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How might Ukraine's war effort go bankrupt? Developments over the past few weeks recall the words of Ernest Hemingway: "Two ways. Gradually, then suddenly."Should that prove true, it will spell bad news not only for those insisting on an unconditional Ukrainian victory, but also for those pressing for a diplomatic settlement of the conflict. The gradual part is already well underway. The U.S. Congress's decision to pass a "clean" stopgap spending bill over the weekend to fund our government for another 45 days — bowing to pressure from some GOP members to strip Ukraine aid from the bill — is the latest sign of how quickly the political tide has begun to turn. Such a vote would have been unthinkable last December, when Ukrainian President Zelensky addressed a televised joint session of Congress to fawning media reviews, and ceremoniously presented a flag signed by the determined defenders of the besieged city of Bakhmut. Ten months later, Bakhmut has fallen. Ukraine's counteroffensive has sputtered. A series of opinion polls has indicated that most Americans now oppose additional aid to Kyiv. When he arrived in Washington last month, Zelensky was treated more as an interloper than as an inspiring hero. House Speaker McCarthy blocked Zelensky from addressing a joint session of Congress, claiming that there was insufficient time. Signs of "Ukraine fatigue" are appearing in Europe, too. Amid a row over Ukrainian agricultural exports that hurt EU farmers, Polish President Duda compared Ukraine to a drowning victim submerging its would-be rescuers. Hungarian President Orban has said his country will no longer provide any support to Ukraine. Slovakia was the first country to deliver fighter jets to Ukraine after Russia's invasion, but in last weekend's parliamentary elections, its voters opted for the party of ex-prime minister Robert Fico, who had campaigned on ending aid. Meanwhile, the far-right Alternative for Deutschland party, long opposed to breaking with Russia over the Ukraine war, has climbed to second place in German polls. These trends raise the prospect of a vicious circle of mutual intensification. Ukraine's stagnation on the battlefield prompts more Americans to wonder whether billions in aid are being wasted on an unwinnable war. Growing skepticism in Europe reinforces concerns in Washington that our NATO partners will not share the burden of supporting Ukraine. In Washington, the White House's failure to articulate an exit strategy feeds fears of yet another American "forever war," this time a proxy battle against a nuclear power. Worries over Western support undermine Ukraine's military morale and political resolve, leading to further erosion of its position on the battlefield. The combination could produce a tipping point at which the gradual erosion of Western support for Ukraine spills into an abrupt reduction or collapse. What might follow? It is unlikely that this would result, as many claim, in Russia's conquering all Ukrainian territory, incorporating it into the Russian Federation, and turning a resuscitated Russian military toward Poland and the Baltic States. The Kremlin almost certainly recognizes that attempting to conquer and govern the bulk of Ukraine, dominated by a well-armed and anti-Russian populace, would be a self-defeating ambition. Moreover, Russia has demonstrated neither the capability nor the desire to fight a war of choice with the NATO alliance. Rather, Moscow would be far more likely to turn Ukraine into a failed rump state. It would aim to capture the rest of the Donbass and perhaps the Ukrainian Black Sea coast. After creating an extended no-man's land separating Russian forces from Ukraine-controlled territory, it would then declare a unilateral cease-fire and build extensive fortifications against new attacks. Should Kyiv sue for peace under such duress, it could threaten Zelensky's rule. Should it refuse, it could destroy the Ukrainian state. In either case, funding and governing what remains of Ukraine would become the West's problem, not Russia's. Absent an agreed settlement of the war with Russia, few donors would contribute the hundreds of billions of dollars necessary for Ukraine's reconstruction. Prospects for democracy and the rule of law in Ukraine would diminish. Refugee flows into Europe would intensify, fueling more divisions within NATO and the EU. Washington would be racked by debate over who lost Ukraine. In these circumstances, Putin would have few incentives to seek compromise with either Ukraine or the West, leaving the broader East-West relationship in a dangerously unstable state of confrontation, lacking the arms control and conflict-management mechanisms that helped prevent the Cold War from turning hot. Europe would have to contend not with a new Iron Curtain, but rather with a gaping, Libya-like wound that could infect the West for years to come. Russian military cooperation with China, Iran, and North Korea would advance. All this is of course far from inevitable. But those tempted to believe that the United States could end the war by simply ending its aid to Ukraine should think hard about these possibilities. And those insisting that the West can simply double down on delivering aid to Ukraine should recognize that present trends bode ill for the Biden administration's "as long as it takes" strategy, either for winning the war outright or for turning Ukraine into a thriving fortress state, capable of holding off the Russians for many years to come. Avoiding such sobering possibilities will require compromise. The White House will have to compromise with domestic opponents of aid by making clear — at least behind closed doors — its plans for marrying military aid to a viable exit strategy. Opponents of aid will have to compromise with proponents to ensure that Ukraine does not collapse altogether, with all the attendant implications for the West and the world. The West and Russia will each have to compromise – not necessarily over territory, but certainly over the broader architecture of European security and Ukraine's place in it. Compromise is seldom possible unless both sides have cards to play in negotiations. The United States should not remove cards from its hand by ending aid to Ukraine unilaterally or playing them prematurely. But unless it moves quickly to complement aid with diplomacy, it may find that the opportunity to play its cards has suddenly disappeared.

Last week's edition of Diplomacy Watch focused on how politics in Poland and Slovakia were threatening Western unity over Ukraine. A spat between Warsaw and Kyiv over grain imports led Polish President Andrzej Duda to compare Ukraine to a "drowning person … capable of pulling you down to the depths ," while upcoming elections in Slovakia could bring to power a new leader who has pledged to halt weapons sales to Ukraine.
As Connor Echols wrote last week, "the West will soon face far greater challenges in maintaining unity on Ukraine than at any time since the war began."
A piece in Politico this week outlining the challenges facing the incoming Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff C.Q. Brown as he prepares to take over from Gen. Mark Milley suggests that the divisions may be even more widespread.
"As Ukrainian forces push for a breakthrough before winter sets in, there is a growing sense in Washington and Europe that the West may be weary of the fight," wrote Lara Seligman. "On Capitol Hill, hardline Republicans oppose sending additional aid; across the Atlantic, Poland recently said it could not send any more weapons to Ukraine in the short term, and French officials recently hinted the country would soon reach that point as well."
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has been busy trying to win over skeptics around the world, but there is not much evidence that his audience in the Global South or the GOP caucus in Washington has been particularly receptive to his message.
In the U.S. Congress, future funding for the war in Ukraine has taken an outsized role in the ongoing battle for government funding, and little progress has been made this week. A small but growing (and increasingly vocal) group of Republicans in both the House and Senate have vowed to hold up government spending legislation if it includes more aid for Ukraine. The Wall Street Journal indicated that others are watching these fights closely.
"Intertwined with those contentious negotiations in Washington are rising concerns in European capitals about the war, particularly if Washington's support shows signs of flagging," the Journal reported. "While European backing for Ukraine generally remains solid, cracks are starting to surface as weapons stockpiles from some allies dwindle and others hesitate to fill the gaps."
This infighting in various capitals around the world comes at what Mark Cancian of the Center for Strategic and International Studies described to Politico as a turning point in the war. "If the counteroffensive fails, or if the counteroffensive does not get through the Russian defensive zone in a major way, I think that fears of a forever war will get stronger," said Cancian.
From the perspective of the incoming U.S. Joint Chiefs chairman, it will likely become increasingly difficult to navigate both the domestic political and battlefield realities. "Milley was in the enviable position of having a lot of stuff and a lot of political support so that makes it easy," Cancian told Politico. "Brown is in the position of having less stuff and less political support."
In other diplomatic news related to the war in Ukraine:
—Some Western politicians are pushing the government in Kyiv to hold elections, despite the ongoing war and the imposition of martial law. Visiting Ukraine's capital last month, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) said that it was"time for Ukraine to take the next step" in the "development of democracy, namely to hold elections in 2024." But Ukrainian officials have expressed serious skepticism that new elections would be prudent, or even possible. "Ukrainian officials say that in order to hold a major vote during wartime, considerable financial, logistical and legal hurdles must be overcome," the Washington Post reported. "In private, some say that the prospect is outright impossible, and could provide Moscow's security forces with a means to infiltrate and weaken Ukraine from within." The Biden administration has maintained that the timing for a new election will be Ukraine's decision.
—Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky met with defense ministers from France and Britain, as well as NATO secretary general Jens Stoltenberg ahead of an arms production forum in Kyiv. The forum, according to Ukraine's foreign minister, will bring together representatives of 165 military contractors from 26 nations.
"It will be an important opportunity for Ukrainian companies to forge new partnerships with the industry across the alliance and beyond," Stoltenberg said at a news conference with Zelensky on Thursday. "The stronger Ukraine becomes, the closer we come to ending Russia's aggression."
—Significant territorial gains have been hard to come by for either side this year, according to a new study by the New York Times. "Despite nine months of bloody fighting, less than 500 square miles of territory have changed hands since the start of the year. A prolonged stalemate could weaken Western support for Ukraine," the Times reported. The Times' analysis of data from the Institute for the Study of War showed that August 2023 was the month in which the least territory changed hands since the invasion last year.
—Ukraine is continuing to search for safe alternatives for its grain exports following Russia's withdrawal from the Black Sea grain initiative in July. Last week, Ukraine successfully tested a new route, and a second ship made it through this week. Three more vessels have safely entered Ukrainian waters in recent days, officials told the New York Times. In the past week, the Times reported, "it appears that Russia has made no public attempt to impede the progress of commercial vessels along the new route."
U.S. State Department news:
In a press briefing on Tuesday, State Department spokesman Mattew Miller spoke about the state of Ukraine support amid the ongoing disputes on Capitol Hill."We have been encouraged by the bipartisan support that we have gotten from Congress since the beginning of this war. I think it is quite clear, if you look at the debate in Congress, that there are bipartisan majorities in both houses of Congress that support continued aid to Ukraine," Miller said. "Now, look, there's a process that we have to go through in working with Congress. I think it was important that President Zelenskyy was able to travel to the Hill last week and communicate directly with members of Congress about what is happening on the ground. We have been able to talk to Congress about accountability mechanisms that we have in place for the aid that we've provided. We've heard them say we want to hear accountability; we've made clear we have accountability mechanisms and we're happy to talk to you more about what those look like."

The House returned to session this week after the summer recess and only has until the end of the month — two weeks — to pass the 12 funding bills necessary to avoid a government shutdown. In lieu of a long-term spending bill, the White House has urged lawmakers to pass a continuing resolution, a stopgap measure which would maintain current funding levels until a larger agreement is reached. In addition to the money needed to keep the government running, President Joe Biden's $25 billion supplemental spending request for Ukraine also hangs in the balance. The House Freedom Caucus, the roughly 50-member bloc of Republicans, has voiced strong opposition to a stopgap measure. In August, the group released a list of demands that would be necessary for them to approve the spending bills on the table. Included in the group's statement from last month — which required the support of 80 percent of its members — is a rejection of "any blank check for Ukraine in any supplemental appropriations bill."Meanwhile, the Biden administration and Senate Republican leadership have endorsed legislation that ties Ukraine-related assistance with increased disaster relief funding in an emergency spending package. Last Thursday, Punchbowl News reported that McCarthy was considering attaching the disaster relief to a continuing resolution while omitting aid to Ukraine from the short-term spending bill, setting up a potential showdown with the White House and Senate. McCarthy has sent mixed signals about his position on Ukraine aid since saying that there would be no "blank check" for Kyiv prior to ascending to the speakership. By deciding to separate Ukraine aid from the stopgap funding bill and reportedly instead tying it to controversial immigration policies, McCarthy has leaned closer to the right flank of his party on this question. This maneuver may open the door for more debate over funding for Ukraine, though the group is not necessarily in agreement over what precisely "no blank check" means. A spokesperson for freshman Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.), for example, told Responsible Statecraft in an email that the congresswoman does not and never will support any aid package to Ukraine. Other Republicans who are not formally a part of the Freedom Caucus, have made similar statements. Prior to the midterm elections, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) said that if the GOP were to win the House, "not another penny" would go to Ukraine. And Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) has introduced legislation that would cut off all funding to Kyiv. Others have called for the conditioning of aid. Rep. Andy Harris (R-Md.), one member of the Freedom Caucus who in the past consistently supported unconditional support for Kyiv, has changed his tune in response to the stalled counteroffensive. "I'll be blunt, it's failed," Harris said at a town hall meeting last month. "I'm not sure it's winnable anymore." Asked in an interview following the town hall about what this analysis meant for his support for the next tranche of funding, Harris said, "If there is humanitarian monies, nonmilitary monies, or military monies without an inspector general, I'm not supporting it."Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) expressed hesitancy about whether and when it was worth it to pass a funding measure at this point in time. "Why are we talking about Ukraine supplemental when we can't figure out how to fund our own operation of government to do what it's supposed to do?" he asked during a press gaggle on Monday morning. "I want to see what claim there is for actual success in Ukraine," he added. "And I want to know how every dollar that $113 billion is going to be spent. Come present that to me as a member of Congress, and then talk to me about" what future funding should look like. Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio) earlier this year introduced an amendment to the NDAA that would have required the Biden administration to clearly define and assess its war strategy before Congress approved any more funding. The restriction would have only applied to the funds doled out in the NDAA each year.As RS's Kelley Vlahos reported at the time, "[r]ight now that includes several hundred million budgeted for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative (USAI), but would not impact the vast bulk of money that might be passed in a supplemental package." The amendment eventually failed, with a vote tally of 129-301. Now, Davidson, who has not voted in favor of any aid package to date, tells RS, "A blank check to Ukraine is off the table. There shouldn't be any consideration of future aid until the Biden administration provides Congress with a clear mission." Until then, Davidson says, he will continue to oppose any further aid. The looming debate could set up a clash between McCarthy and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.). McConnell has been a staunch supporter of Ukraine's effort. As a recent profile in Politico noted: "Just since McCarthy's debt ceiling deal at the end of May, which sent a chill through the ranks of Congress's defense hawks, McConnell has used eight speeches on the Senate floor and five news conferences to address the importance of supporting the Ukrainians."A number of other prominent Senate Republicans, including John Thune (R-S.D.), Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) — both members of McConnell's leadership team — and Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) all expressed their disappointment at McCarthy's reported decision to keep Ukraine funding out of the continuing resolution. According to Punchbowl, Graham has been "trying to impress on House Republicans that pulling the plug on Ukraine would amount to 'creating chaos in the world' and rewarding Vladimir Putin."But, as the Washington Post reported earlier this week, tensions are continuing to grow among the GOP over how long Washington can continue to fund Ukraine, and some members of the GOP caucus have begun to worry that the effort can become another "forever war." Rep. Brian Mast (R-Fla.), a veteran of the war in Afghanistan, who one month after Russia's invasion released a statement strongly supporting the defense of Ukraine and sending aid to Kyiv, saying "America should always choose the side of democracy and freedom. I'll continue to make that choice every day that I represent you in Congress," now tells the Post that he will not support any further aid absent a clear strategy."I can support something, but I can't support nothing," he said. "That's how you get what happened in Afghanistan."

The Anthropocene as a new epoch brings into question the traditional modes of conceptualising International Relations. We believe that it does this by forcing students and practitioners of International Relations to think through how the discipline works as a set of ideas and practices, in fact, as a way of understanding the nature of problems and policymaking per se. As a discipline, International Relations is particularly sensitive to the questioning of the problematics of human exceptionalism, rationalist problem-solving and liberal modernist imaginaries of progress, which have shaped the agendas of international peace, development and democracy. Beyond the dark days of the Cold War, when International Relations was essentially a strategic exercise of Realpolitik, the discipline has staked a lot on the basis that Enlightenment liberalism is the universal panacea to human ills and that irrational structures or agencies can be civilised or tamed to further the interests of humanity, both in national or global regimes of good governance and the rule of law.
These dreams of liberal universal solutions appear to have run aground in the Anthropocene as the last decade has marked a shift away from universal, modernist or 'linear' understandings of power and agency. In a world, construed as more complex, contingent and relational and replete with crises and unpredicted 'tipping points', traditional assumptions are up-ended and unintended consequences seem more relevant than 'good intentions'. Concomitantly, the methodological focus has switched away from understanding the essence of entities and towards privileging the analysis of relations, networks and contexts. Key to this has been debates focused around climate change and global warming which explicitly cast policy problems not as external threats to the 'good life' (that requires securing) but as instead questioning the starting assumptions of separations between inside/ outside, humanity/ nature, solutions/ problems and referents/ threats. This elicits a very different way of thinking.
If natural processes can no longer be separated from the historical impact of human development and are no longer merely the backdrop to a purely human drama of domestic and international political contestation, then the modernist understanding of the nature/ culture divide, separating social and natural science, no longer holds. Nature can no longer be understood as operating on fixed or natural laws, while politics and culture can no longer be understood as operating in a separate sphere of autonomy and freedom. These assumptions, central to modernist constructions of progress, are seen to no longer exist or to have always been problematic. Thus, the Anthropocene is not merely a question of new or more pressing problems, such as climate change and extreme weather events, but also a matter of the tools and understandings that are available to us: in other words, it is a matter of how we know —of epistemology— and also of what we understand the world to consist of —i.e. questions of ontology.
Consider, for example, the conventional understanding of security as the protection of a valued referent against external threats. The condition of the Anthropocene challenges such a notion of security. The Anthropocene as a condition, problematises easy assumptions about 'us' as the security 'referent' —as the object to be secured. The problematisation of 'us' —the privileged gaze of the Western policymaking subject— opens up a substantial set of problems which deeply impact the disciplinary assumptions of International Relations. This is expressed, for example, in Bruno Latour's concept of Earthbound people, i.e., an imaginary collective of people who consider themselves sensitive and responsive, due to being bound by and to the Earth. We are the problem as much as the solution, the 'them' as much as the 'us', the 'enemy' as much as the 'friend'.
Accordingly, the Anthropocene condition calls for reflection upon —and ultimately transition away from— the idea of a separation between nature and humanity. To perform this shift in perspective, concepts such as "worldly" or "ecological security" have been proposed. Matt McDonald develops a notion "ecological security" through an engagement with existing discourses of climate security. According to him, established ways of thinking about climate security would reinforce a problematic nature-culture divide by either presenting climate change as an external threat to vulnerable human communities or, conversely, human actors as a threat to fragile nature in need of protection. Ecological security would instead focus on supporting and sustaining the long-term resilience of ecosystems —understood as entangled systems of both human and non-human elements. Ensuring that "ecosystems can continue to function in the face of current and future change" is accordingly, the only defensible approach to security in the condition of the Anthropocene. Similarly, a worldly approach to security stresses that threats such as war, major industrial accidents, or ecological collapse do not affect humans in isolation but rather endanger the common worlds co-constituted by humans and diverse nonhuman beings. Harrington and Shearing hold that security in the Anthropocene should become oriented towards an "ethics of care". Care, according to them, is able to emphasize the types of deep relational thinking that are so appropriate when discussing the Earth's ongoing and unknown patterns of interactions and responses. It allows one to see security as a radical entanglement between humans, non-human animals, plants, bacteria, materials and technology. Learning how to navigate this entanglement with care will be a primary task for International Relations in our Anthropocene world.
This article is organised in three sections. Firstly, we introduce the concept of the Anthropocene. We refer to the Anthropocene as a condition that we are in rather than as an external set of problems which we are confronted with. Understood as a condition which we are in, rather than merely a set of strategic and tactical problems which we confront, the Anthropocene enables us to go beyond the traditional binaries of our disciplinary tradition. The second section provides some background to the disciplinary history of International Relations, here we seek to briefly flag up the importance of thinking the Anthropocene in relation to the history of the discipline, which could be understood as moving from an 'inter-national' or state-centred focus during the Cold War to a global set of much broader concerns from the 1980s to the 2000s, to an increased interest in the Anthropocene, understood as a 'planetary' challenge to the liberal universal assumptions that followed the decline of 'realist' hegemony. The third section focuses on the implications of the Anthropocene for three key themes: knowledge, governance and security.

The objective of our paper is to analyse the political activity of Polish, and Slovak, women in EP elections; we aim to determine, among other things: whether gender quotas are a decisive factor for women's electoral success, or do other factors result in an increase/decrease in the number of female candidates and the number of women MEPs? What are the particular characteristics of women representing Poland, and Slovakia, in the EP? What was their path to the EP? Which (conservative, liberal) parties are more willing to put women forward in EP elections? Poland introduced the socalled gender quotas into the electoral system, while Slovakia does not have such legal solutions in place. However, when comparing Slovakia to the situation in Poland, it can be stated that although there is a system of election quotas in Poland, its practical implementation may be purely theoretical. In percentage terms, the number of Slovak women elected to the European Parliament (except 2019) was signifi cantly higher than in Poland, even though there is no quota system in the Slovak Republic. Th e success of Polish, and Slovak, women in the elections to the EP of the 9th term is the result of many factors, which include so-called electoral engineering (quotas, gender balance, fi rst and second places on lists), electoral strategy of a party, but above all, political and social activity of the women themselves. 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Problem statement. The modern stage in the development of science implies radical institutional changes in its social status and structure. The main differences from the classical stage are: first, the rejection of the principle of ethical neutrality of scientific knowledge and, second, the real revision of the content of the category "paradigm" as the central element of the organization of theoretical knowledge; its replacement by much more complex formations consisting of several heterogeneous components. There is an interpenetration of the public-axiological and descriptive-scientific forms of discourse, which create an inseparable unity in the content of the theoretical structure. Our research is devoted to the analysis of these two aspects of theoretical techno-science. According to the specifics of the subject, methods of quantitative discourse analysis and conceptual analysis of meta-theoretical and ontological knowledge, respectively, have been applied. There is a super-aim in our research, which is to determine the basic scheme of the relationship between the organization of the transdisciplinary matrix and the ontological level of theoretical techno-knowledge. In the ontological aspect, technoscience (postacademic science) is a theoretical and technological tools for managing the course of biological and sociocultural evolution. In the epistemological aspect, modern theories with a human dimension have a specific (trans)disciplinary matrix, which has not one but two paradigmatic cores: scientific-descriptive and humanitarian-axiological. According to our model, the principles of bioethics represent a social institution for regulating and controlling technological (biological and social) risk.Applied technological developments are represented by (1) genetic engineering as management tools of biological evolution and (2) socio-economic engineering as management tools of civilizational and socio-cultural development. This binary structure logically follows from the postulated three-module organization of the sustainable evolutionary strategy of the sentient human being. Naturphilosophy once again acquires the status of the basis of the theory of evolution in an explicit way. There is a system of metaphysical postulates and ontological categories derived from the anthropic principle of participation. For modern neoliberal political democracy, bio-power and biopolitics look like the most effective technology for stabilizing the scenarios and trends of the global evolutionary process that are optimal within this ideological system. Conclusions. Transbipolitics in our understanding is a political problematic related to the rationalization of the global evolutionary process. In the coming decades transbipolitics will become the carrier element of the global process of evolution of the noosphere with the consequent complication and increase of cohesion between the individual socio-cultural types that are part of the system of modern globalizing civilization. ; Постановка проблемы. Современный этап развития науки подразумевает радикальные институциональные изменения в ее социальном статусе и структуре. Основными отличиями от классического этапа являются: во-первых, отказ от принципа этической нейтральности научного знания и, во-вторых, реальный пересмотр содержания категории «парадигма» как центрального элемента организации теоретических знаний; ее замена значительно более сложными образованиями, состоящими из нескольких гетерогенных компонентов. Происходит взаимопроникновение публично-аксиологической и описательно-научной форм дискурса, создающих неразрывное единство в содержании теоретической структуры. Наша публикация посвящена анализу этих двух аспектов теоретической технонауки. В соответствии со спецификой предмета были применены методы количественного дискурсивного и концептуального анализа метатеоретических и онтологических знаний соответственно. В нашем исследовании есть супер-цель, которая заключается в определении базовой схемы взаимосвязи между организацией трансдисциплинарной матрицы и онтологическим уровнем теоретического технознания. В онтологическом аспекте технонаука (постакадемическая наука) представляет собой теоретический и технологический инструментарий для управления течением биологической и социокультурной эволюции. В эпистемологическом аспекте в современных теориях, имеющих человеческое измерение, есть специфическая (транс)дисциплинарная матрица, которая имеет не одно, а два парадигмальных ядра: научно-дескриптивное и гуманитарно-аксиологическое. Согласно нашей модели, принципы биоэтики представляют собой социальный институт регулирования и контроля технологического (биологического и социального) риска. Прикладные технологические разработки представлены (1) генной инженерией как инструментами управления биологической эволюцией и (2) социально-экономической инженерией как инструментами управления цивилизационным и социокультурным развитием. Эта бинарная структура логически вытекает из постулируемой нами трехмодульной организации устойчивой эволюционной стратегии человека разумного. Натурфилософия вновь приобретает статус основы теории эволюции в явном виде. Существует система метафизических постулатов и онтологических категорий, вытекающая из антропного принципа участия. Для современной неолиберальной политической демократии биовласть и биополитика выглядят наиболее эффективной технологией стабилизации сценариев и тенденций глобального эволюционного процесса, оптимальных в рамках этой идеологической системы. Выводы. Трансбиополитика в нашем понимании есть политическая проблематика, связанная с рационализацией глобального эволюционного процесса. В ближайшие десятилетия трансбиополитика станет несущим элементом глобального процесса эволюции ноосферы с последующим усложнением и увеличением когезии между отдельными социокультурными типами, входящими в систему современной глобализирующейся цивилизации. ; Постановка проблеми. Сучасний етап розвитку науки визначається радикальними інституційними змінами в її соціальному статусі та структурі. Основні відмінності від класичного етапу зводяться до: по-перше, відмови від принципу етичної нейтральності наукового знання і, по-друге, реального перегляду змісту категорії «парадигма» як центрального елементу організації теоретичних знань. Її замінюють значно більш складними конструкціями, що складаються з кількох гетерогенних компонентів. Відбувається взаємне проникнення публічно-аксіологічної та описово-наукової форм дискурсу, що створює нерозривну єдність щодо змісту теоретичної структури. Публікацію присвячено аналізу цих обидвох аспектів теоретичної технонауки. У відповідності до специфічності предмету дослідження було застосовано методи квантифікаційного дискурсивного та концептуального аналізу метатеоретичних і онтологічних знань відповідно. Надметою є визначення базової схеми взаємодії між організацією трансдисциплінарної матриці та онтологічним рівнем теоретичного технознання. У онтологічному аспекті технонаука (постакадемічна наука) є теоретичним і технологічним інструментарієм щодо управління напрямком біологічної та соціокультурної еволюції. У епістемологічному аспекті сучасні теорії, що мають людський вимір, містять специфічну (транс)дисциплінарну матрицю, що складається не з одного, а двох парадигмальних ядер: науково-дескриптивного та гуманітарно-аксіологічного. Згідно з нашою моделлю, принципи біоетики є соціальним інститутом регулювання та контролю технологічного (біологічного та соціального) ризику. Прикладні технологічні розробки представлені (1) генною інженерією як інструментом управління біологічною еволюцією та (2) соціально-економічною інженерією як засобом управління цивілізаційним і соціокультурним розвитком. Ця бінарна структура логічно походить з постульованої нами трьохмодульної організації стабільної еволюційної стратегії людини розумної. Натурфілософія знову набуває статусу основної теорії еволюції в експліцитному вигляді. Існує система метафізичних постулатів і онтологічних категорій, що походить з антропного принципу участі. Для сучасної неоліберальної політичної демократії біовлада та біополітика є найбільш ефективною технологією стабілізації сценаріїв і тенденцій глобального еволюційного процесу, оптимальними щодо цієї ідеологічної системи. Висновки. Трансбіополітика у нашому розумінні постає як політична проблематика, пов'язана з раціоналізацією глобального еволюційного процесу. Найближчими десятиліттями трансбіополітика стане несучим елементом глобального процесу еволюції ноосфери з подальшим ускладненням і збільшенням когезії між окремими соціокультурними типами, що входять до системи сучасної глобальної цивілізації.

Today, the Department of Political Science celebrated its graduates at our traditional Friday-Before-Graduation party. Alas, this year--because of COVID-19--we had to celebrate via Web Ex. We laughed, we cried, we shared memories over the past four years we've spent together.

Every year, a faculty member is chosen to give a charge to the graduates. I became the new head this past December after a stint filling in for a semester while Dr. Wilmer was on sabbatical. I decided to give the charge myself this year. What follows is the speech I delivered to these fantastic students who will go out into the world and do wonderful things. I will miss them, but at the same time, our nation needs their energy, their passion, and their brilliance now more than ever.




A Charge to the MSU Class
of 2020: The Citizen as Essential Worker

September 11, 2001.
I'll wager a bet that none of you graduating today have a clear memory of that
moment. I certainly do, and whenever I hear mention of 9-11, my mind snaps instantly
back to a particular image:  A plume of
smoke pouring from the North Tower of the World Trade Center right before—in
the background—a plane steers toward the South Tower. That plane is Flight 175,
destined to slam into that second tower shortly after 9 a.m. Eastern Time. Why does
my mind go there? I think it's because that image encapsulates the realization
that—at that exact moment—it was clear what America was facing: A terrorist
attack and likely war with those harboring the monsters who killed thousands of
innocent men, women, and children. That still frame, to me, is one of those key
turning points in a nation's history. We are still wrestling with the
consequences of that horrible day nearly twenty years later.

Right
now, we are living through another momentous time which will shape our
collective futures for a generation or more. What's your picture representing
this moment?

For
me, it's a photo of a young man with black hair and bronzed skin. He's clad in
green medical scrubs, standing astride an intersection in downtown Denver. His
arms are crossed, he's wearing a medical mask, and he's—angry? Determined?
Outraged? It's hard to see with his mouth covered.

In
front of him is a large pickup truck—a brand-spanking new silver Ram 1500. An
older, heavy-set woman, wearing a T-shirt with USA emblazoned on the front, is
leaning out of the passenger window—(Screaming? Glaring? It's not clear)—at the
medical worker blocking her car. She's holding a placard with the words, "Land
of the Free" flush against the side of the truck's door. Is she going to or
departing from a rally opposing the stay at home order put in place by
Colorado's Governor? We don't know—and that's fitting because there is so much
uncertainty in the depths of this pandemic.

For
me, that's the COVID-19 moment. With whom do you identity, graduates? The
defiant healthcare worker or the woman demanding her freedom?

It
was a stifling hot summer in Philadelphia when 56 men affixed their signatures
to parchment, detailing to the world how King George had violated the social
contract—and that the only remedy was to sunder the binds tying the 13 American
colonies to England. Freedoms had been withheld and denied, yes. But those
freedoms had been trampled upon by a government that was not representative.
The colonies had no members of Parliament. We had no say in the decisions made
for us. The Declaration is often remembered—and idealized—because it is viewed
as an expression of the freedoms that people ought to enjoy by virtue of their
humanity—rights that no government should easily deny.

But
as much as Jefferson's Declaration is one of independence from Britain, it is also
a Declaration of Inter-dependence among those proclaiming the birth of a new
nation. Let's not forget the concluding sentence:

"And for the support of this
Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we
mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor."

Back
to that picture in Denver. It's easy to say don't tread on me—like that woman
in the ginormous pickup truck. Oh, I bet it felt so damn good to release all that
frustration. Haven't we felt some of that? Don't you hunger for
companionship—to go to the grocery store sans mask, to hug your friends, to
belly up to the bar for a drink with your buddies after a long day of school?

But
then there's that man clad in protective gear in front of that car, reminding
us that those hugs, those trips to the grocery store without sanitizer, those
shared beers, or an in-person graduation celebration—can come at great cost.
Perhaps not for us—but maybe for that nurse in the ER, the grocery store clerk
checking us out, the bartender pouring that beer, or the elderly relative
sitting in the Field House as you walk across the stage.

Freedom
without responsibility to each other is just another form of tyranny. The
Founding Fathers got it; they knew that a declaration of freedom is worth no
more than the paper upon which it is printed without care for each other. The
freedoms we now enjoy were collectively earned and are collectively defended.
Are the costs we bear now any higher than those born by previous generations
charged with protecting this nation? It is a point worth pondering.

Our
inter-dependence is essential, so I find it disturbing that the Department of
Homeland Security's definition of so-called essential workers neglected perhaps
the most important job of all: Citizen. Our allegiance in this liberal
democracy of ours is to each other—we are all essential. To be free, we citizens
must all hang together— at six feet apart (!)—or surely, we will hang
separately.

Graduates
of the Class of 2020. I remind you that to establish justice, ensure domestic
tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and
secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity required the
founders to strive for a more perfect union.
To be more perfect: Together. Your charge is to work on that union as citizens,
mindful of what we owe each other, while being kind to ourselves and others
during these turbulent times.

Francisco Franco's long dictatorship far from easing the pain caused by the Spanish Civil War, only increased the ache of the wounds. The country, which had faced a fratricidal conflict between 1936 and 1939, would continue to endure violence and intolerance that would become the quintessence of the winning regime. Communists were demonized and, as such, they would be treated later by the Francoist authorities. Laws enacted during the Second Republic were abolished. In this way, divorces were annulled and the rights granted to women, abolished. Both sexes inmates filled the prisons: overcrowding, diseases and a cruel treatment for the reds became a priority for the Generalísimo and his followers. Violence was crystallized as another component of prison life. On the other hand, women were humiliated, subjected to excessive punishments and executed after trials in which their rights were not respected, and they suffered the worst of the torments: the expropriation of their children. The children were separated from their parents to "demarxitize them", this is why many were removed from their biological families and given to regime related families, and many times, after exchanging money. With the death of Franco, in 1975, many Spaniards sheltered the idea of carrying out trials that would repair wounds. However, the laws once again ignored ignominy. Oblivion and silence seemed to win the battle. More than 30,000 children were "abducted." But the culprits were never judged or punished. With this work, we aim to analyze the representation of those children, whose family life was taken from them, based on the documentaries Los niños perdidos del franquismo (2002), by Montserrat Armengou and Ricard Belis and El silencio de otros (2018), by Almudena Carracedo and Robert Behar. Parting from them, the hidden forms of violence in Francoism methods and the replication of violence due to the Silence policy and prohibition established by the laws sanctioned in democracy, would be exposed.Dictatorship – audiovisual representation – children - memory ; La larga dictadura de Francisco Franco lejos de echar paños fríos sobre las heridas producto de la Guerra Civil Española, solo sirvió para incrementarlas. El país que se había enfrentado en una contienda fratricida entre los años 1936 y 1939, seguiría padeciendo la violencia y la intolerancia que se habría de convertir en la quintaesencia del régimen vencedor. Los comunistas fueron demonizados y, como tales, sería posteriormente el tratamiento que recibirían por parte de las autoridades franquistas. Las leyes promulgadas durante la Segunda República fueron abolidas. De este modo, quedaron sin efecto los divorcios y fueron derogados los derechos logrados por las mujeres. Las cárceles se poblaron de reclusos de ambos sexos: hacinamiento, enfermedades y un cruel tratamiento para los rojos devinieron en las prioridades del Generalísimo y sus seguidores. La violencia se cristalizaba como un componente más de la vida carcelaria. Las mujeres, por su parte, fueron humilladas, sometidas a castigos excesivos y fusiladas en juicios en los cuales no se respetaron sus derechos, sufrieron el peor de los tormentos: el expolio de sus hijos. Los niños eran separados de sus padres para "desmarxitizarlos", motivo por el cual muchos fueron alejados de sus familias biológicas y dados a familias del régimen, muchas veces, a cambio de dinero. Con la muerte de Franco, en 1975, gran parte del pueblo español albergó la idea de llevar adelante juicios que sirviesen para restañar las heridas. Sin embargo, las leyes una vez más pasaron por alto la ignominia. El olvido y el silencio parecieron ganar la batalla. Más de 30.000 niños fueron "robados". Los culpables nunca fueron juzgados ni castigados. Con este trabajo, nos proponemos analizar la representación de esos niños cuya vida familiar les fue arrebatada, a partir de los documentales Los niños perdidos del franquismo (2002), de Montserrat Armengou y Ricard Belis y El silencio de otros (2018), de Almudena Carracedo y Robert Behar. A partir de ellos, las formas de la violencia escondidas tras los métodos implementados por el franquismo y la reduplicación de la misma debido al silenciamiento y la prohibición dadas por las leyes sancionadas en democracia, quedarían expuestas. ; A longa ditadura de Francisco Franco ao invés de reduzir as feridas produto da Guerra Civil Espanhola, só serviu para aumentá-las. O país que enfrentou uma disputa fratricida, entre 1936 e 1939, continuaria sofrendo a violência e a intolerância que se tornariam a quintessência do regime vencedor. Os comunistas foram demonizados e, como tais, mais tarde seria o tratamento que receberiam das autoridades franquistas. As leis promulgadas durante a Segunda República foram abolidas. Desse jeito, os divórcios eram nulos e os direitos conquistados pelas mulheres foram revogados. As prisões eram habitadas por prisioneiros de ambos os sexos: superlotação, doenças e tratamento cruel para os vermelhos tornaram-se as prioridades do Generalíssimo e os seguidores dele. A violência cristalizou-se em um outro componente da vida na prisão. As mulheres, por outro lado, foram humilhadas, submetidas a punições excessivas e baleadas em julgamentos onde os direitos delas não foram respeitados, sofreram o pior dos males: a pilhagem de seus filhos. As crianças foram separadas de seus pais para "desmarxizá-las", razão pela qual muitas foram apartadas de suas famílias biológicas e dadas às famílias do regime, muitas vezes, em troca de dinheiro. Com a morte de Franco, em 1975, grande parte do povo espanhol abrigou a idéia de fazer julgamentos que servissem para curar feridas. No entanto, mais uma vez as leis ignoraram a ignomínia. O esquecimento e o silêncio pareciam ganhar a batalha. Mais de 30.000 crianças foram "roubadas". Os culpados nunca foram julgados nem punidos. Com este trabalho, nós propomos analisar a representação das crianças dos quais a vida familiar foi tirada, com base nos documentários Los niños perdidos del franquismo (2002), de Montserrat Armengou e Ricard Belis e El silencio de otros (2018), de Almudena Carracedo e Robert Behar. A partir deles, as formas de violência ocultas por de trás dos métodos implementados pelo regime de Franco e a reduplicação da mesma como produto do silêncio e da proibição como resultado de leis promulgadas na democracia, seriam expostas.

Tarihsel süreç içinde yaşanan sosyo-ekonomik, teknolojik ve siyasal değişimlere bağlı olarak devletin üstlendiği görev tanımları yenilenmiştir. Dönemsel açıdan devlet güvenlik ve adalet gibi temel kamu hizmetlerini üstlenmiştir. Nüfus artışına bağlı olarak toplumsal kesimlerin çeşitlenmesi farklı talep ve beklentiler devletin özellikle mali açıdan yükünü arttırmıştır. Bu durum devletin kamu hizmetlerinin sunumu noktasında konumunu tartışmalı hale getirmiş ve minimal devlet olgusu ortaya çıkmıştır. Yeni sistem kamu hizmetlerinin sunumunda merkezi yetkileri yerel unsurlar, özel sektör ve sivil toplum kuruluşları arasında paylaştıran bir modeli ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bu modelde devletin doğrudan üreten değil düzenleyen ve denetleyen bir pozisyona geçmesi öngörülmüştür. Devletin yeni konumu ise yönetim süreçlerinde demokratik ve katılımcı anlayışı gerektirmiştir. Devlete biçilen yeni pozisyon sosyo-ekonomik kalkınma ve toplumsal refahın geliştirilmesi hedefini ertelemiş değildir. Küreselleşme süreci kalkınma hedefinin sağlanmasında devletin sivil toplum ve özel sektör vb. aktörler ile ortaklık kurmasına yol açmıştır. Küreselleşme süreci yönetsel kademe olan yerel yönetimleri iki başlıkta öne çıkarmıştır. Birincisi; katılım ve demokrasinin birincil uygulama alanı olarak yerel yönetimler ön plana çıkmıştır. İkincisi; yerel yönetimler sahip olduğu imkan ve potansiyel itibariyle kalkınma açısından merkez(ler) olarak kabul edilmiştir. Türkiye planlı kalkınma olgusu ile Cumhuriyetin ilanı ile tanışmıştır. Türkiye açısından 1923 İktisat Kongresi, Devlet Planlama Teşkilatının kurulması ve 1963 tarihli ilk Kalkınma Planı temel hamleler olmuştur. Kalkınma hamleleri içinde yerel unsurlar ve yerel yönetimler çeşitli dönemlerde öne çıkmışlardır. Bu açıdan kalkınma planları ülkemizin sosyo-ekonomik hedeflerinin belirlenmesinde yerel yönetimleri de bir aktör olarak görmüştür denilebilir. Cumhuriyetin ilk yıllarında köy kalkınması öne çıkarılırken sayısının ve nüfusunun artması ile kent sorunları kalkınma planlarında ele alınmaya başlanmıştır. Kalkınma planlarında kent daha çok yetki, görev ve mali yapıları ile ele alınmış bu konularda kısmi iyileştirmelere gidilmiştir. Dünya toplumlarının yaşadığı siyasal değişimler yerel yönetimlerin demokratik ve katılımcı yönünü ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bunun yansıması olarak ülkemizde de yerel yönetimlerin demokratik ve katılımcı bir modele evrilmesine yönelik temel hedefler kalkınma planlarına yansımıştır. Kent yönetimleri demokratik ve katılımcı yapılar olarak tanımlanmaya başlanmıştır. Ayrıca kalkınma planları yerel yönetimlerin asıl sorumluluk alanı olan kent hizmetlerinin nitelikleri ve türleri açısından vizyon ve hedef belirleme aracı olmuştur. Bu çerçevede Kalkınma planlarında kent odaklı; ulaşım, alt yapı, barınma, sosyo-kültürel, sosyo-ekonomik vb. pek çok alanda hedefler konulmuştur. Türkiye'de 1963'den bu yana 10 kalkınma planı hazırlanmıştır. Son olarak 23 Temmuz 2019'da 11. Kalkınma Planı uygulamaya girmiştir. Kalkınma planları sosyo-ekonomik açıdan öne çıksa da aslında tüm kurumsal yapılara yönelik hedef ve politikalar belirler. Türkiye'de hazırlanan kalkınma planları da yerel yönetim alanında da değişim ve dönüşüm odaklı olmuştur. Yayınlanan 11. Kalkınma planının içeriğinde geçmiş dönem planlarına ait atıflar bulunmaktadır. En önemli nokta ise; yerel yönetimlere ilişkin yeniden reform yapılacağı belirtilmesidir. Ayrıca insan odaklı şehir; yeşil şehir; akıllı şehir; kaliteli hizmet sunumu; katılımcılık; şeffaflık; hesap verilebilirlik; optimum coğrafi alan vb. kavramlara yer verilmektedir. Tüm bunlar 11. Plan döneminde yerel yönetimlere ilişkin değişimin devam edeceğini göstermektedir. ; Depending on the socio-economic, technological and political changes in the historical process, the responsibility of the state has been renewed. As far as the era is concerned, it undertook basic public services such as state security and justice. Diversification of social segments due to population increase, different demands and expectations have increased especially the financial burden of the state. This situation rendered the status of the state controversial in terms of offering public services and introduced the phenomenon of a minimal state. The new system introduced a model that distributes central powers among local elements, the private sector, and non-governmental organizations in the offering of public services. The model provides that the state should adopt a regulating and supervising position instead of directly producing one. And the new position of the state required democratic and participatory understanding in the governing processes. This new position seen fit to the state has not delayed the goal of socio-economic development and social welfare. The process of globalization enabled the state to form a partnership with actors such as the civil society and the private sector in fulfilling the aims of development. The globalization process called for local administrative governments, in two ways. First; local governments were at play as the means of primary application of participation and democracy. Second; local governments were accepted as the center(s) concerning development thanks to their capabilities and potential. Turkey was introduced with the concept of planned development with the proclamation of the Republic. For Turkey, the Economic Congress of 1923, the establishment of the State Planning Organization and the first Development Plan of 1963 have constituted the main steps. In the development steps, local elements and local administrations came to the fore in different periods. In this respect, it is safe to say that development plans also regarded the local governments as actors in determining the socio-economic goals of our country. While rural development was emphasized in the first years of the republic, increasing urban population and urban problems necessitated these problems to be addressed in development plans. In the development plans, a city was mostly treated keeping in mind the authorities, duties and financial structure; and partial improvements were made on these issues. Political changes experienced by the world's societies revealed the democratic and participatory aspects of local governments. As a repercussion of this, the main aims for the evolution of local governments into a democratic and participatory model in our country are reflected in the development plans. City administrations started to be defined as democratic and participatory structures. Besides, development plans have been a vision and goal setting tool in terms of characteristics and types of urban services, which are the main areas of responsibility of local governments. In this framework, in city development plans, cityfocused aims have been defined in various fields such as transportation, infrastructure, shelter, socio-economics, etc. Since 1963, 10 development plans have been issued in Turkey. Finally, on July 23 2019, the 11th Development Plan was issued. Although development plans come to the forefront from a socio-economic point of view in general, they actually set goals and policies for all institutional structures. In Turkey, the development plans prepared has been focused on the changes and transformations in the local government area. The 11th Development Plan contains references to these previous plans. The most important point seems to be the strong emphasis on the re-reform of local governments. Also; people oriented cities, green cities, smart cities, quality service delivery, participation, transparency, accountability, optimum geographical area and etc. concepts take part in the plan. All this shows that change in local administrations will continue in the 11th plan period.

This paper is dedicated to the history of the Women's International Democratic Federation (further WIDF), the influential transnational organization of the period of the Cold War. The scholars who were dealing with the history of this organization have different opinions about its activities and historical role. Indeed, several researches have shown that the federation realized a lot of solidarity work; the federation was important not least with respect to the anti-colonial and anti-racist struggles as well for cooperation between women from inside and outside Europe. But on the other hand, historically this organization was seen as dependent from the Soviet Union or as the organization where Communist ideas and Soviet bloc's geopolitical interests have played an important role. The aim of this paper is to explore some of the contradictory aspects of the WIDF's ideology and activities. I use the WIDF's official publications, first of all, the federation's journal Women of the Whole World/ Zhenshchiny mira (published from 1951 in English, French, Russian and, later on German, Spanish and Arabic) vis-à-vis the material from the archive in Moscow, belonging to the WIDF's member organization from the Soviet Union (GARF, Fond of the Committee of the Soviet Women). In this paper I discuss the federation's use of the achievements of the state socialist countries on the way to women's emancipation as well as WIDF's main political concepts and some of their interpretations. Thus, I explore the contradictions with respect to how the concepts as human rights, democracy and women's rights were used in WIDF's documents from different periods as well as discuss conflicts connected to their use. ; Artykuł poświęcony jest historii Światowej Demokratycznej Federacji Kobiet (ŚDFK), wpływowej międzynarodowej organizacji okresu zimnej wojny. Badacze zajmujący się jej funkcjonowaniem prezentują zróżnicowane opinie na temat działalności i roli historycznej federacji. Z dotychczasowych ustaleń wynika, że ŚDFK oprócz inspirowania Europejek i kobiet z pozostałych kontynentów do walki o ich prawa realizowała wiele projektów solidarystycznych. Niektóre z jej inicjatyw miały wpływ zarówno na proces dekolonizacji, jak i postępy w walce z rasizmem. Jednocześnie organizacja była postrzegana jako zależna od Związku Sowieckiego, jako struktura propagująca idee komunistyczne i geopolityczne interesy bloku wschodniego. Celem tego artykułu jest zbadanie pewnych sprzeczności pomiędzy bazą ideologiczną a praktyczną działalnością ŚDFK. Podstawą do opracowania tematu są z jednej strony publikacje zaczerpnięte z oficjalnego organu prasowego federacji, którym od 1951 r. był periodyk "Kobiety Całego Świata" (ukazywał się w języku angielskim, francuskim, rosyjskim, a później niemieckim, hiszpańskim i arabskim), a z drugiej strony materiały zrzeszonego w ŚDFK Komitetu Kobiet Sowieckich (dostępne w zasobie Archiwum Państwowego Federacji Rosyjskiej, w zespole Komitetu Kobiet Sowieckich). W artykule scharakteryzowano główne koncepcje polityczne ŚDFK, jak też skalę wykorzystania do celów propagandowych przez federację osiągnięć państw socjalistycznych. Ukazano też poprzez pryzmat oficjalnych dokumentów federacji z różnych okresów jej działalności zmieniające się interpretacje takich pojęć, jak: demokracja, prawa człowieka, prawa kobiet oraz wynikłe z tego sprzeczności związane z użyciem tych terminów. ; Stockholm University and Mid-Sweden University ; Yulia Gradskova – pracownik Uniwersytetu w Sztokholmie. Jej naukowe zainteresowania ogniskują się wokół rosyjskiej, sowieckiej i posowieckiej historii społecznej i historii płci. Interesuje się także postsocjalizmem, historią dekolonialną i transnarodową. W swojej rozprawie doktorskiej (obronionej w 2007 r.) zajmowała się zmianami dyskursu dotyczącego macierzyństwa i urody w ocenie kobiet mieszkających w Moskwie, Ufie (Baszkirii) i Saratowie. Habilitacja (Uniwersytet Södertörn, 2010–2012) dotyczyła krytycznej rewizji sowieckiej polityki "emancypacji" i "kulturalizacji" kobiet na dawnych cesarskich kresach. Brała udział w kilku wspólnych projektach badawczych na Uniwersytecie Södertörn, w tym jeden z nich poświęcony był transformacji rodziny z okresu socjalizmu państwowego do okresu posocjalistycznego ("Rodzina i silne państwo: emancypacja czy przymus", 2008–2009). Obecnie prowadzi badania na temat Światowej Demokratycznej Federacji Kobiet – dużej międzynarodowej organizacji założonej w 1945 r. w Paryżu. ; yulia.gradskova@historia.su.se ; 172 ; 2(9) ; 185 ; State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF), fond 7928, Committee of the Soviet Woman. ; Women of the Whole World, 1960–1981. ; Za ravnopravie, schastie, mir, (Berlin : WIDF, 1953). ; Zhenshchiny mira, 1958–1981. ; Between Protest and Nation-Building, Chen Jian, Martin Klimke, Masha Kirasirova et al. (eds.), (London : Routledge, 2018), 230–242. ; Bonfiglioli, Chiara. Revolutionary Networks. Women's Political and Social Activism in Cold War Italy and Yugoslavia (1945–1957), PhD diss., (Utrecht, 2012), https://dspace.library.uu.nl/bitstream/handle/1874/254104/Bonfiglioli.pdf?sequence. ; Djagalov, Rossen. Salazkina, Masha. "Tashkent' 68, a cinematic contact zone", Slavic Review, Vol. 75, No. 2, 2016. ; Donert, Celia. "Whose Utopia? Gender, Ideology and Human Rights at the 1975 World Congress in East Berlin", in: Jan Eckel, Samuel Moyn (eds.), The Breakthrough: Human Rights in the 1970s, (Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 68–87. ; Edelman, Fanny. Banderas, Pasiones, Camaradas (Buenos Aires : Ediciones Dirple, 1996), 142. ; Gallo, Maria Theresa. "Today, a Woman is a President of the Republic of Uzbekistan", Women of the Whole World, No. 2, 1959, 9–21. ; Ghodsee, Kristen. Second World, Second Sex, (Durham : Duke University Press, 2018). ; Gradskova, Yulia. Soviet Politics of Emancipation of Ethnic Minority Woman. Natsionalka, (Cham : Springer, 2018). ; de Haan, Francisca. "Continuing Cold War Paradigms in Western Historiography of Transnational Women's Organizations: The Case of the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF)", Women's History Review, Vol. 19, No. 4, 2010, 547–573. ; de Haan, Francisca. "The Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF): History, Main Agenda and Contributions (1945–1991)", in: Thomas Dublin, Kathryn Kish Sklar (eds.), Women and Social Movements (WASI) Online Archive, 2012, http://alexanderstreet.com/products/women-and-social-movements-international ; de Haan, Francisca. "The Global Left-Feminist 1960s. From Copenhagen to Moscow and New York", in: The Routledge Handbook of the Global Sixties, (London : Routledge, 2018), 230–242. ; Kamp, Marianne. New Woman in Uzbekistan, Islam, Modernity and Unveiling under Communism, (Seattle : University of Washington Press, 2006). ; Kanet, Roger. "Soviet Propaganda and the process of national liberation", in: Roger Kanet (ed.), Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and the Third World, (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1988), 84–114. ; McGregor, Katherine. "Opposing Colonialism: the Women's International Democratic Federation and Decolonization Struggles in Vietnam and Algeria 1945–1965", Women's History Review, Vol. 25, No. 6, 2016, 925–944. ; Mohanty, Chandra. Feminism without borders: decolonizing theory, practicing solidarity, (Durham : Duke University Press, 2003). ; Moyn, Samuel. The Last Utopia. Human Rights in History, (Cambridge, MA : Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2010). ; Tlostanova, Madina. Gender Epistemologies and Eurasian Borderland, (Basingstoke : Palgrave, 2010).

Abstract. The article analyzes the problem of preparing higher education applicants, future teachers for practice in summer health camps as a means of forming their pedagogical competence; the content of the concepts "pedagogical practice", "summer health camps", "professional competence" is specified. It is established that pedagogical practice (practice in summer health camps) is a mandatory component of the educational process of pedagogical educational institutions. It is determined that the purpose of preparing students to work in summer health camps is to expand professional and pedagogical knowledge and experience of independent organization of life and activities of children's team, mastering the methods of educational work with students of different ages during the summer holidays. It was found that preparation for practice in summer health camps has a systemic nature and involves the implementation of constant psychological and pedagogical support by experienced teachers, methodologists, counselors, leaders of children's health camps. It is established that the training of students should be based on the following components: personal, theoretical, practical. It is specified that professional competence consists of various components – competencies that determine the readiness and ability of the future teacher to successfully perform professional and pedagogical activities. It is outlined that the educational work in the camp includes a reasonable combination of rest, work, sports with cognitive, aesthetic, environmental, health activities. The content, forms and methods of work are determined by the statute, teaching staff and are based on the principles of initiative and initiative of children and students, democracy and humanism, development of national and cultural-historical traditions, priority of universal spiritual achievements and values. It was found that in the process of working in the summer health camp, students must conduct various types and organizational forms of activity: competitions, reviews, competitions in various activities that promote self-determination of units, organizational and social activities; educational conversations and safety rules; labor affairs, self-service, duty in the dining room, camp, landscaping, etc. It is substantiated that all work in the summer health camp should be carefully planned. Planning educational work requires a clear sequence, system and consistency. This is one of the most important conditions for the successful organization of summer holidays for schoolchildren. Keywords: practice in the summer health camp, summer recreation camp, duties of student-trainee, professional competence, applicants for higher education. ; Аннотация. В статье проведен анализ проблемы подготовки соискателей высшего образования, будущих педагогов к практике в летних оздоровительных лагерях как средства формирования их педагогической компетентности; уточнено содержание понятий «педагогическая практика», «летние оздоровительные лагеря», «профессиональная компетентность». Установлено, что педагогическая практика (практика в летних оздоровительных лагерях) выступает обязательной составляющей образовательного процесса педагогических учебных заведений. Определено, что цель подготовки студентов к работе в летних оздоровительных лагерях заключается в расширении профессионально-педагогических знаний и опыта самостоятельной организации жизни и деятельности детского коллектива, овладение методикой воспитательной работы со школьниками разного возраста в период летних каникул. Выяснено, что подготовка к практике в летних оздоровительных лагерях носит системный характер и предусматривает осуществление постоянного психолого-педагогического сопровождения опытными преподавателями-методистами, вожатыми, руководителями детских оздоровительных лагерей. Установлено, что подготовка соискателей образования должна основываться на таких компонентах: личностный, теоретический, практический. Уточнено, что профессиональная компетентность состоит из различных компонентов - компетенций, определяющих готовность и способность будущего учителя к успешному выполнению профессионально-педагогической деятельности. Определены, что воспитательная работа в лагере включает в себя разумное сочетание отдыха, труда, спорта с познавательной, эстетической, экологической, оздоровительной деятельностью. Содержание, формы и методы работы определяются уставом, педагогическим коллективом и строятся на принципах инициативы и самодеятельности детей и учащейся молодежи, демократии и гуманизма, развития национальных и культурно-исторических традиций, приоритетности общечеловеческих духовных достижений и ценностей. Установлено, что в процессе работы в летнем оздоровительном лагере студенты должны проводить различные виды и организационные формы деятельности: конкурсы, смотры, соревнования по различным видам деятельности, которые способствуют самоопределению отрядов, проявляют первые коллективные эмоции, первую общую радость; организационно-общественную деятельность; воспитательные беседы и правила по технике безопасности; трудовые дела, самообслуживание, дежурство в столовой, по лагерю, благоустройство территории и тому подобное. Обосновано, что вся работа в летнем оздоровительном лагере должна быть тщательно спланирована. Планирование воспитательной работы требует четкой последовательности, системности и преемственности. Это одно из важнейших условий успешной организации летнего отдыха школьников. Ключевые слова: практика в летних оздоровительных лагерях, летний оздоровительный лагерь, обязанности студента-практиканта, профессиональная компетентность, соискатели высшего образования. ; Анотація. У статті здійснено аналіз проблеми підготовки здобувачів вищої освіти, майбутніх педагогів до практики в літніх оздоровчих таборах як засобу формування їхньої педагогічної компетентності; уточнено зміст понять «педагогічна практика», «професійна підготовка», «професійна компетентність», «літні оздоровчий табір». Аналіз літературних джерел з проблеми дослідження показав, що педагогічна практика (практика в літніх оздоровчих таборах) виступає обов'язковою складовою освітнього процесу педагогічних закладів освіти. Визначено, що мета підготовки студентів до роботи в літніх оздоровчих таборах полягає у розширенні професійно-педагогічних знань і досвіду самостійної організації життя і діяльності дитячого колективу, оволодіння методикою виховної роботи зі школярами різного віку в період літніх канікул. З'ясовано, що підготовка до практики в літніх оздоровчих таборах має системний характер і передбачає здійснення постійного психолого-педагогічного супроводу досвідченими викладачами-методистами, вожатими, керівниками дитячих оздоровчих таборів. Встановлено, що підготовка здобувачів освіти має ґрунтуватися на таких компонентах: особистісний, теоретичний, практичний. Уточнено, що професійна компетентність складається з різних компонентів – компетенцій, які визначають готовність і здатність майбутнього вчителя до успішного виконання професійно-педагогічної діяльності. Окреслено, що виховна робота в літніх оздоровчих таборах включає в себе поєднання відпочинку, праці, спорту з пізнавальною, естетичною, екологічною, оздоровчою діяльністю. Зміст, форми та методи роботи визначаються статутом, педагогічним колективом і будуються на принципах ініціативи й самодіяльності дітей та учнівської молоді, демократії і гуманізму, розвитку національних і культурно-історичних традицій, пріоритетності загальнолюдських духовних досягнень і цінностей. З'ясовано, що у процесі роботи в літньому оздоровчому таборі студенти повинні проводити різні види й організаційні форми діяльності: конкурси, огляди, змагання з різних видів діяльності, які сприяють самовизначенню загонів, організаційно-громадську діяльність; виховні бесіди та правила з техніки безпеки; трудові справи, самообслуговування, чергування в їдальні, по табору, благоустрій території тощо. Обґрунтовано, що вся робота в літньому оздоровчому таборі повинна бути ретельно спланована. Планування виховної роботи вимагає чіткої послідовності, системності та наступності. Це одна з найважливіших умов успішної організації літнього відпочинку школярів. Ключові слова: практика в літніх оздоровчих таборах, літній оздоровчий табір, обов'язки студента-практиканта, професійна компетентність, здобувачі вищої освіти.

[spa] La mediación es una práctica profesional que lleva muchos años vigente en nuestro entorno. Las experiencias públicas de mediación han demostrado ser una opción única para la ciudadanía de las sociedades democráticas en la gestión de sus conflictos, cuyos beneficios abarcan desde la economía procesal hasta la horizontalización de la democracia. Como ciudadanos sabemos que la mayoría de los conflictos que surgen entre nosotros son inevitables, pero su tratamiento, gestión y resolución pueden hacer la diferencia. Una buena gestión del conflicto puede evitar las consecuencias negativas que éste podría provocar en nuestras vidas. Cuando la mediación deviene política pública se hace universal e implica el ejercicio del derecho a hablar y a ser escuchado, así como a negociar bajo parámetros de atención, confianza y seguridad para los involucrados. Y, a la vez, desde la administración pública se transmite y se apoya la idea de la capacidad ciudadana para la gestión de sus diferencias, sin la injerencia paternalista del poder público. La finalidad de esta tesis es proponer una política pública para Catalunya estableciendo las líneas, objetivos y programas de intervención para que la mediación, como vía eficaz de resolución de conflictos, sea una realidad para toda la ciudadanía. Para hacerlo, esta tesis se divide en tres partes: Se comienza el trabajo con una profunda reflexión sobre el concepto de política pública y relacionándolo con la mediación y la resolución de conflictos. Posteriormente, en la segunda parte del trabajo se hace una exposición detallada del proyecto que el doctorando llevó a cabo por encargo de EUROsociAL+, la Agencia de Cooperación Europea con Latinoamérica, consistente en una asistencia técnica de apoyo a la implantación de un programa de gestión y promoción de iniciativas de resolución de conflictos locales enmarcada dentro de la reforma procesal civil de Chile. Finalmente, se da el salto a Catalunya y, con todo lo aprendido en el proyecto chileno, se establecen las bases para la creación de una nueva política pública en materia de mediación, proponiendo así un escenario posible y realista para que esta comunidad autónoma vuelva a ser pionera en el desarrollo e innovación de la mediación. ; [cat] La mediació és una pràctica professional que porta molts anys vigent en el nostre entorn. Les experiències públiques de mediació han demostrat ser una opció única per a la ciutadania de les societats democràtiques en la gestió dels seus conflictes, els beneficis dels quals abasten des de l'economia processal fins a l'horitzontalització de la democràcia. Com a ciutadans sabem que la majoria dels conflictes que sorgeixen entre nosaltres són inevitables, però el seu tractament, gestió i resolució poden fer la diferència. Una bona gestió del conflicte pot evitar les conseqüències negatives que aquest podria provocar en les nostres vides. Quan la mediació esdevé política pública es fa universal i implica l'exercici del dret a parlar i a ser escoltat, així com a negociar baix paràmetres d'atenció, confiança i seguretat per als involucrats. I, alhora, des de l'administració pública es transmet i es dóna suport a la idea de la capacitat ciutadana per a la gestió de les seves diferències, sense la ingerència paternalista del poder públic. La finalitat d'aquesta tesi és proposar una política pública per a Catalunya establint les línies, objectius i programes d'intervenció perquè la mediació, com a via eficaç de resolució de conflictes, sigui una realitat per a tota la ciutadania. Per a fer-ho, aquesta tesi es divideix en tres parts: Es comença el treball amb una profunda reflexió sobre el concepte de política pública i relacionant-lo amb la mediació i la resolució de conflictes. Posteriorment, en la segona part del treball es fa una exposició detallada del projecte que el doctorant va dur a terme per encàrrec d'EUROsociAL+, l'Agència de Cooperació Europea amb Llatinoamèrica, consistent en una assistència tècnica de suport a la implantació d'un programa de gestió i promoció d'iniciatives de resolució de conflictes locals emmarcada dins de la reforma processal civil de Xile. Finalment, es fa el salt a Catalunya i, amb tot allò après en el projecte xilè, s'estableixen les bases per a la creació d'una nova política pública en matèria de mediació, proposant així un escenari possible i realista perquè aquesta comunitat autònoma torni a ser pionera en el desenvolupament i innovació de la mediació. ; [eng] Mediation is a professional practice that has been placed for many years in our environment. Public experiences of mediation have proved to be a unique option for the citizens of democratic societies in the management of their conflicts, the benefits of which range from procedural economy to the horizontalization of democracy. As citizens we know that most of the conflicts that arise between us are unavoidable, but their treatment, management and resolution can make a difference. Good conflict management can avoid the negative consequences that this could cause in our lives. When mediation becomes public policy, it becomes universal and implies the exercise of the right to speak and be heard, as well as to negotiate under parameters of attention, trust and security for those involved. At the same time, the public administration transmits and supports the idea of citizens' capacity to manage their differences, without the paternalistic interference of the public authorities. The aim of this thesis is to propose a public policy for Catalonia by establishing the lines, objectives and programs of intervention so that mediation, as an effective way of conflict resolution, becomes a reality for all citizens. To do so, this thesis is divided into three parts: The paper begins with an in-depth reflection on the concept of public policy, relating it to mediation and conflict resolution. Later, in the second part of the thesis, there is a detailed presentation of the project that the doctoral carried out on behalf of EUROsociAL+, the Agency for European Cooperation with Latin America, consisting of technical assistance to support the implementation of a program for the management and promotion of local conflict resolution initiatives within the framework of Chile's civil procedural reform. Finally, the leap is made to Catalonia and, with everything learned in the Chilean project, we establish the bases to create a new public policy on mediation, thus proposing a possible and realistic scenario for this region to, once again, be a pioneer in the development and innovation of mediation.

1980'li yıllardan itibaren küreselleşmenin etkinliklerini zirvelerde gerçekleştirdiği görülmektedir. Bu süreçle paralel olarak uluslararası etkileşimlerde büyük artışlar yaşanarak, çok uluslu şirketlerin aktörleştiği ve diğer aktörler ile (sivil toplum örgütü, devlet ve uluslararası örgütler) bağımlılık ve güç ilişkisi kurduğu bir sistem var olmaktadır. Serbest piyasanın tüm dünyada yaygınlaşması ulus devletin etkinlikleri azaltarak yönetim tekelini kırmış ve çok uluslu şirketlerin hakimiyetinin genişlediği bir yapı oluşturmuştur. Finans piyasalarının dönüşüme dahil olması ile sermayenin uluslararası dolaşımı artmıştır. Bu durum çok uluslu şirketlerin yabancı yatırımları, küresel piyasada faaliyetleri sürdürebilmenin en önemli aracı olarak görmelerine neden olmuştur. Özellikle sermaye birikiminin yetersiz kaldığı gelişmekte olan ülkelerin kalkınması adına önemli olan doğrudan yabancı yatırımlar alternatif dış finansman kaynağı olarak görülerek, sorun çözümünde en değerli yol olmaktadır. Doğrudan yabancı yatırımların etkilerinin ülkeden ülkeye veya şirketten şirkete değiştiği görülmektedir. Her koşulda doğrudan yabancı yatırım gelişmekte olan ülke için önemli bir kaynak artışı sağlamaktadır. Gelişmekte olan ülkeler beklenilen etkin sanayinin kurulamaması üzerine çok uluslu şirketlerin bu ilişkide köprü görevini üstlenmesini olumlu bularak şirket faaliyetlerini teşvik etmektedirler. Yaşanılan bu ilişkide gelişmekte olan ülkelerin yapılarında büyük değişimler yaşanmakta ve ülke üzerinde baskı oluşturmaktadır. Bu durumda çok uluslu şirketler siyasal yapılar haline bürünerek devlet ile sermaye arasındaki ilişkilerin azalmasına neden olmuştur. Piyasada aktörlerin ulus devletin etkilerini negatif şekilde hissetmesi aktörlerin sivil toplum örgütleriyle işbirliklerini arttırmıştır. Bu işbirliğinin oluşmasının nedeni, devletin sosyal uygulamalarını azaltması ve şirketlerin sadece ekonomik faydayı değil sosyal faydayı da benimseme mecburiyetidir. Bu süreç bağlı kapitalizm kavramını oluşturmuş çok uluslu şirketler ile sivil toplum örgütlerinin birbirine bağımlı olduğu, birbirini etkilediği ve sistem içerisinde güç oluşturduğu ilişki bütünü var olmuştur. Kurulan işbirliği piyasa içi ve piyasa dışı pek çok avantajı taraflara sunmaktadır. Bu ilişkinin giderek güçlenmesi sosyal yardımların melez kurum (sivil toplum örgütü ile çok uluslu şirket bileşimi) üzerinden yapılmasına neden olmaktadır. Bağlı kapitalizmin daha çok gelişmekte olan ülkelerde var olma nedeni, sivil toplum anlayışının gelişmediği, demokrasinin içselleştirilemediği ve politik süreçlerden bağımsız olarak düşünülemeyen kurumsal sosyal sorumluluk anlayışının var olması bağlı kapitalizmi bu ülkelerde etkin kılmaktadır. Ayrıca devletin çok uluslu şirketin aktörlüğüne müdahale etme isteğinin çıkış noktası olarak görülen bu işbirliği, bağlı kapitalizmin bu ülkelerdeki etkisini arttırmıştır. Ülkelerdeki yönetim başarısızlıkları ve yönetim boşlukları sivil toplum örgütlerine ihtiyacı arttırarak bu bölgede işlerlik kazanmasına neden olmuştur. Gelişmekte olan ülkelerde krizlerin olumsuz etkilerinin daha fazla olması sivil toplum örgütlerinin işbirliğini tercih etmesinin nedenini oluşturmaktadır. Çok uluslu şirket ile sivil toplum örgütü işbirliği taraflar açısından karşılıklı değer yaratma süreci olarak tanımlanmaktadır. Bu değer yaratma sürecinde tarafların iki kurumdan ziyade tek bir kurum gibi hareket edildiği görülmektedir. Karşılıklı çıkarlar doğrultusunda etkinliklerini sürdüren melez kurum var olmaktadır. Bağlı kapitalizm kavramı, sivil toplum kuruluşu ve çok uluslu şirketlerin kapitalist sistem içerisinde ayakta kalabilmeleri adına karşılıklı çıkarlarının gözetildiği, güçlerin birleştirildiği sistemi ifade etmekte ve tüm dünyayı etkilemektedir. --- The impacts of globalization were observed on its peak point since 1980s. In parallel to this process, major increases were experienced in international interactions, and a system, in which multinational corporations became actors and established dependency and power relations with other actors (i.e. non-governmental organization, governmental and international organizations), came into existence. The spread of free market throughout the whole world has destroyed the monopoly in terms of management by reducing the effects of nation-state, and it generated a construct, in which the dominance of multinational corporations expanded. The circulation of the stock in international platforms has increased with the involvement of the finance market to this transformation. As a consequence of that, multinational corporations consider foreign investments as the most crucial tool to sustain transactions in the global market. First-hand foreign investments, which are important for the developing countries where the capital stock is insufficient, are seen as an alternative external financing source and become the most valuable way to the solution of the problem. It is seen that the effects of direct investments vary across different countries and corporations. In all circumstances, first-hand foreign investments provide the developing countries with a significant increase in sources. Due to not establishing an effective industry in developing countries, the bridging role undertaken by multinational corporations in this relationship is found positive and their operations are promoted. Major structural changes are experienced in the developing countries in this relationship and this condition generates a pressure on these countries. In this case, multinational corporations disguise in political structures and cause a decrease in the relationship between the government and the capital. Feeling the impacts of nation states in a negative way by actors in the market facilitates the corporation between the actors and non-governmental organizations. The reasons behind this corporation are the decrease in social execution by the government and the requirement of adopting not only an economical gain but also a social benefit. This process leads to the emergence of the term "dependent capitalism" and there exists an entirety of relation, in which multinational corporations and non-governmental organizations are dependent to each other, are affecting each other, and are generating power within the system. The cooperation provides advantages to each side in terms of external and internal market. The gradual consolidation of this relationship leads to providing the social assistance through a hybrid institution (which is the combination of a non-governmental organization and a multinational corporation). The reason why dependent capitalism mostly exists in developing countries is the institutional social responsibility perception which cannot be thought independent of political processes and in which sense of civil society does not improve, and the democracy is not internalized. Besides, this corporation, which is regarded as the starting point of the desire of interference of government to the multinational corporations, increases the effects of dependent capitalism in these countries. The administration failures and vacancies in these countries lead to the need for non-governmental organizations and to the functionality of these organizations in these regions. The dominant negative effects of crisis in the developing countries lead to the preference of non-governmental organizations for a cooperation. The cooperation between a multinational corporation and a non-governmental organization is defined as a process of creating reciprocal value in terms of each side. It is seen that these sides act as a single institution in this value-creation process rather than two different institutions. They are regarded as hybrid institutions which maintain their operations in accordance with their mutual benefits. The term "dependent capitalism" refers to a system, in which the non-governmental organizations and the multinational corporations look after their mutual benefits to maintain their existence and in which theyunify their strengths, influences the whole world.

Problem setting. The problem of protecting information freedom and finding its effective means is relevant for many countries. It is important for countries with a totalitarian past. Of particular importance for the protection of information freedom is the activity of non-state institutions. In this regard, it is necessary to develop the conceptual bases of the right to information. Currently, there are no unambiguous approaches to the definition of the essence of the right to information. Considerable attention is paid to the relation between the right to information and other information rights and freedoms. First of all, there is interest in the relation between the right to information and freedom of speech, since the right to information is derived from freedom of speech. The need to institutionalize the right to information actualizes the problem of determining its essence and content by correlating with other similar concepts.Recent research and publications suggest that the problem of the right to information and its relation to freedom of speech is well developed. The right to information is considered as a composite part of the freedom of speech and press. Another approach assumes the independent status of the right to information, as it provides a person with the process of adaptation in society. The right to information acts as a social copy of the traditional freedom of speech. Separately considered the right to information in the context of the right to free access to information. However, no single concept of the right to information has been formulated.Paper objective. The aim of the paper is to attempt a philosophical conceptualization of the human right to information.Paper main body. The right to information is more meaningful than freedom of speech. It is not absorbed by the freedom of speech and is not its element. It implies the right to objective information about events in society, and freedom of speech is aimed at the free circulation of thoughts and positions of particular individuals. For the realization of the right to information, free access to sources of meaningful information is important. And for the exercise of freedom of speech such access is not significant. Freedom of speech provides a free discussion of events in society, and with the help of the right to information, civil society is provided with information for public debates.Of particular note is the relation between the concepts of "right to information" and "freedom of information". Freedom of information is considered as an element of freedom of speech, which consists in the authority to disseminate messages and to receive information freely. On the other hand, the concept of information includes the concepts of "opinion", "free word", "position". It means that freedom of information includes in its content the traditional freedom of speech.In the sphere of information rights, there are active and passive aspects. The right to information can be considered as a passive form of freedom of information, and freedom of speech as active. At the same time, freedom of information in the broad sense includes absolutely all information rights and freedoms of citizens, covers the sphere of communication and information activities. Freedom of communication is the ability of each person to communicate, transmit or receive information. The protection of communication processes through its legalization acts as freedom of information.There are two forms of freedom of information: individual and institutional. Institutional freedom of information includes freedom of the press, broadcasting and freedom of other media. For it, freedom of search and getting information as a basic element in the work of the media is of particular importance. Freedom of information ensures the free and unhindered circulation of information in society and at the same time guarantees non-interference in the sphere of individual information activities of a person.Often the right to information is replaced by the right to access information. From the point of view of constitutional law, this approach is justified, since it is considered as one of the basic political rights. It can be specified as the right to access the official information, often hidden by the authorities. In this regard, it is necessary to develop and specify the obligation of state bodies to provide information to the public. Since the realization of different rights at all levels requires access to relevant information, this right becomes special for a person. Access to sources is a criterion for distinguishing the right to information and freedom of speech. The development of information technologies, which makes real the principle of equal access to information of all interested parties, is essential for this process.It is obvious that the right to information in its content is wider than the right to access information. But the right of access guarantees the realization of the right to information. At the same time, both of these rights perform the same social functions and are terminologically interrelated.Conclusions of the research Thus, the right to information holds a special place among other information rights. This is due to the specifics of its content, object and subject composition, legal properties. But no less significant is the role that the right to information plays in the socio-political practice of the country. Only the right to information actually ensures the interrelation of civil society and the state, gives the individual the status of an active subject of social life and guarantees the mechanisms of democratic responsibility within a democracy. ; Показано, что право на информацию и свобода слова являются двумя обособленными элементами более широкого понятия свободы информации. Право на информацию не поглощается свободою слова, имеет собственную сущность и функцию относительно удовлетворения определенных интересов субъектов. Доказывается, что право на доступ информации гарантирует реализацию более широкого по содержанию права на информацию. Обосновывается потребность комплексного философского изучения информационной свободы человека и ее правового регулирования. ; Показано, що право на інформацію і свобода слова є двома відособленими елементами ширшого поняття свободи інформації. Право на інформацію не поглинається свободою слова, має власну сутність та функцію щодо задоволення певних інтересів суб'єктів. Доводиться, що право на доступ до інформації гарантує реалізацію більш широкого за змістом права на інформацію. Обґрунтовується потреба комплексного філософського вивчення інформаційної свободи людини та її правового регулювання.

The article includes multivariate approaches to the interpretation of definitions identification and identity. Differentiation these concepts based on the conclusion that identity is understood as a certain state of the end result of self-identification. And by identification is meant the process that leads to identity as a state and is an identification of oneself with another person. Also we clarified the definition of political identification as a process of becoming an individual's perception of himself and his place in the world. The study characterized the significance of the manifestation of a two-stage identity and antinomy structure in the process of political identification of society. In addition, the research assessed the impact of the political regime on identification capabilities. For example, in a democracy identification is translational, in an authoritarianism identification can be restricted by the state or imposed by leadership and influence groups. Under totalitarianism the state empowers itself to exercise a decisive collective choice in matters of political identification of the population without receiving their official consent and disregarding their preference. Moreover, the investigation considered in detail the process of forming a Soviet society based on the creation of a new historical community of the «Soviet people» as a supranational construct. The advantage of research is in detection of number of measures which used by the Soviet authorities concerning identify the «Soviet people» for the consolidation and unification of the population of the country (creation of a new format of Soviet schools and public movements characterized by ideological indoctrination and fostering devotion to the Soviet state, the restoration of symbiosis in a heterogeneous society through the territorial distribution of young professionals and men for military service, the formation of centers of interethnic contacts, relaying of unifying discourse through the media, creating «single national farms»). In the context of the study of the causes of the collapse of the USSR, we found that ignoring differences and forced identification, which was imposed by the ideological top of the USSR, only delayed the confrontation process both within society and with the political leadership of the country. Also, we have characterized causal relationship between compulsory identification and the collapse of the USSR. To sum up we can say that universalism in the approach to the formation of new supranational constructs without taking into account the universal system-forming factors of the nation has shown its non-viability in the long-term development of society and the state. As a result the historical community artificially created, which was based on forced collectivization and on proclaimed «cult of the people», and later on propagation didn`t become a viable social formation, which gave rise to a further crisis of identification, which provoked the growth of national-democratic tendencies. ; В статье рассмотрена поливариантность подходов к толкованию дефиниций «идентификация» и «идентичность». Предложено их разграничение на основе таких их характерных признаков, как процесса и как состояния соответственно. Выяснено определение политической идентификации как процесса становления представлений индивида о самом себе и о своем месте в мире. Охарактеризована специфика проявления двухступенчатой структуры идентичности и антиномий в процессе политической идентификации общества. Дана оценка влияния политического режима на возможности идентификации. Отмечено, что в условиях тоталитаризма, в отличие от демократии и авторитаризма, государство уполномочивает себя самостоятельно осуществлять определяющий коллективный выбор в вопросах политической идентификации населения без получения от него официального согласия и без учета его предпочтений. Подробно рассмотрен процесс формирования советского общества на основе создания новой исторической общности «советского народа» как наднационального конструкта. Выявлен ряд мер, которые применила советская власть касательно идентификации «советского народа» с целью консолидации и унификации населения страны (создание нового формата советских школ и общественных движений, которые характеризовались идеологической индоктринацией и воспитанием преданности советскому государству, воссоздание симбиоза в неоднородном обществе с помощью территориального распределения молодых специалистов и мужчин на службу в армию, формирование центров межнациональных контактов, ретрансляция объединяющего дискурса через СМИ, создание «единого народного хозяйства»). В контексте исследования причин распада СССР установлено, что игнорирование различий и принудительная идентификация, которая была навязана идеологической верхушкой СССР, только отсрочила процесс конфронтации как внутри общества, так и с политическим руководством страны. Выяснено, что универсализм в подходе к формированию новых наднациональных конструктов без учета универсальных системообразующих факторов нации продемонстрировал свою нежизнеспособность в долгосрочной перспективе развития общества и государства. Доказано, что искусственно созданная историческая общность, которая основывалась на принудительной коллективизации и провозглашенном «культе народа», а позже и пропаганде, не стала жизнеспособным социальным образованием и породила в дальнейшем кризис идентификации, что спровоцировало рост национально-демократических тенденций и распад Советского Союза. ; У статті розглянуто поліваріантність підходів до тлумачення дефініцій «ідентифікація» та «ідентичність». Запропоновано їх розмежування на засадах таких їх характерних ознак, як процесу та як стану відповідно. З'ясовано визначення політичної ідентифікації як процесу становлення уявлень індивіда про самого себе і про своє місце у світі. Охарактеризована специфіка прояву двоступеневої структури ідентичності та антиномій у процесі політичної ідентифікації суспільства. Дана оцінка впливу політичного режиму на можливості ідентифікації. Зазначено, що в умовах тоталітаризму, на відміну від демократії та авторитаризму, держава уповноважує себе самостійно здійснювати визначальний колективний вибір у питаннях політичної ідентифікації населення без отримання від нього офіційної згоди та не враховуючи його уподобання. Детально розглянуто процес формування радянського суспільства на основі створення нової історичної спільності «радянського народу» як наднаціонального конструкту. Виявлено низку заходів, які вжила радянська влада стосовно ідентифікації «радянського народу» з метою консолідації та уніфікації населення країни (створення нового формату радянських шкіл та громадських рухів, які характеризувалися ідеологічною індоктринацією та вихованням відданості радянській державі, відтворення симбіозу в неоднорідному суспільстві за допомогою територіального розподілу молодих фахівців та чоловіків на службу до армії, формування центрів міжнаціональних контактів, ретрансляція об'єднуючого дискурсу через ЗМІ, створення «єдиного народного господарства»). У контексті дослідження причин розпаду СРСР встановлено, що ігнорування відмінностей і примусова ідентифікація, яка була нав'язана ідеологічною верхівкою СРСР, лише відстрочила процес конфронтації як всередині суспільства, так і з політичним керівництвом країни. З'ясовано, що універсалізм у підході до формування нових наднаціональних конструктів без урахування універсальних системоутворюючих чинників нації продемонстрував свою нежиттєздатність у довгостроковій перспективі розвитку суспільства і держави. Доведено, що штучно створена історична спільність, що ґрунтувалася на примусовій колективізації та проголошеному «культі народу», а пізніше і пропаганді, не стала життєздатним соціальним утворенням і породила в подальшому кризу ідентифікації, що спровокувало ріст національно-демократичних тенденцій та розпад Радянського Союзу.