Suchergebnisse

This study examines the peacekeeping activities of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in resolving the Nigerian crisis. On May 30, 1967 the eastern part of Nigeria, the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, tried to secede from Nigeria. This led to a civil war that lasted from July 6, 1967 to January 15, 1970. Biafra's army was defeated and capitulated. The reference to the history of the OAU peacekeeping experience is relevant, because it can be applied to the settlement of contemporary crises and conflicts in Africa. The author was guided by the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and reliance on sources. The aim of the article is to clarify the nature and methods of the OAU's peacekeeping activities, to identify internal and external factors that hindered the achievement of peace, and to assess the effectiveness of the organization's peacekeeping efforts. The article uses for the first time information and analytical memos of Soviet diplomats found in the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) on the OAU's activities to stop the civil war in Nigeria. The author concludes that the Nigerian crisis was a unique international conflict for the Cold War period. The motives of the external actors were primarily determined by geopolitical aspirations and national interests, rather than bloc solidarity. The author identifies factors that negatively affected the OAU's potential as a peacemaker: a split among African countries (four of which recognized Biafra's independence) and competition from Great Britain, which vigorously promoted its own peacekeeping agenda. The OAU's decisions were not binding on member states; it had no effective mechanism for implementing them, and it had no armed forces of its own that could be used to disengage the warring parties. The OAU succeeded in diplomatically securing overwhelming African support for Nigeria's territorial integrity, though its mediation efforts failed to achieve peace. The Biafra leadership was not going to capitulate while there was still room for resistance and the federal government was not inclined to question the country's territorial integrity. The results of the OAU's peacekeeping can be assessed as positive: it prevented the legitimization of separatist Biafra, which could have had a domino effect with disastrous consequences for the entire African continent.

Autori ovog rada nude pregled i analizu uspona i pada međunarodnog liberalnog‎ poretka koji je nastao nakon okončanja Hladnog rata i uspona moći Sjedinjenih‎ Američkih Država. Spoljnopolitička agenda jedine posthladnoratovske‎ supersile vođena je idejom stvaranja globalnog poretka utemeljenog na ideologiji‎ (globalnog) liberalizma koja u sebi inkorporira teorije liberalnog mira,‎ demokratskog mira i neoliberalnog institucionalizma. Uspostavljanje tzv. globalnog‎ liberalnog poretka dosada je bilo praćeno brojnim političkim, socijalnim,‎ ekonomskim i bezbednosnim krizama, a trenutnu eru međunarodnih odnosa‎ odlikuju uspon relativne moći "neliberalnih" globalnih aktera, pre svega‎ Kine i Rusije, kao glavnih izazivača svetske dominacije Sjedinjenih Američkih‎ Država, te geopolitički revizionizam i ideološka konfrontacija liberalnih i‎ antiliberalnih snaga širom sveta. Autori ovog rada koriste specifičan analitički‎ metod tzv. dijalektike političke mehanike, koji se oslanja na učenja Friedricha‎ Hegela o dijalektici istorije i Carla Schmitta o fenomenu političkog, kako bi‎ objasnili trenutnu dinamiku međunarodnih odnosa, pokazujući da političko‎ polje "permanentno pulsira" što, u svemu što je društveno i političko, nužno‎ kreira akciju i reakciju, čijom dinamikom se mogu tumačiti i globalna zbivanja‎ kojima upravo prisustvujemo.‎ ; The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of‎ the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and‎ along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda‎ of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a‎ global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories‎ of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment‎ of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social,‎ economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise‎ of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main‎ challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism‎ and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper‎ use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings‎ of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the‎ phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political‎ field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political,‎ necessarily creates action and reaction.‎

Democratic transitions in multinational countries can be problematic when ethnic minorities are excluded from a dominant majority group's vision of the nation. This is the case in Myanmar where, since independence was granted in 1948, ethnic people's aspirations have clashed with the military's vision of a centralised state and a national identity based on the Bamar majority group. Consequently, civil war has been raging for more than 70 years, and discrimination of ethnic groups has been gradually institutionalised. Thus, in order to support peace, one of the main challenges of state building in Myanmar will be to develop institutions that reflect the multinational character of the country. In this thesis, I argue that more attention should be paid to the perceptions of the broader ethnic population. Employing a political ethnographic design, I seek to reveal people's lived experiences of ethnicity in the current democratic transition to suggest state building strategies promoting national belonging.Focusing on the perceptions of two groups, the Mon and the Pa-O, my findings suggest: First, that they experience the institutional dominance of the Bamar group as a number of cultural, economic, social and political insecurities; second, while Mon and Pa-O attitudes indicate a tendency towards rigid ethnic identification, Bamar chauvinism appears to be the main obstacle to inclusiveness; third, Mon and Pa-O aspirations show that redressing Bamar privilege through institutional reforms bringing about equality of status and greater autonomy would positively support a sense of belonging to the national identity; and finally, I found that among the existing institutional models advanced by the ethnic conflict management literature, the state-nation model reflects most closely Mon and Pa-O aspirations because its policies aim to protect ethnic identities while also promoting national membership. The state-nation model is not a perfect fit, however because its proposed policy sequence prioritises constitutional amendments that do not appear politically feasible in present day Myanmar. I therefore recommend the prioritisation of policies that support a sense of belonging such as symbolic recognition, access to opportunities or cultural autonomy. I argue that since these policies do not directly challenge the political order and the existence of Bamar privilege, they would positively support trust building and thus peace.

Abstract: Colombia's development model based on economic growth has favoured nature exploitation and unequitable power relations over rural land. This has led to violent conflicts, land disposition, migratory dynamics and poverty, which has delayed rural development. Colombian rural regions are characterized by limited access to political, social, and economic resources, poor basic services, detriment on cultural and environmental values, as well as undervalued traditional productivity activities and life style; in sum, they have limited development opportunities and capabilities. In turn, the country's decentralized planning system undermines territorial comprehensiveness, urban/rural articulation and rural sustainable development. Limitations and contradictions caused by overlaps and gaps amongst governmental levels, laws and decrees, which goes hand in hand with urban-oriented planning policies that have undermined rural development, environmental sustainability and social well-being. Within this context, the signing of the Peace Treaty of 2016 gave origin to new trends and revalued rural Colombia as the privileged space for peace making. Therefore, the country is in the process of reconsidering rurality not only as land for agriculture or nature exploitation, but also as a space for community opportunities and the protection of nature. In order to comprehend rural development models and planning limitations and contradictions for rural and territorial development in Colombia, this work proposes a conceptual approach on the basis of theories on development, rural development, rurality and political ecology. A state of the art of current history of political and economic conflicts over rural land and the evaluation of the planning systems are presented in this thesis in order to orient planning perspectives for policy transformation and to search for urban and rural development alternatives. The review of various international examples of nature exploitation unveils links between the exploitation of nature and the potentials of spatial development. The analysis of Colombia's region Casanare shows how critical aspects caused by fast-growing demographic and economic dynamics due to extractivist industries, which have generated unjust resource distribution and planning decisions, have impaired rural development and social improvement. Based on evidence on these variables, recommendations to reorient planning policies for rural and regional development alternatives in Colombia will be provided. This dissertation proposes alternatives, redefining objectives and spatial planning principles centred on nature- mankind relationships that can also be internationally applicable.

Aceh is a special autonomous region that was established based on Law Number 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh. Based on the regulation, Aceh was given specialization in the implementation of Islamic shari'a. One of them is environmental management as stipulated in Aceh Qanun Number 2 of 2011 concerning Environmental Management (PLH). The principle of environmental management in Aceh is specifically based on local wisdom, including in the implementation of a settlement of environmental crime. In the Islamic Shari'a, there are several methods for resolving criminal cases, namely diyat, sayam and suloh (peace). The purpose of this study was to explain the criminal law policy adopted in the PLH Qanun. The next objective of this research was that the Qanun for environmental management could adopt adopting the principles of local wisdom in Aceh. This study uses a normative legal research method with a statutory approach. The results of the study that the PLH Qanun made local wisdom a part of the substance of the Qanun. Local wisdom that must be adopted is diyat or dheit and sayam and Suloh (peace) as a dispute resolution technique that can be considered in resolving environmental disputes in Aceh. Aceh adalah daerah otonomi khusus yang ditetapkan berdasarkan Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2006 tentang Pemerintahan Aceh. Berdasarkan regulasi tersebut, Aceh diberikan kekhususan dalam pelaksanaan syari'at Islam. Salah satunya adalah pengelolaan lingkungan hidup yang diatur dalam Qanun Aceh Nomor 2 Tahun 2011 tentang Pengelolaan Lingkungan Hidup (PLH). Asas pengelolaan lingkungan hidup di Aceh dikhususkan berbasis kearifan lokal, termasuk dalam penerapan penyelesaian tindak pidana lingkungan. Dalam syari'at Islam dikenal beberapa metode penyelesaian perkara pidana yaitu diyat, sayam dan suloh (perdamaian). Tujuan Penelitian ini adalah untuk menjelaskan mengenai kebijakan hukum pidana yang dianut di dalam Qanun PLH Tujuan selanjutnya penelitian ini adalah agar Qanun pengelolaan lingkungan hidup dapat mengadopsi mengadopsi asas kearifan lokal di Aceh. Studi ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan. Hasil penelitian bahwa Qanun PLH menjadikan kearifan lokal sebagai bagian dari substansi Qanun tersebut. Kearifan lokal yang harus diadopsi adalah diyat atau dheit dan sayam serta Suloh (perdamaian) sebagai teknik penyelesaian sengketa yang dapat dipertimbangkan dalam penyelesaian sengketa lingkungan hidup di Aceh.

Without a doubt, Slobodan Jovanovic was one of the greatest Serbian jurists,
and in the period between the two World Wars, he was probably the most
influential Serbian jurist. In this context, his views on the
Serbian-Russian relations have exerted an influence on the formation of the
dominant discourse, but also on many generations that came after his time
(his bust in front of the Faculty of Law in Belgrade symbolically shows how
highly he is valued in today?s legal circles, more than 60 years after his
death). In his voluminous opus Jovanovic suggests that the Peace of
Bucharest, the Akkerman Convention and the Peace of Edirne were bilateral
agreements between Russia and Turkey, with provisions that went in favour of
the third party (pactum in favorem tretii), i.e. Serbia. He also gave a
positive assessment of the Russian diplomacy during the 19th century. In
that sense, Jovanovic criticizes the Serbian historians who claimed the
opposite, and even Milos Obrenovic himself. Finally, as a jurist, he also
rejects the ideological division according to which only reactionary
influences came from Russia, and only freedom and enlightenment from the
West. In his analysis of the Serbian-Russian relations Jovanovic points out
that it was Russia which insisted on the formation of a National Council in
Serbia which was to ?limit? the absolute power of Milos Obrenovic. Such an
attitude has retained its validity even in the 21st century because the
dogma about the so-called Russian reactionary policy is still very much
alive. As a jurist, Jovanovic also shows understanding of the conflict of
Russian and Serbian interests, or the interests of a small country and those
of an empire. He remains midway between the uncritical idealization of
Russia and even more intolerant Russophobia. He cites and compares numerous
examples. He pointed out that, for instance, a Polish insurrection broke out
in 1830, at the very same time when Russia was in negotiations with the
Ottoman Porte over the Serbian issue. However, despite these (undeniable)
facts, Jovanovic does not draw Russophobic conclusions, which were so
prevalent in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. He remains midway between the
non-critical idealization of Russia and even more intolerant Russophobia.
Such opinions of a jurist, who was ideologically an anglophile, are still
very important in 2018, when Russophobia present in the West, but also in a
part of the Serbian elite, reaches the Cold War level.

Abstrak -- Peran serta Indonesia melalui TNI dalam upaya perdamaian dunia termasuk di Lebanon menunjukkan kebijakan politik luar negeri Indonesia. Keterlibatan Indonesia yang aktif dalam upaya penciptaan perdamaian membuat kepercayaan dunia internasional dan menjadi langganan sebagai bagian dari dewan keamanan PBB. Dalam pelaksanaan tugas tersebut TNI membentuk Satgas seperti Satgas Garuda XXIII-J/UNIFIL. Pelaksanaan tugas tersebut kadangkala menemukan hambatan dan tantangan yang dihadapi oleh personel seperti komunikasi lintas budaya, sehingga TNI melalui PMPP TNI merasa perlu mempersiapkan hal tersebut melalu Pre Deployment Training.Tesis ini mencoba mengetahui dan menganalisis bagaimana pendekatan komunikasi lintas budaya dalam Pre Deployment Training Satuan Tugas Garuda XXIII-J/UNIFIL di Lebanon Selatan. Tulisan ini juga menganalisis bagaimana hubungan komunikasi lintas budaya dengan pencapaian tugas pokok Satgas Garuda XXIII-J/UNIFIL baik dilihat dari resolusi konflik atau peran diplomasi. Metode yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah metode kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa komunikasi lintas budaya sangat diperlukan untuk menunjang keberhasilan tugas guna memenangkan dan merebut hati dan pikiran masyarakata di Lebanon Selatan.Kata Kunci: Komunikasi Lintas Budaya, Pre Deployment Training Abstract -- Indonesia's participation through TNI in world peace efforts including in Lebanon shows Indonesia's foreign policy. Indonesia's active involvement in peace-building efforts creates international trust and subscribes as part of the UN security council. In the implementation of these tasks TNI formed Task Force such as Garuda XXIII-J / UNIFIL Task Force. The execution of such tasks sometimes finds obstacles and challenges faced by personnel such as cross-cultural communication, so TNI through the TNI PMPP feels the need to prepare it through Pre Deployment Training. This paper tries to know and analyze how the cross-cultural communication approach in the Pre Deployment Training of Garuda XXIII-J / UNIFIL Task Force in South Lebanon. This paper also analyzes how the relationship of cross-cultural communication with the achievement of the main tasks of the Garuda XXIII-J / UNIFIL Task Force is best seen from the resolution of the conflict or the role of diplomacy. The method used in this paper is a qualitative method. The results showed that Cross Cultural Communication is necessary to supports the successof the main task and win the hearts and minds of the people in South Lebanon.Keywords: Cross Cultural Communication, Pre-Deployment Training

This article explores Sweden´s defence and security policies in view of old and new geopolitical realities. Extensive document research and interviews were the empirical basis for testing hipotheses: 1) internal politics had little consequence over policies; 2) influence on security through innovative programmes; 3) industrial cooperation and strategic partnerships improved defence industrial base; and 4) contributing to International Security through active participation in UN, NATO and EU peace missions. Both Social-Democratic and Moderate governments have rather shown a great pragmatism. A new public administration was developed in countries emerging from the Soviet sphere. Cooperation and strategic partnerships are now responsible for an increased industrial-technological capacity in Sweden and partners. Increased peace missions participation enlarged international Sweden's influence. Changing from neutrality to non-alignment better translates the current geopolitical challenges in Northern Europe, Arctic and Baltic regions. These results imply that new security concerns are present and should be considered by policy-makers. ; Este artículo explora las políticas de defensa y seguridad de Suecia, en vista de las viejas y nuevas realidades geopolíticas. Una amplia investigación de documentos y entrevistas fueron la base empírica para probar algunas hipótesis: 1) la política interna tuve pocas consecuencias sobre las políticas; 2) influencia en la seguridad a través de programas inovadores; 3) la cooperación industrial y asociaciones estratégicas mejoraron la base industrial de defensa; y 4) la contribución a la seguridad internacional a través de la participación activa en la ONU, la OTAN y las misiones de paz de la UE. Ambos gobiernos socialdemócrata y moderado en cambio, han mostrado un gran pragmatismo. Una nueva administración pública se desarrolló en países que salieran de la esfera soviética. Cooperación y alianzas estratégicas son ahora responsables por un aumento de la capacidad industrial-tecnológica en Suecia y paises socios. Una mayor participación en las misiones de paz amplio la influencia de Suecia internacionalmente. El cambio de la neutralidad a el no alineamiento mejor traduce los desafíos geopolíticos actuales en el norte de Europa, el Ártico y las regiones del Báltico. Estos resultados implican que nuevas preocupaciones de seguridad están presentes y deben ser consideradas por los politicos responsables.

The present study looks at the Brazilian engagement at the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) and seeks to bring insight into the growing participation of an emerging power in peacekeeping. To that end, both conceptual and practical implications of normative behavior in international relations are debated and peacekeeping is seen as a barometer to assess Brazil's global posture. Accordingly, this thesis argues how the country has projected, through MINUSTAH, a distinguished and more proactive peacekeeping profile, and analyzes to which extent this profile has shaped, challenged or endorsed existing rules and practices. Exploring both how peacekeeping becomes discursively articulated by Brazil at the United Nations and what practical meanings it acquires on the ground in Haiti, it is demonstrated that the blue-helmet enterprise offers, at the same time, platforms for Brazil to demonstrate international commitment and capacity, as well as means for the country to become activist in themes it would otherwise have little influence on. The study draws upon social constructivist insights in International Relations, placing particular emphasis on the role of norms in multilateral processes, and argues that peacekeeping is constructed, shaped and re-shaped by normative underpinnings, shared principals and perceptions of appropriate behavior at the global stage. This thesis presents the results of fieldwork conducted in Rio de Janeiro, New York and Port-au-Prince in late 2015 and early 2016, and adopts a qualitative research design where primary empirical data is combined with secondary sources and theoretical insights. It concludes that Brazil's peacekeeping profile, while not set in stone, reflects a balancing act where the country, ambitioning to strengthen its global standing, seeks to demonstrate its belonging and adaptation to the international environment within which it acts; but also to challenge and participate more vigorously in the normative casting of the still Western-dominated realms of peace and security governance. Through the illustrative case of the Brazilian peacekeeping engagement in Haiti, this thesis attempts to contribute to the yet limited academic debate on emerging powers' posture in collective security and conflict resolution arrangements. The study can be of interest to scholars of international relations, peace operations and Brazilian foreign policy. ; M-IR

Актуальность темы определяется общественной востребованностью осмысления исторического опыта предотвращения и завершения военных конфликтов. Изучены представления о праве и справедливости применительно к решению вопросов о войне и мире в контексте становления системы самоуправления британских колоний в 60-70-е гг. XIX в. Предпринят компаративный анализ политических ситуаций, сложившихся в период военных кризисов в Новой Зеландии (война с маори) в 60-х начале 70-х гг. XIX в. и Южной Африке (англо-зулусская война 1879 г.). На его основании показано, что механизмы возникновения и возможности предотвращения вооруженных конфликтов в колониях определялись ситуацией на местах, общей логикой сложного процесса развития и обновления империи, представлениями о праве и справедливости в историко-культурных традициях сторон конфликта. Оценена взаимосвязь особенностей становления системы колониального самоуправления с усилением субъективных факторов в принятии решений о войне и мире. Сформулирован тезис о миротворческом потенциале «справедливой власти» как инструменте предотвращения колониальных войн. Детализированы представления британской политической элиты о праве и справедливости по вопросу применения силы в осуществлении имперской политики. ; Relevance of the research topic is defined by a public demand for understanding historical experience of prevention and completion of military conflicts. Conceptions of law and justice in relation to the solution of war and peace questions in the context of British Empire colonial self-government system formation in 60-70s of XIX century are studied. Comparative analysis of the political situations which developed during military crises in New Zealand (war with Maori) in the 60s the beginning of the 70s and South Africa (the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879) is undertaken. It is shown on its basis that mechanisms of emergence and possibilities for prevention of war conflicts in colonies were determined by a local situation, the complex process of developing and updating the Empire, ideas of right and justice in historical and cultural traditions of the parties of the conflict. The nature of interrelation of colonial self-government system formation features with increased values of subjective factors in decisions on war and peace is appreciated. The thesis about the peacekeeping capacity of "the fair power" as a tool to prevent colonial wars is formulated. Ideas of the British political elite of the right and justice concerning use of force in implementation of an imperial policy are detailed.

The focus of this thesis is on foreign-policy decision-making in circumstances of water scarcity. In particular the study focuses on how the issue of water has been treated in the interstate negotiations within the Peace Process between Israel and the Palestinians and Israel and Jordan. It also analyses the implementation phase. The aim of this study is to analyse why and under what conditions co-operation has taken place and how it has functioned in the water sector. As such the study moves beyond the vast quantitative material which states that transboundary water co-operation does occur by exploring why co-operation has occurred in the Jordan River Basin. Based on an overall actor-structure framework the factors deemed to be important in affecting the process and outcome are identified. The development of a shared system of norms, rules and procedures for how to manage the water resource are seen as a vital explanatory variable for the water co-operation in the Jordan River Basin. It is concluded that the water negotiations, both between Israel and the Palestinians and between Israel and Jordan have been intimately linked to the other issues on the negotiation table. Further-more, it is concluded that water has been sub-ordinate to other politically more salient questions in the negotiations. The thesis contributes to the body of research on water in the Jordan River Basin in three ways. First, it provides and empirical overview of the implementation process of the water elements of the Peace Treaty between Israel and Jordan and of article 40 (which deals with water) of the Interim Agreement between Israel and the Palestinians. Second, the thesis has analysed the role that scientific experts play in the water negotiations. Expert advice has been used in the negotiations and can be said to be important in that it reduces uncertainty for decision-makers as well as provide tools with which to legitimise political decisions. Third, the thesis contributes to the understanding of why the parties in the Jordan River Basin have chosen co-operative strategies rather than resorting to conflictual behaviour to handle their shared waters. Of key importance in this respect is that shared water is an interdependent resource. Thus mutual dependence on a shared resource stimulates and reinforces the need for cooperation.

This study examines how Türkiye has made the problem in the Sea of Islands a security issue in its recent foreign policy, the policies of Türkiye and Greece towards the Eastern Mediterranean region, the attitudes of non-regional actorstowards the parties, and the reflections of the tension between the two countries in the region with the Copenhagen School's Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) approach and process tracking method, which has an important place in security studies. Since they are perceived as a threat to the sovereignty of Türkiye, these issues are a problem of belonging and armament of the islands in the Sea of Islands, whose status has not been determined by international agreements. Greece's efforts to expand its territorial waters are based on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), to which Türkiye is not a party. Greek policies shaped within the framework of the Seville map, and the effect of foreign actors, have created regional complex formations studied by excluding Türkiye. It is considered unacceptable for Türkiye to remain silent in the face of threats against it, to accept the demands dictated to it, and to compromise its national interests. Increasing uncertainty in the region, polarization, and the race for regional militarization bring the risk of open conflict. This situation creates a serious security threat in the Eastern Mediterranean Region Security Complex.