza's in Althusser himself. The Spinoza critical of any theory of knowledge ultimately occludes the Spinoza of structural causality: the denunciation of the triple myth of origin, subject, and end is lead to the liquidation of the rational modernism present in Marx. However the pars destruens always prevails over the pars construens. The idea of structural causality (such that of substance as the absent cause over the modes and affects) is accompanied with the affirmation of an unknown radicality of Marxist science, but the critique of the metaphysics of subjectivity in the teleology of Marxism that accompanies it announces the crises of Marxist liberation in the last interventions of Althusser. Everything comes to pass as if Althusser deconstructs a dogmatic Spinoza in the name of another Spinoza, more secret and more enigmatic. Spinoza is always divided from Spinozism which claims to define himOriginally published in Bloch, Olivier, Editor, Spinoza au XXe siècle, Paris, PUF, 1993.
This study focuses on the Lebanon position in the aftermath of Syrian conflict, including the main aspects of Lebanese Foreign Policy. It includes regional and foreign interference in Lebanese affairs that intentionally led to the instable situation in the country. Briefly includes Domestic/foreign factors longstanding by geopolitical aspects that determine Lebanon political vacuum and current sectarian division. Moreover, Refugee crisis and sectarian challenges aggravated the Lebanese crisis, since they are a consequence of Syrian conflict, our case of study. The thesis is divided in three main chapters. Firstly, the analysis of both Realism and Liberalism under the Security concept in the main theories of I.R,. From defining the security studies framework that impacted the definition of security in World politics, the conceptualization of security and securitization theory is analysed. In Realism theory, I decided to focus on Structural Realism: Defensive and Offensive realism, and in Liberalism I overtook collective security, democratic Peace theory and state institutions cooperation through complex independence theory announced by Keohane and Nye. In the same part, I included an overview of Middle East region, geographical and regional aspects and strengthened the case of Lebanon (description, strategic location, and ethnical-political characterization, economical and demographic aspects). Secondly, the analysis of the Historical perspective of Lebanon since independence till Syrian uprisings 2011 will be presented. It includes as well one page about Ottoman domination in Lebanon, and it is important to understand how Lebanon and Syria were connected in the Past. Two main divisions are visible in the organization of the second Chapter. Fırst, the Lebanese events during Cold War period such the Presidencies since Independence until the Civil War and from Civil War to internationalization of Security broadly back the 1990s. Second, Lebanon after Cold War Era it marked regional changes that could change Lebanon situation, such 2000 Israel Withdrawal during Ehud Barak government, Hezbollah-Israeli War 2006, 2005 Syrian withdrawal and Cedar Revolution, elections 2005, 2009 and 2011, rise of Hezbollah into Lebanese politics and Iran as main interventionist in penetrated state, 2008 conflict between 14 and 8 March coalitions. Thirdly, the effects of Arab uprisings and the Syrian war on Lebanon's local, regional, security and political aspects are analysed. After the Syrian crisis, I addressed the approach to Syrian and Lebanese foreign policies, but Lebanon and Lebanon's political situation has always been my priority. Both the Lebanese government's refugee issue and the factors that led to the instability of the Syrian war are address. In addition, the governments of Mikati and Salam, the continuity of the political paralysis, The "Hezbollah Factor" also discussed the possibility of further disagreements within the 2013 Lebanese Government, worsening interventions caused by sectarian tensions, and the creation of hope for change with the election of Michael Aoun in 2016. The regional direction and security aspects of the Middle East Region and Lebanon are also important here. The most important issue here is that regional and foreign alliances, such as the US, EU or UN, exalt the active role of regional actors rather than global actors. At the same time, relations with Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, Saudi Arabia, and the international community, Lebanon, which have the capacities to make decisions about Lebanon are mention. As a result, it is almost impossible to reject the Saudi Tehran Competition, which is a major contributor to the deep sectarian division, especially during the Lebanese Civil War. The Syrian refugee crisis in Lebanon has worsened the crisis both in Syria and in Lebanon, causing security and politics irregularities; the attitudes of Lebanese refugees have been analyze in this context. Sectarian difficulties, vulnerable groups, UN role and Lebanese authorities should be call for legal status renewal. The Arab uprising in Syria had significant implications in its neighbors. The case of Lebanon is exceptional concerning the effect of regional politics in the Middle East. The political cleavages between Sunni-Shiite communities aggravated the Lebanese situation. At the outset of the Syrian conflict in March 2011, the Lebanese government of Najib Mikati adopted an official position of dissociation, with the aim of maintaining a neutral policy towards Middle East conflictual crisis. Nonetheless, Syria conflict reflected intensively inside the two main alliances that fight each other to take advantage and affirm their proper interests in the region. The Sunni March 14 coalition has to support the rebels against Assad regime and opposed to the Iranian leaning Hezbollah movement, dominated by 8 March coalition. The political instability in Lebanon aggravated with the Syrian refugee crisis that inclusively affects Lebanon foreign policy making. Sectarian politics in Lebanon affects the State institutions. As well, the regional and foreign powers' actions lead to the insecurity ambiance in Lebanese Territory. The connection with Syria and Iran is evidentially growing and Lebanese Foreign policy is far from being neutral in the whole region. Particularly, since the beginning of Syrian Civil War, the security apparatus and border control policy has been the main priorities to the Lebanese Government. The 2013 Hezbollah intervention in the War and the postpone elections resulted on the civilians discontentment and demanded the implementation of strong policy towards security borders and political instability. Lebanon case differs from the other States in Middle East for various reasons. It is important to consider the political and cultural background that transformed Lebanon, from a stable to a conflictual State in last century. Nowadays, Lebanon is facing many challenges on both domestic and foreign ambiances. The most relevant constraint facing in the country is the Syrian refugee crisis, very caused by the large influx of Syrian crisis that had significant effects on the political, economic and security levels. Nonetheless, Lebanon still serves as a bargaining ship for most of strong States in the region. The Saudi-Iran Rivalry as well, despite of defining their focus on Syria, Iraq and Yemen, continued to support the Lebanese political groups in order to take control and assume a preponderant role in the region. Lebanon is emerging as a model country in the Middle East, where different denominational communities live together. The difference of this country from the other countries of the region is that the communities should share the state administration in line with their sectarian identities. This heterogeneity in Lebanon's social structure and the conflicts of religious communities that have sustained heterogeneity in the past have also deeply affected community-state relations and as a result they have continued to exist as a state in the geography of the Middle East, one of the most problematic regions in the world, Political crisis, political, assassinations and armed conflicts have always been known and international politics has never fallen on the agenda. It forms a small Swiss prototype in the Middle East. Looking at the history of Lebanon, not only the intervention of foreign powers, but the fact that the social structure of the country itself depends on sectarian differences, gives the region a different meaning. Throughout the history of modern Lebanon, a relationship of community-state relations has become a force of power and power between communities. In the history of the country, the struggles for power symbolized political ideas such as class and different nationalisms, and these movements made the compromise between the communities negatively. These political ideals affect the members of the sectarian communities and in this case they accelerated the conflict processes by fostering competition between sects. On the other hand, the Sects do not show homogeneous properties in themselves. Within any sectarian structure, some ideological and the conjuncture criteria have laid the groundwork for the emergence of different political foci and have triggered sectarian divisions within themselves. The marginalization of the sects is seen in groups which are once in the same sect and who, over time, have shifted their religious preferences to another direction. The dominant groups have faced the oppression of the sects who have broken away from the new sects formed and also therefore sought a balance by cooperating with the communities that share the same sectarian thought among the other communities. In Lebanon, both Lebanon's foreign policy and the various politics are analysed under the dimensions of social and political division. Lebanon is neither a liberal democracy nor an authoritarian government. The Lebanese system is already facing both political and religious groups. The Lebanon influence of the geopolitical situation in the Middle East is important, since it both a strategic region and a part a failure State. Lebanon situation is different from the other countries in the region. Lebanon is a country with a state. However there is no State organization. During the post-independence political period, 'zuama': they used State Institutions to compete with each other for patronage. They use and develop their own individual powers within their own sects. Regarding foreign pressures, both the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Pan-Arabism movement have led to the weakening of Lebanon's foreign policy. At the same time, this work analyzes the main lines of Lebanon foreign policy. Regional and International countries are involved in Lebanese affairs. After expanding its power base, the supporting state affects the shaping of the Lebanese political orientation to support its national interests. On the other hand, the Lebanese armed forces are also divided into sectarian lines, and the army is politically weak due to military failure. ; Bu çalışma, Lübnan Dış Politikası'nın ana hususları da dâhil olmak üzere Suriye ihtilafının ardından Lübnan'ın pozisyonuna odaklanmaktadır. Ülkede istikrarsız duruma yol açan Lübnan ilişkilerinde bölgesel ve yabancı müdahaleleri içermektedir. Kısaca Lübnan siyasi boşluğunu ve mevcut sekter bölünmeyi belirleyen jeopolitik yönlerden uzun süredir iç ve dış faktörleri içermektedir. Ayrıca, Mülteci krizi ve mezhepsel zorluklar, Lübnan krizini şiddetlendirdi, çünkü bunlar Suriye ihtilafının bir sonucu, bizim çalışma durumumuzdur. Tez üç Ana bölümden oluşmaktadır. İlk bölüm, hem Realizm hem de Liberalizm olan Uluslararası iliksilerinin temel teorilerindeki güvenlik kavramı çalışır. Dünya siyasetinde güvenlik tanımını etkileyen güvenlik çalışmaları çerçevesini tanımlamaktan, güvenlik ve menkul kıymetleştirme teorisinin kavramsallaştırılması analiz edilmektedir. Realizm teorisinde Yapısal Gerçekçiliğe: Savunma ve Saldırgan Gerçekçiliğe odaklanmaya karar verdim ve Liberalizm'de Keohane ve Nye tarafından açıklanan karmaşık bağımsızlık teorisi aracılığıyla kolektif güvenlik, demokratik Barış teorisi ve devlet kurumları işbirliğini üstlendim. Aynı bölümde, Orta Doğu bölgesi, coğrafi ve bölgesel yönleriyle ilgili genel bir bakış açısıyla Lübnan örneğini güçlendirdim. İkinci olarak, Lübnan'daki Suriye ayaklanmalarına kadar bağımsızlıktan bu yana tarihi perspektifi 2011. Lübnan'daki Osmanlı egemenliğine dair bir sayfa da içeriyor ve Lübnan ile Suriye'nin geçmişte nasıl bağlandığını anlamak önemlidir. İkinci bölümün organizasyonunda iki ana bölüm görülebilir. Birinci, Soğuk Savaş döneminde Lübnan olayları; İç savaşa ve İç Savaş'tan 1990'lı yılların sonuna kadar Güvenlik uluslararalılaşmasına kadar bağımsızlık gösteren başkanlıklar; Ikinci, Soğuk Savaş Döneminden sonra Lübnan (Lübnan'ın durumunu değiştirebilecek bölgesel değişiklikler oldu. Bu türden 2000 İsrail'in Ehud Barak hükümeti sırasında geri çekilmesi, Hizbullah- İsrail Savaşı 2006, 2005 Suriye'nin çekilmesi ve Sedir Devrimi, 2005, 2009 ve 2011 seçimleri, Hizbullah'ın Lübnan siyasetine ve İran'a nüfuz eden devlet müdahalecisi olarak yükselmesi, 2008 çatışması 14 ve 8 Mart koalisyonları da çalışır. Üçüncü olarak, Arap ayaklanmalarının ve Suriye savaşının Lübnan'daki yerel, bölgesel, güvenlik ve politik yönleri üzerindeki etkisi çalışılmıştır. Suriye krizinin ardından Suriye ve Lübnan dış politikalarına yaklaşımı ele aldım, ancak Lübnan ve Lübnan siyasi durumunu her zaman önceliğim olmuştur. Hem Lübnan hükümetinden mülteci sorunu, hem de Suriye savaşına karşı kararsızlıklara yol açan faktörler ele alınmıştır. Ayrıca, Mikati ve Salam hükümetlerinin, Lübnan'ın politik paralizini/çıkmazı/baskılarının sürekliliği; "Hizbullah Faktörü'nün" 2013'te Lübnan Hükümetinde içinde daha fazla anlaşmazlıklara yol açarak mezhepsel gerginliklere sebep olarak müdahaleleri daha da kötüleştirmesi ve 2016'da Mişel Avn'un seçilmesiyle birlikte değişimin umudunun oluşması da ele alınmıştır. Orta Doğu Bölgesi ve Lübnan'ın bölgesel yönü ve güvenlik yönleri de burada önemli olmaktadır. Buradaki en önemli husus, bölgesel ve yabancı ittifakların, örneğin ABD, AB veya BM gibi, küresel aktörler yerine bölgesel aktörlerin aktif rolünü yüceltmeleridir. Aynı zamanda Lübnan'la ilgili kararları alabilecek kapasitede olan İran, Suriye, Hizbullah, Suudi Arabistan, ve uluslararası toplumun Lübnan ile ilişkilerine değinilmiştir. Sonuç olarak, bölgesel çatışma durumunun, özellikle de Lübnan İç Savaşı sırasında meydana gelen, derin sekter bölünmeye büyük ölçüde katkıda bulunan Suudi Tahran Rekabeti'ni reddetmek neredeyse imkânsızdır. Lübnan'daki Suriyeli mülteci krizi, hem Suriye'de, hem de Lübnan'da krizi daha da kötüleştirmiştir, güvenlikte ve siyasette düzensizliklere sebep olmuştur; bu bağlamda Lübnanlı mültecilerin tutumları analiz edilmiştir. Temel olarak mezhepçi zorluklar, savunmasız gruplar, BM rolü ve Lübnan makamlarının yasal statü yenilenmesi için çağrıda bulunması gerekmektedir. Suriye'deki Arap ayaklanmasının komşuları için önemli etkileri vardı. Lübnan davası, Ortadoğu'daki bölgesel politika konusunda istisnai bir durumdur. Sünni-Şii toplulukları arasındaki siyasi bölünmeler Lübnan'daki durumu kötüleştirdi. Mart 2011'de, Suriye ihtilafının başlangıcında, Lübnanlı Najib Mikati hükümeti Ortadoğu ihtilafına karşı tarafsız bir politikanın sürdürülmesi amacıyla resmî bir ayrışma tutumunu benimsedi. Bununla birlikte Suriye çatışması, birbiriyle savaşan iki ana ittifakın içinde, bölgedeki uygun çıkarlarını onaylamak ve onlardan emin olmayı yoğun bir şekilde yansıtıyordu. Sünni 14 Mart koalisyonu, Esad rejimine karşı isyancılara destek vermeli ve 8 Mart koalisyonunun egemen olduğu İran'ın yaslandığı Hizbullah hareketine karşı çıkmalı. Lübnan'daki siyasi istikrarsızlık ve onu daha da kötüleştiren Suriye mülteci krizi, Lübnan dış politika sürecini kapsamlı bir şekilde etkilemiştir. Lübnan'daki mezhepçi politikalar devlet kurumlarını etkilemektedir. Aynı zamanda, bölgesel ve dış güçler, Lübnan Bölgesi'nde güvensiz ortamlara yol açmaktadır. Suriye ve İran'la olan bağlantı bariz bir şekilde büyümekte ve Lübnan dış politikası tüm bölgede tarafsız olmaktan çok uzakta olduğu görülmektedir. Özellikle Suriye İç Savaşı'nın başlamasından bu yana, güvenlik aygıtı ve sınır kontrol politikası Lübnan Hükümeti'nin başlıca öncelikleri olmuştur. Savaşta 2013 Hizbullah müdahalesi ve erteleme seçimleri sivillerin hoşnutsuzluğunu sağladı ve güvenlik sınırları ve siyasi istikrarsızlığa karşı güçlü politikaların uygulanmasını talep ettirmişlerdi. Lübnan vakası, çeşitli nedenlerle Orta Doğu'daki diğer Devletlerden farklıdır. Geçtiğimiz yüzyılda Lübnan'ı istikrarlı bir devletten çatışan bir devlete dönüştüren politik ve kültürel arka planı dikkate almak önemlidir. Bugünlerde Lübnan hem iç hem de dış ortamlarda birçok zorlukla karşı karşıya karlılar. Ülkede karşılaşılan en önemli kısıtlama, Suriye krizinin, siyasi, ekonomik ve güvenlik düzeylerinde önemli etkilere sahip olan büyük Suriye krizinin neden olduğu Suriye krizidir. Bununla birlikte, Lübnan hala bölgedeki güçlü devletlerin çoğu için bir pazarlık çipi olarak hizmet ediyor. Suudi-İran Rekabeti de, Suriye, Irak ve Yemen'e odaklanmasına rağmen, bölgeyi kontrol altına almak ve bölgeye hâkim bir rol üstlenmek için Lübnanlı siyasi grupları desteklemeye devam etti. Lübnan, Ortadoğu'da farklı mezhebi toplulukların bir arada yaşamlarını sürdürdüğü model bir ülke olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Bu ülkenin diğer bölge ülkelerinden farkı toplulukların devlet yönetimini kendi mezhebi kimlikleri doğrultusunda paylaşmış olmalarıdır. Lübnan'ın toplumsal yapısındaki bu heterojenliği ve söz konusu heterojenliğin sürekliliğini sağlayan dinsel toplulukların çatışmaları da toplum–devlet ilişkilerini derinden etkilemiş ve bunun sonucunda bölgede modern anlamda ulus devlet olamadan dünyanın en sorunlu bölgelerinden biri olan Ortadoğu coğrafyasında devlet olarak varlığını sürdürebilmiştir. Sürekli olarak siyasi kriz, siyasi, suikastlar ve silahlı çatışmalarla adını duyurarak uluslararası politikada gündemden hiç düşmemiştir. Ortadoğu'da küçük bir İsviçre prototipi oluşturmaktadır. Lübnan tarihine bakıldığında sadece dış güçlerin müdahalesi değil, ülkenin kendi içerisindeki sosyal yapısının mezhep farklılıklarına dayanması, bölgeye ayrı bir anlam kazandırmaktadır. Modern Lübnan tarihi boyunca toplum–devlet ilişkileri bir bakıma topluluklar arası güç ve iktidar mücadelesi haline gelmiştir. İktidar mücadeleleri ise ülke tarihinde sınıfsal ve farklı milliyetçilikler gibi politik düşüncelerce simgeleşmiş ve bu akımlar topluluklar arası uzlaşmayı olumsuz kılmıştır. Bu politik idealar mezhebi topluluklardaki üyeleri etkilemekte ve bu durumda mezhepler arası rekabeti körükleyerek çatışma süreçlerini hızlandırmıştır. Diğer taraftan Mezheplerde kendi içinde homojen özellikler göstermemektedir. Herhangi bir mezhebi yapı içinde ideolojik ve konjonktürel bazı kıstaslar farklı politik odakların ortaya çıkmasına zemin hazırlamış ve mezheplerin kendi içindeki bölünmeleri tetiklemiştir. Mezheplerde ötekileştirme, bir zamanlar aynı mezhep içinde olup zamanla dinsel tercihlerini başka bir yöne kaydıran gruplarlarda görülmektedir. Hâkim mezhebi topluluklar içinden kopmalarla oluşan yeni mezhepler koptukları mezheplerin baskılarıyla karşılaşmışlar ve bu yüzden diğer topluluklar içinde aynı mezhebi düşünceyi paylasan topluluklarla işbirliği yaparak bir denge arayışına girmişlerdir. Lübnan'da toplumsal ve siyasal bölünmüşlüğün boyutlarını ve dış politika arasında hem Lübnan'ın dış politikası nedir, hem de çeşitli politikaları analiz etmektedir. Lübnan ne bir liberal demokrasi, ne de otoriter bir hükümettir. Lübnan sistemi zaten hem siyasi, hem de dini gruplarla karşılaşmaktadır. Ortadoğu'da jeopolitik durumunun Lübnan etkisi önemlidir, hem stratejik bölge hem boşluk ülkedir. Diğer bölge ülkelerden farklı olarak durumu görmektedir. Lübnan, devlete sahip olan bir ülkedir. Fakat devlet örgütü bulunmamaktadır. Bağımsızlıkta sonrası siyası düzen döneminde, 'zuama': devlet kurumlarını patronaj için birbirleriyle rekabet etmek için kullanıyorlar. Kendi bireysel güçlerini, kendi mezhepleri içinde kullanılır ve geliştirirler. Dış baskılarla ilgili olarak hem Arap-İsrail çatışması, hem de Pan-Arapçılık hareketi, Lübnan dış politikasının zayıflanmasına yol açmıştır. Aynı Zamanda, bu çalışma Lübnan'ın Temel Dış Politikasının Ana Hatları analiz eder. Bölgesel ve Uluslararası ülkeler Lübnan işlerine karışıyor. Güç-üssü genişledikten sonra, destekçi devlet, Lübnan siyasi yöneliminin ulusal çıkarlarını desteklemek için şekillenmesini etkilemektedir. Öte yandan, Lübnan silahlı kuvvetleri da mezhep çizgilerine bölünmüştür ve ordu siyasette zayıftır, bu da askeri başarısızlıktan kaynaklanmaktadır.
El Ecuador, como país intercultural y plurinacional recoge en su memoria social todas las costumbres, mitos, leyendas y tradiciones que transforman en direccionamientos para el desarrollo del país en todas sus áreas, ya que compila en el Derecho Consuetudinario de los pueblos originarios del Ecuador su forma de actuar, ya hoy en día gracias a la revolución ciudadana, lo podemos socializar y aplicar, mismos que deben ser cumplidos en forma coercitiva porque ese es su modo de vida, que con toda seguridad lo manifiesto, es la base para llegar al Sumak Kausay. El presente trabajo explica en resumen la historia de nuestros pueblos originarios, mismos que para llegar a la vida republicana y la colonización han sufrido un proceso de expansionismo y dominación incaica – española, en su debido orden, para luego entrar en la capitulación por las grandes empresas de conquistas, organizadas técnicamente en Centro América y expandirse hacia América del Sur e ingresar al proceso de formación del amerindio, que en el tránsito de Inca a indio y campesino, ha sufrido discriminaciones en todo sentido, llegando a ocultar toda la sabiduría ancestral que luego fue catalogado como actividades paganas en contra de Dios de acuerdo a la Biblia que nos trajeron del viejo mundo (Vera, 1989) En este proceso, el amerindio pasa por un período de tamizaje en donde se cumplió con el gran objetivo de la conquista; que desaparezca de una vez por todas los rasgos culturales de la cosmología andina, que el runa y la huarmi tengan vergüenza de sus ancestros, sus etnias y culturas; de este modo, terminaron con su vestimenta, culto, creencias, mitos, leyendas y tradiciones (Derecho Consuetudinario). Conscientes estamos que toda la memoria ancestral se resume en el Derecho Consuetudinario de los pueblos originarios del Ecuador, pero no se puede desarrollar, preservar y socializar sino existe un proceso de enseñanza básica para que sea transmitida de generación en generación, caso contrario, toda esa riqueza cultural quedaría en el olvido. Razón por la cual los maestros cumplen un papel importante en el proceso de enseñanza aprendizaje, ya que son los responsables del conocimiento histórico real del antes y el después de las comunidades y pueblos del Ecuador. Para que un docente pueda transmitir los conocimientos ancestrales inéditos a las futuras generaciones, debe dominar la norma y la sociología jurídica ya que nos da la sabiduría y todas las herramientas para hacerlo con eficiencia, efectividad, y eficacia de todos los conocimientos ancestrales en prácticas diarias; es así como, en la vida republicana, hasta la década de los 90 los educadores no podían realizar prácticas educativas reales en forma clara, transparente y cierta, porque los contenidos científicos se basaban sólo en conocimientos extranjeros o currículos de otros países y en el mejor de los casos al catecismo. Es la Sociología Jurídica, la filosofía y el Derecho Consuetudinario especialmente la danza el teatro y los juegos populares las únicas actividades que de una u otra manera utilizan legalmente los educadores para realizar el proceso de enseñanza aprendizaje con saberes ancestrales plasmados en mensajes a través de corografías, obras teatrales y juegos lúdicos o populares. Tanto en el Ecuador como en el resto de América Latina, existe un nuevo escenario político en la cual la: multi-pluri-inter-culturalidad está ganando espacio y legitimidad. Esta nueva coyuntura incluye el reconocimiento por parte de los estados sobre la diversidad étnica y cultural, así también la necesidad de reconocer derechos específicos, colectivos y de la naturaleza, lo que algunos autores llaman el nuevo "constitucionalismo multicultural", que está enfocado en una nueva forma de solución de conflictos, ya sea por la conciliación, mediación, arbitraje, pero principalmente la justicia indígena (Van, 2000) y su relación con la ciudadanía "étnica" "cultural". (Montoya, 2002). Ratifican la aplicación de los Métodos Alternativos y Solución de Conflictos (MASC) mismos que están amparados por la Constitución ecuatoriana en su Artículo 190. Como bien sabemos, a diferencia de otros países de la región, en el Ecuador este reconocimiento oficial es de mayor jerarquía; reflejo y resultado de luchas y demandas del movimiento indígena, de sus procesos de fortalecimiento identitario como actores sociales, políticos y culturales y de su cuestionamiento de los modelos existentes de ciudadanía, democracia, estado y nación liderados por los movimientos indígenas en sus diversas organizaciones de la costa, sierra y oriente. Las demandas de reconocimiento cultural de los pueblos indígenas y pueblos originarios del Ecuador, han puesto en duda la vigencia de un sistema jurídico mono cultural, aun teniendo en cuenta el escenario del multiculturalismo constitucional que recorrió las reformas constitucionales latinoamericanas desde la aprobación del Convenio No. 169 por parte de la Organización Internacional de Trabajo en 1989. En el Ecuador este proceso es primordial y de sumo interés, razón por la cual con la aprobación del referéndum de la nueva Constitución en el 2008, en la que se define como Estado Plurinacional de Derechos, reconociendo la coexistencia de una diversidad de sistemas jurídicos. Los países de la región, como Bolivia y Venezuela, entre otros, han transitado procesos similares, cuestionando la permanencia del denominado monismo jurídico quien plantea que las crisis son una precondición para el surgimiento de nuevas teorías y referentes para la solución de conflictos. El reconocimiento por parte del Estado de los sistemas jurídicos, no implica que las autoridades de los pueblos y nacionalidades indígenas tengan el objetivo de crear algo nuevo, sino el reconocimiento de una realidad histórica de ejercicio de derechos consuetudinarios, que en el marco de la construcción colonial de la dominación estatal fueron invisibilizados, negados y perseguidos, como prácticas al margen de la ley. El pluralismo jurídico no es una "alternativa" del derecho, sino un proceso de construcción de otras formas jurídicas que identifiquen al derecho con los sectores mayoritarios de la sociedad, y de respuestas institucionales a procesos de transición de una sociedad marcada por la colonialidad hacia una construcción social y estatal de carácter intercultural y plurinacional, en donde se compila todas las costumbres, tradiciones, leyendas y mitos ancestrales. Tal como lo plantea (Coutinho, 1990), "un pluralismo de sujetos colectivos fundado en un nuevo desafío: construir una nueva hegemonía que contemple el equilibrio entre el predominio de la voluntad general, sin negar el pluralismo de los intereses particulares". En los últimos cuatro años de vigencia de la nueva carta magna del Ecuador, la coexistencia de la justicia ordinaria y la justicia indígena no ha estado exenta de conflictos respecto de los alcances de la jurisdicción de la administración y justicia indígena, de la adaptación de procesos a los derechos humanos, de los mecanismos de coordinación entre autoridades estatales y autoridades indígenas, entre otros. En ciertos casos se alcanzan situaciones en las que las autoridades comunitarias fueran sometidas a la justicia ordinaria por exceder su jurisdicción (Ref. Caso La Cocha), así como fuertes reclamos por parte de las autoridades comunitarias respecto de la intervención no solicitada de operadores de justicia al margen de sus derechos colectivos. Razón por la cual sociólogos, filósofos e investigadores para dar jerarquía a toda la memoria, filosofía ancestral y la cosmovisión andina, enfocan como Derecho Consuetudinario para llegar al cumplimiento de la armonía comunitaria. ; Ecuador, as an intercultural and multinational country in its social memory, collects all customs, myths, legends and traditions that become the country's means for development in all areas, as compiled in the customary law of the indigenous peoples of Ecuador that nowadays, thanks to the citizen's revolution we can socialize and apply, these should executed as an imperative because that is their way of life, which I can surely say, is the foundation to achieve the Smac Kausay. In this paper we explain in brief the history of our people, whom to reach the republican status and colonization have undergone a process of expansionism and Inca- Spanish domination, thereafter entering the capitulation by the big companies conquests, technically organized in Central America to expand into South America and enter the process of formation of the Amerindian going from Inca to Indian and peasant, has suffered discrimination in every way; thus hiding all ancient wisdom since it was listed as pagan activities against God and the Bible that were brought from the old continent. In this process the Amerindian goes through a period of screening where he meets the great object of conquest, disappearing once and for all the cultural traits of the Andean cosmology, the run and huarmi are ashamed of their ancestors, their ethnicities and cultures; in this way the screening process finished with their costume, religion, beliefs, myths, legends and traditions. It is known that all the ancestral memory is summed up in the customary law of the indigenous peoples of Ecuador, however, it is not possible for it to develop, preserve and socialize, unless through a process of basic education to be transmitted from generation to generation; otherwise, all this cultural richness would be forgotten. This is why teachers play an important role in the teaching-learning process since they are responsible for the actual historical knowledge before and after the communities and people of Ecuador. For a teacher to transmit to future generations unpublished ancestral knowledge, you must 22 master the art, as only art gives us the wisdom and all the tools to do it with efficiency, effectiveness, and expertise of all ancient knowledge in daily practices; the reason being is that during the republican period until the 90s, educators could not make real educational practices in clear, transparent and authentic ways, because scientific contents are based only on foreign expertise or curricula of other countries. Performing arts are especially theater and dance popular games the only activities that one way or another legally used educators for the teaching-learning process with ancestral knowledge embodied in messages through choreographies, plays and recreational or popular games. Both in Ecuador and in the rest of Latin America, there is a new political scenario in which the multi- -inter-culture is gaining ground and legitimacy. This new bias includes the States recognition over ethnic and cultural diversity, and also the need to recognize personal and common rights, as well as those of nature, for which some authors call the new "multicultural constitutionalism." Van Cott (2000) and its relation to the cultural ethnicity. Montoya (2002). In relation to what is the Alternative Dispute Resolution mean (ADR) which are covered by the Constitution in Article 190. As we know, unlike other countries in the region, in Ecuador this official recognition is of major prominence; reflection and result of struggles and demands of the indigenous movement in the processes of strengthening identity and social, political and cultural actors and their questioning of existing models of citizenship; democracy, state and nation led by indigenous movements in their various organizations through the coast, mountains and east. The demand for cultural recognition of indigenous peoples and indigenous people of Ecuador have questioned the validity of a mono cultural legal system, even taking into account the stage of the constitutional multiculturalism that swept Latin American constitutional reforms since the adoption of Convention No. 169 by the International Labor Organization in 1989. In Ecuador this process is essential and of great interest, thus with the approval of the referendum on the new Constitution in 2008, which is defined as multinational State of Rights, recognizing the coexistence of a variety of legal systems in it. The countries of the region such as Bolivia, Venezuela and others, have passed similar processes, questioning the permanence of the so-called legal monism who argues that crises are a precondition for the emergence of new theories and relating to conflict resolution. The recognition by the State of legal systems does not imply that the authorities of the indigenous people and nationalities have the goal of creating something new, but the recognition of a historical reality exercise of customary rights, which under the colonial domination were invisible, denied and persecuted, and practices outside the law. We do not consider the legal pluralism as an "alternative" use of law but as a process of construction of other legal forms identifying the law with the majority sectors of society and institutional responses to processes of transition from a society marked by colonialism moving towards a social state characterized as intercultural and multinational where all the customs, traditions, legends and ancient myths are compiled. As stated by Coutinho (1990), "a pluralism of collective subjects based on a new challenge: to build a new hegemony that considers the balance between the dominance of the general will, without denying the pluralism of individual interests". In the last 4 years of validity of the new Constitution of Ecuador, the coexistence of ordinary justice and indigenous justice, has not been free of conflict over the scope of the jurisdiction of the administration and indigenous justice, the adaptation of cases to human rights, the mechanisms of coordination between state authorities and indigenous leaders, among others. Reaching in some cases, situations where the Community authorities were subjected to regular courts to "exceed" its jurisdiction (Ref. Case La Cocha) and strong complaints from the Community authorities regarding the unsolicited intervention of justice operators regardless of their collective rights. 24 In this research all cultural features of the main communities and indigenous nationalities of the three regions of Ecuador are also being analyzed, which have gone unnoticed in the social context and in the best case, taken as isolated activities, put in practice or socialized in the main festivities of the people. This is the reason for us as educators for basic education, to give all the memory hierarchy, ancient philosophy and the Andean world we take it as customary law to take into action with the community may it be as a voluntary act or coercively. Part of the study of this paper is also to extent the responsibility to the State-Government, to maintain all the values and principles of the ancestral memory and cultural heritage of the indigenous people of Ecuador in an intact and unchanged way, to transmit to future generations; goal which you can achieve only with the education and training of teachers in different areas, but mainly in performing arts ; as well, on how to handle: customs, traditions, ethnic and folk legends, which is part of the standard of living of the indigenous people and peasants, and serves as a relevant issue to the development of basic education curriculum. This research with proposed development schedule was fulfilling the objectives, analyzing the extent to which cultures of indigenous people of Ecuador are present in the teaching of basic education, teacher training, and the level of positioning in the absence the arts, the presence of popular traditions in the curriculum and teacher preparation for teaching and its impact on society, and only then get to know the cultures of indigenous people of Ecuador in basic education. A study on the contribution of arts and popular traditions in the curriculum of basic education to achieve the implementation of the common system of legal pluralism with coarse principles based on Andean philosophy. The methodology, as an instrument for the operationalization of variables and objectives of the research is based on the paradigm of functionalism and constructivism, with field research (indigenous community leaders, members of councils, cultural promoters, educational authorities, elders of the different communities , basic education teachers) as descriptive, bibliographic and documentary scientific contributions in the areas of study, collecting data with the technique of the survey, interview and observation, and tools such as questionnaire. Interview guide and observation sheets, which allowed establishing the relationships between variables and approving the alternative hypothesis. Thus affirm that in our country, knowledge of the cultures of the indigenous people of Ecuador have not been involved, but rather have been marginalized and forgotten, where only basic education devoted to teaching general knowledge and specified in the area of mathematics and language, which is why there is a lack of 80% of the current population, and especially of teachers, both Ecuadorian reality as ethnicities and cultures of our ancestors.
