Suchergebnisse

For decades, academics and observers alike have characterized California as being two separate states with those living in Northern California being socially and politically very different from the citizens of Southern California. More recently, pundits, professors, and politicos have argued that California no longer has a pronounced north-south divide, but rather an inland and coastal division has emerged due to demographic changes that produced a political and geographic partition. Proponents of this inland/coastal view argue that it looks like the liberal blue state and conservative red state divide where the California coast has politically realigned to look like New York while the inland valleys and deserts now look like Texas or the South. Taking advantage of over 60 years of statewide electoral data along with time-series public opinion data, this paper argues that the notion of 'two Californias' is incorrect. Electoral records reveal that California has not turned into a state with deep political-geographic divisions. It is firmly a purple state with regions and localities that are pragmatic and rarely show party line voting and one-sided political behavior. While elite level politicians and organizations may present polarized choices and options and candidates that seemingly lead to occasional electoral results that make regions appear drastically different, greater nuance and a broader analysis of the historical trends reveal a purple California, not red or blue regions in the Golden State.

2016 Summer. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Agriculture's role in the expansion of the United States economy is examined through the analysis of five films and their role in presenting societal issues germane to agricultural production. Early in film's history, the ability to motivate others to understand the need for changes in policy, through the use of persuasive visual, aural, and textual techniques was understood to be important to filmmakers—including those representing government agencies and civic groups. The production and distribution of non-fiction films focused on topics relevant to food and fiber production has kept pace with evolving motion picture production technologies since the first films were released in the early twentieth century. This research project analyzes the context in which these films were produced, how and if production objectives and goals were aligned with societal issues, and whether the expected outcomes were obtained. Research methods include: institutional ethnography/case studies/ethnographic content analysis (including video forensics and hermeneutic data analysis), to identify genre, voice and associated societal issues; in-depth interviews of those involved in the filmmaking where available; historic document analysis using structure of in-depth interviews to interrogate archival materials. The films analyzed here were produced and presented as an aid for agricultural producers, policy makers and agricultural educators to come together to create a shared understanding on what it would take to produce food, fiber and prosperity for their communities, and the nation. These all create not only a sense of accomplishment, but the accumulation of wealth and status for a nation that could not only provide for itself, but have an elevated status as the provider for the global community.

The Lake Wobegon Effect is a general tendency for people to overestimate their own abilities. In this study, the authors conducted a large, nationally-representative survey of U.S. citizens to test whether Americans overestimate their own gun-relevant personality traits, gun safety knowledge, and ability to use a gun in an emergency. The authors also tested how gun control attitudes, political identification, gender, and gun experience affect self-perceptions. Consistent with prior research on the Lake Wobegon Effect, participants overestimated their gun-related competencies. Conservatives, males, and pro-gun advocates self-enhanced somewhat more than their counterparts but this effect was primarily due to increased gun experience among these participants. These findings are important to policymakers in the area of gun use, because overconfidence in one's gun-related abilities may lead to a reduced perceived need for gun training. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

Contrary to the focus on the events of the last two years (2014–2015) associated with the accession of Crimea to Russia and military conflict in Eastern Ukraine, in this study, I stress that serious changes in Russian domestic policy (with strong pressure on political opposition, state propaganda and sharp anti-Western rhetoric, as well as the fight against "foreign agents') became visible in 2012. Geopolitical ambitions to revise the "global order" (introduced by the USA after the collapse of the USSR) and the increased role of Russia in "global governance" were declared by leaders of the country much earlier, with Vladimir Putin's famous Munich speech in 2007. These ambitions were based on the robust economic growth of the mid-2000s, which encouraged the Russian ruling elite to adopt the view that Russia (with its huge energy resources) is a new economic superpower. In this paper, I will show that the concept of "Militant Russia" in a proper sense can be attributed rather to the period of the mid-2000s. After 2008–2009, the global financial crisis and, especially, the Arab Spring and mass political protests against electoral fraud in Moscow in December 2011, the Russian ruling elite made mostly "militant" attempts to defend its power and assets.

In Left-Handed Liberty John Arden takes Magna Carta signed between King John and the Barons in 1215, and reinterprets it from a perspective which asserts that it is not, in fact, a milestone on the path to liberty as was officially claimed. Although based on historical documents, Arden's play does not treat history didactically. He is indeed the master of conveying the social and political life of man within the context of real life experiences which always overflow political identities. Hence, for instance, King John is reinterpreted as a weakling rather than a tyrant as the conventional reading of historical documents portrayed him. Taking an unconventional approach to the Great Charter as the "cornerstone" of the path to human rights, John Arden fills in the "opinions" of the important personages partaking in the shaping of the events during the period and adds, as he says in the introduction to the play, "facts" that cannot perhaps be found among the historical documents but are still justifiable within the historical framework of Medieval Europe. ; Left-Handed Liberty adlı oyununda John Arden, Kral John ile Baronlar arasında 1215 yılında imzalanan, Magna Carta adlı belgeye yeni bir yaklaşımla, bu belgenin resmi tarihin belirttiği gibi İngiltere tarihinde özgürlükleri gerçekleştirme yolunda sanıldığı kadar önemli bir dönüm noktası olmadığının, Kral John'ın aslında zalim bir kral olmaktan çok, zayıf bir kişiliğe sahip bir insan olduğunun altını çizer. John Arden oyun kişilerini her zaman toplumsal ve politik gerçek yaşam deneyleri çerçevesinde tarihsel kimliklerini aşan yönleriyle canlandıran usta bir yazardır. Tarihsel belgelere dayanmasına karşın oyun tarihe didaktik bir açıdan bakmaz. Büyük Ferman adıyla da anılan Magna Carta'yı alışılmışın dışında bir yaklaşımla değerlendiren John Arden, oyuna yazdığı Önsözde de belirttiği gibi, o dönemde önemli görevler üstlenmiş olan kişileri yeniden canlandırırken, tarihsel belgelerde rastlanmamakla birlikte Orta Çağ Avrupasının ruhuna uygun bilgiler eklemiştir.

Svjetski su ratovi ostavili neizbrisiv trag ne samo za svog trajanja nego i kasnije. Jedan od načina prilagodbe čestim smjenama političkih režima karakterističnih za češku kulturu i književnost upravo je humor u književnosti. U središtu su ovoga rada tri romana, proizašla iz pera poznatih čeških prozaika: Doživljaji dobrog vojnika Švejka u svjetskom ratu Jaroslava Hašeka, Dvorio sam engleskoga kralja Bohumila Hrabala i Šala Milana Kundere. Koristeći humor kao dominantan književni diskurs, pisci formiraju lik marginaliziranih (anti)junaka koji, usprkos egzistenciji u različitim povijesnim vremenima, ratuju protiv rata. Nijansiranim će postupcima ironije, crnog humora, sarkazma i groteske razoružati rat i okove (poslije)ratnih ideologija – austrijskog imperijalizma, nacizma i socijalizma, svodeći ih pod apsurd. Svevremenost pacifizma koji zagovaraju ova će djela učiniti jednako privlačnima i današnjem krugu čitatelja. ; World wars have left an indelible trace while they lasted as well as in times after them. In Czech culture and literature one of the common ways of adapting to political regime changes is using humour in literary works. The paper focuses on three novels by famous Czech novelists: The Good Soldier Švejk by Jaroslav Hašek, I Served the King of England by Bohumil Hrabal and The Joke by Milan Kundera. By using humour as dominant literary discourse, the authors created marginalised characters, (anti)heroes who, despite living at different times, disarm the war. Nuanced irony, black humour, sarcasm and grotesque reveal the true face of wars and restraints of (post)war ideologies – Austrian imperialism, Nazism and socialism by treating them as absurd. Timelessness of pacifism which these works promote makes these books appealing to readers even nowadays.

Contrary to the focus on the events of the last two years (2014–2015) associated with the accession of Crimea to Russia and military conflict in Eastern Ukraine, in this study, I stress that serious changes in Russian domestic policy (with strong pressure on political opposition, state propaganda and sharp anti-Western rhetoric, as well as the fight against "foreign agents') became visible in 2012. Geopolitical ambitions to revise the "global order" (introduced by the USA after the collapse of the USSR) and the increased role of Russia in "global governance" were declared by leaders of the country much earlier, with Vladimir Putin's famous Munich speech in 2007. These ambitions were based on the robust economic growth of the mid-2000s, which encouraged the Russian ruling elite to adopt the view that Russia (with its huge energy resources) is a new economic superpower. In this paper, I will show that the concept of "Militant Russia" in a proper sense can be attributed rather to the period of the mid-2000s. After 2008–2009, the global financial crisis and, especially, the Arab Spring and mass political protests against electoral fraud in Moscow in December 2011, the Russian ruling elite made mostly "militant" attempts to defend its power and assets.

The article is devoted to the problem of the revolution impact on the government legitimacy. Revolutions in modern times have become a synonym of a legitimate way of overthrowing the existing government. If in previous historical era in politics the people´s right to riots and uprisings was denied, the current policy recognizes their right to revolution. Without recognition of this right, the revolution is not only deprived of legitimacy, but also the institutions which arise in the process of its implementation lose credibility. ; Посвящается проблеме влияния революции на легитимность власти. Революции в Новое время стали синонимом легитимного способа свержения существующей власти народом. Если в предшествующие исторические эпохи в политике отрицалось право народа на бунты и восстания, то современная политика признает право народа на революцию. Без признания этого права революция не только лишается доказательств ее закономерного характера, но и доверия к институтам власти, которые возникают в процессе ее осуществления.

This article is a reflection of the text of NDP (Nilai Dasar Perjuangan/Basic Principles of Struggle) text held by HMI (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam/Muslim Student Association) as a basis of their activism struggle in Indonesia. The text consists of eight sections covering many aspects, such as theology, anthropology, sociology, and epistemology. By critical thinking, the NDP text of HMI should be transformed continuously toward an era of global diversity and plurality. In Indonesian context, there has been a fundamental change along with the democratization that brings out an openness and multi-party political system. This is important regarding that the NDP of HMI has been drafted in 1960 and 1970 when Nurcholis Madjid era faced the context of socio-political thought. The study found that the NDP of HMI is required to be changed in the context of new world order. It is not a sacred text, so the change is a necessity.

J. L. Austin's influential dissection of speech acts into locutionary, illocutionary, and perlocutionary acts has given rise to much scholarly attention to illocutionary acts and forces. While the perlocutionary facet of speech acts has gone largely undiscussed by philosophers and linguists, folk theories of language often attend closely to the relation between speech and its consequences. In this article, I discuss one conception of perlocutions prominent in Yopno speaking communities in Papua New Guinea that emphasizes the agentive role of listeners in mediating between speech and its outcome. This cultural conception of perlocutions, I argue, is tied to a political sensibility that stresses the self-determination and equality of adult men. The article shows how cultural conceptions of perlocutions provide insight into political values and practices, and how political concerns inform folk models of perlocutions. ; Anthropology

This article reconciles two seemingly incompatible expectations about interpersonal interaction and social influence. One theoretical perspective predicts that an increase in interaction between two actors will promote subsequent convergence in their attitudes and behaviors, whereas another view anticipates divergence. We examine the role of political identity in moderating the effects of interaction on influence. Our investigation takes place in the U.S. Senate—a setting in which actors forge political identities for public consumption based on the external constraints, normative obligations, and reputational concerns they face. We argue that interaction between senators who share the same political identity will promote convergence in their voting behavior, whereas interaction between actors with opposing political identities will lead to divergence. Moreover, we theorize that the consequences of political identity for interpersonal influence depend on the local interaction context. Political identity's effects on influence will be greater in more divided Senate committees than in less divided ones. We find support for these hypotheses in analyses of data, spanning over three decades, on voting behavior, interaction, and political identity in the Senate. These findings contribute to research on social influence; elite integration and political polarization; and identity theory.

Este trabajo examina las lecturas de Gramsci realizadas por Althusser, desde sus primeras notas críticas y anotaciones hasta sus escritos sobre la crisis del marxismo. Subraya la profunda ambivalencia de las interpretaciones de Althusser. Por una parte, Gramsci es presentado como un precursor, como la única figura dentro de la tradición marxista que intentó pensar la superestructura y en particular lo político. Por otra parte, el corpus gramsciano es criticado como la instancia paradigmática de un concepto de la temporalidad y de la política con el que Althusser disiente. Considerando la crítica althusseriana, identificamos dos fases distintas, comenzando por una crítica al desconocimiento del status específico de la ciencia en general, y en particular de la ciencia de la historia, que caracteriza al período de la segunda mitad de los sesentas, Althusser formuló, hacia el final de los setentas, una crítica del concepto gramsciano de hegemonía que, en su opinión, borra el problema de la dominación de clase ; This paper examines Althusser's readings of Gramsci, from the first critical notes and annotations to his writings on the crisis of Marxism. It highlights the profound ambivalence of Althusser's interpretations. On the one hand, Gramsci is presented as a ;precursor, as the only figure within the Marxist tradition deemed to have attempted to think the superstructure, and in particular the political. On the other side, the Gramscian corpus is criticized as the paradigmatic instance of a concept of temporality and ;politics with which Althusser is in disagreement. Regarding the Althusserian critique, we here identify two distinct phases starting ;out from a critique of the lack of knowledge of the specific status of the science in general, especially of the science of history, characteristic of the second half of the sixties, Althusser would, in the late seventies, formulate a critique of the Gramscian concept of hegemony which, in his view, erases the question of class domination

Este trabajo examina las lecturas de Gramsci realizadas por Althusser, desde sus primeras notas críticas y anotaciones hasta sus escritos sobre la crisis del marxismo. Subraya la profunda ambivalencia de las interpretaciones de Althusser. Por una parte, Gramsci es presentado como un precursor, como la única figura dentro de la tradición marxista que intentó pensar la superestructura y en particular lo político. Por otra parte, el corpus gramsciano es criticado como la instancia paradigmática de un concepto de la temporalidad y de la política con el que Althusser disiente. Considerando la crítica althusseriana, identificamos dos fases distintas, comenzando por una crítica al desconocimiento del status específico de la ciencia en general, y en particular de la ciencia de la historia, que caracteriza al período de la segunda mitad de los sesentas, Althusser formuló, hacia el final de los setentas, una crítica del concepto gramsciano de hegemonía que, en su opinión, borra el problema de la dominación de clase ; This paper examines Althusser's readings of Gramsci, from the first critical notes and annotations to his writings on the crisis of Marxism. It highlights the profound ambivalence of Althusser's interpretations. On the one hand, Gramsci is presented as a ;precursor, as the only figure within the Marxist tradition deemed to have attempted to think the superstructure, and in particular the political. On the other side, the Gramscian corpus is criticized as the paradigmatic instance of a concept of temporality and ;politics with which Althusser is in disagreement. Regarding the Althusserian critique, we here identify two distinct phases starting ;out from a critique of the lack of knowledge of the specific status of the science in general, especially of the science of history, characteristic of the second half of the sixties, Althusser would, in the late seventies, formulate a critique of the Gramscian concept of hegemony which, in his view, erases the question of class domination