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The general objectives of this article were to investigate what are the perceptions of Brazilian children enrolled in primary education over gender-assigned roles and the place of women in society and to analyze what could be the impacts of their answers on the foreseeable future of women's rights and equality in contemporary Brazil. This research was drawn from a qualitative approach and our research method was composed of data collection and data analysis through the use of surveys. Our main conclusions were that gender dynamics within the family core influences a lot the perception of children over gender hierarchies, which can result in repeating patterns of gender inequality and in reinforcing pre-assigned roles for women in society. Thus, the role of gender education is paramount in the task of helping these children challenge and question this unequal and often unjust power balance that takes place in their households. When asked about what they considered to be the role of women in society, the majority of the children surveyed answered that women should work and be responsible for activities such as taking care of the family or doing housework. This vision imposes a burden upon women to follow certain social roles as well as limits the future visions they have for themselves.

US President Donald Trump has cast doubt on his country's security commitments within NATO by his "America First" programme and his verbal attacks on the Alliance. This affects both conventional reassurance, i.e. pledges to allies backed by non-nuclear military means, and nuclear reassurance. Beyond the "Trump factor", the costs and risks associated with these security commitments have increased from Washington's perspective. The reasons are the expansion of the Alliance territory through its eastern enlargement, the modernisation of the Russian military, and the end of the US's undisputed military supremacy. Nevertheless, during the Trump administration, the US has not reduced but increased its financial and military contributions to the reassurance of its allies. Uncertainties about the US's role in NATO have led to deepening rifts in Europe. On one side are the European allies that are striving for a higher degree of "strategic autonomy" from Washington, and on the other those who want to lean even more on the US as a protecting power. From the perspective of many eastern NATO states, American security promises are more credible than potential European alternatives, even during the Trump administration. The credibility of American security commitments is a multifaceted issue that cannot be reduced to statements by the US President. European NATO states consider and weight the underlying factors differently. Political decision-makers, not least in Germany, must be alert to these differences for the sake of political cohesion in the EU and NATO. (Autorenreferat)

Reviews documents elaborated in 1991 and 1992. Translated from Gosudarstvo i Pravo, no. 10, 1993.

Donald Trump came roaring onto the political stage when he announced his presidential candidacy in 2015. In the years that followed, he amassed a loyal following of motivated voters. During the Trump era, his followers have developed a reputation for loud bigotry, shameless xenophobia, and unmasked white supremacy. The movement has to come to strongly resemble the nativist populism that, until Trump, was generally confined to Europe. In order to better understand the motivation of Trump voters and their intense dedication to the 45th president, I surveyed 82 voters from the Midwest about their feelings towards politicians, policies, and political opponents. The Midwestern Swing District Voter Survey offers both qualitative and quantitative responses and suggests that Trumpism has redefined identity politics for Trump and Biden voters alike. I find that the great consequence of Donald Trump is not the mass movement of white working class Americans to the Republican party, it is the accelerated evolution of the identity of cultural whiteness that has come to bind together the Republican base.

On 22nd July 1994, the thirty year old Gambian government of Dawda Jawara was overthrown in a junior officers coup, led by Captain Yaya Jammeh. Coming hot on the heels of the General Sani Abacha coup in Nigeria, the coup was seen as another setback for democracy in Africa. This book looks at Gambian politics under Dawda Jawara, the origins of the 22nd July coup and its implications for West African peace and democracy. (DÜI-Hff)

Since 2013 the site search for a repository for highly radioactive waste has been taking place in Germany within the framework of a new governance architecture and under new political guidelines. Based on experiences with nuclear politics in the past, Jungk (1977) coined the term hard nuclear state, characterized by decisions made in a top-down manner. The Decide-Announce-Defend (DAD) strategy, which branded the nuclear state at that time, led to conflicts, mistrust of authorities and blockages. In particular, massive resistance developed against the planned final repository site at Gorleben. Nowadays, after more than 60 years deploying nuclear energy, the (energy) political balance of power has fundamentally changed. Parts of the anti-nuclear movement have been integrated into the political party system and have contributed significantly to the nuclear phase-out. In the course of this, the unfinished task of final disposal has been readdressed: with the Repository Site Selection Act (StandAG, 2017), which was passed in 2013 and amended in 2017, an ongoing process of public participation is stated. The site selection process is required to be learning, self-questioning, science-based, reversible, and participatory. The StandAG § 5 not only provides a basis for a fundamental dialogue between the regulator, the operator, and the public, but also for "co-design" by common citizens. The StandAG considers various elements from different participation-friendly theories of democracy as well as specific governance concepts, which we refer to collectively as the soft nuclear repository state (cf. Brunnengräber, 2021). Its characteristics need to be worked out, as the StandAG only provides some indications, but no criteria, for what good and sufficient participation in the site selection process means and what its conditions for success should be. Based on preliminary considerations on democratic theory and governance aspects (part 1), we present what good participation could mean in the current procedure and what the framework conditions for good participation could be (part 2). Additionally, we present main findings from participatory observations from the ongoing site search process and identify conditions and indications of a successful future participation process based on the ongoing process (part 3). In the résumé, we turn to the question of which of the democracy-theoretical elements of the soft repository state are already recognizable in the present procedure, but also whether the current procedure provides additional indications towards the soft nuclear repository state (part 4).

Honak I.M. REFORMING THE ARMED FORCES OF THE COUNTRY AND MILITARY-PATRIOTIC EDUCATION AS A STRATEGIC ADVANTAGE IN THE ECONOMIC RIVALRY OF COUNTRIES IN THE GLOBAL ECONOMYPurpose. The aim of the article is to study the features of mutual influence of expenditures of the Ukrainian state budget on national defence, youth and sports on the gross domestic product of Ukraine in the conditions of aggravation of economic rivalry in the global economy.Methodology of research. The following methods are used during the research: generalization of information and literature sources – to formulate proposals on the progressive development of the Ukrainian economy and quality of its labour resources, on the cohesion of the society and its psychological and physical health through the implementation of expenditures of the Ukrainian state budget for national defence and youth and sports; regression and correlation analysis – to analyse the mutual impact of GDP and expenditures of the Ukrainian state budget on national defence, youth and sports.Findings. Methods for educating young people are proposed in order to provide an educated and physically healthy workforce for the national economy and defence and security. The influence of arms exports and military equipment on the economy of Ukraine is analysed. The need to carry out some reforms of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in order to increase the country's defence capability and ensure economic prosperity is substantiated. The correlation between the growth of gross domestic product and expenditures of the State Budget of Ukraine through the Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of Youth and Sports, which is linear, is established. Suggestions are made to reform other specific aspects of the state mechanism in order to increase the country's defence capability and ensure the following economic growth.Originality. The article provides suggestions for reforming youth policy and the national defence sphere to ensure economic growth and strengthen the country's defence capability.Correlation between the growth of gross domestic product and expenditures of the State Budget of Ukraine through the Ministry of Defence has been established (increase of expenditures on the Ministry of Defence by 1 billion hryvnias has a direct impact on GDP growth in the amount of 29.884 billion hryvnias) and the Ministry of Youth and Sports (growth spending on the Ministry of Youth and Sports by UAH 1 million influences GDP growth by UAH 1.045 billion), which is close.Practical value. The practical significance of the obtained results is the possibility of studying the mutual influence of the expenditures of the Ukrainian state budget, spent on national defence, youth and sports, on the gross domestic product of Ukraine in the conditions of aggravation of economic rivalry in the global economy.Key words: national security; arms and military equipment exports; military-patriotic education of youth; reform; economic growth; unemployment; employment; gross domestic product.

We investigated the effect of professional identity on depression levels in 368 art education college students in China, and assessed the mediating role of academic emotion in this relationship. The results showed that professional identity was significantly and negatively related to
depression levels. Furthermore, academic emotion mediated the relationship between professional identity and depression levels. Our findings contribute to understanding of the relationships between professional identity, depression level, and academic emotion among art education college students
in the context of Chinese higher education. The findings also provide practical insights for educators to reduce depression levels among art education college students and suggest future research directions.

This study examines the major works of Judith Sargent Murray, Hannah Webster Foster, and Susanna Haswell Rowson, three major writers of the 1790s whose writing responds to the ideologies of the early American Republic. I suggest that Murray, Foster, and Rowson write conduct fiction which responds to the changing attitudes toward women and education after the American Revolution. Using fiction, these authors comment on the republican woman, the need for women's education, and the necessity for women to gather in communities for support. Despite the prevailing notion that reading too many novels would corrupt young women, Judith Sargent Murray's novella, The Story of Margaretta (1786), Hannah Webster Foster's novels, The Coquette (1797) and The Boarding School (1798), and Susanna Rowson's novels, Charlotte Temple (1794) and Reuben and Rachel; or, Tales of Old Times (1798), were some of the most popular books in the late eighteenth century. If these novels were not meant to be read by young women, who were the authors' primary audience, why were they so popular? This project situates these questions in the political environment the authors were writing in to show that a relationship exists between what women were reading and how authors of conduct fiction helped facilitate the changing roles of women in the early Republic. ; 2011-12-01 ; M.A. ; Arts and Humanities, English ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.