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Using new archival sources, this book shows that Prussia sought not the unity of Germany but its partition into five masses loosely enough joined to assure her control of the North. Hardenberg, not Metternich, supported the feudalistic claims of the estates suppressed by Napoleon and the resurrection of ancient estates' assemblies based mainly on corporate orders. Originally published in 1984. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paper.

Liability effects on the economic performance of the pharmaceutical industry play a prominent role in the debate about the economic effects of product liability in the United States. The author analyzes incentive effects on company decisions, implications for economic outcomes such as drug safety and effectiveness, and suggests how public policy changes could mitigate liability-based sources of inefficient decisions of pharmaceutical companies

AbstractIn the early 1980s "industrial policy" seemed to be emerging as the American left's answer to supply-side economics. Yet soon after, supply-side economics was triumphant and industrial policy back in the political wilderness. This article investigates why the American left rejected industrial policy in the 1980s but appears to be reembracing it under the Biden administration. Via reviewing the history of the industrial policy debate, I argue that the American left rejected industrial policy proposals for several reasons including disunity within the Democratic party coalition, the growing strength of the venture capital industry, and the perceived incompatibility of industrial policy with American political institutions. Despite the defeat of industrial policy movement in the 1980s, however, I argue that a process of adaptation and reworking during the Clinton administration allowed industrial policy ideas to survive in "hibernation," ultimately reemerging in the changed policy environment which followed the 2008 financial crisis.

Abstract
This study theoretically explores the effectiveness of the non-disclosure policy of audit intensity using the portfolio choice approach. In our setting, audit intensity follows a two-state Markov chain, which is not disclosed by the tax authority, and agents will exploit the available information to learn the state and accordingly make tax evasion decisions. We find that the effectiveness of the non-disclosure policy in reducing tax evasion and increasing tax revenues depends on the proportion of time in the high-intensity state. Interestingly, when this proportion is high during a period, the disclosure policy is more effective.

Prologue: Missile crisis -- The genie escapes -- Red scare myths -- Massive retaliation -- Missile gaps -- SIOP versus "Big Ivan" -- On the edge of the nuclear abyss -- Unfulfilled promises: the limited test ban treaty and nonproliferation -- Missed opportunities -- Peace through strength -- The end of détente -- The Cold War begins anew -- Three minutes until midnight -- The triumph of reason -- Neglect and decay -- The end of arms control -- Conclusion: Toward a nuclear weapons-free world

This article offers an analysis of four Norwegian policy documents on inclusion of minority language pupils. The main concepts of this policy will be reconstructed and re-described, applying Niklas Luhmann's systems theory at different levels of the analysis. Luhmann's theory about society as a conglomerate of self-referential social systems investigates how these systems construct meaning and what consequences these constructions have for inclusion and exclusion processes. This article will focus on the Norwegian educational policy towards minority language pupils, defined by the policy as pupils who have a different mother tongue than Norwegian and Sami language. It is argued that this inclusion policy is excluding in its social form, and that it exhibits an increased emphasis on education when it comes to inclusion in society. Re-descriptions based on logic of forms will show how binary distinctions such as 'inclusion/exclusion', 'majority language pupil/minority language pupil' and 'early intervention/wait and see' emerge in the timespan of 2004–2012. Based on this, it is claimed that descriptions of inclusion and exclusion are mutually constituted in the policy, thus giving rise to the question of whether the policy goal – 'full' inclusion in society – is realisable. A paradox will be uncovered: minority language pupils are being included as excluded as well as excluded as included in the documents, displaying how inclusion and exclusion are two sides of the same coin. The strategy early intervention is introduced to remedy exclusions, thus converting the problem of inclusion into a problem of time. ; publishedVersion

The role of macro‐level processes in determining the effectiveness or otherwise of micro‐level initiatives is a theme that is developed in this paper. Based on efforts to tackle division between Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland through cross‐community contact, the paper will argue that the structural context within which contact occurs has important implications for the extent to which achievements of particular encounters are extrapolated to the wider community.

Bu çalışmanın amacı Avrasyacılık düşüncesinin, Avrasya jeopolitiğinin en önemli unsurlarından bir tanesi olan Türkiye'nin dış politika tercihlerinde yaptığı etkiyi analiz etmektir. Avrasyacılığın tarihi, ideolojik, coğrafi ve sosyokültürel altyapısı incelenirken, politik tercihlere olan etkisi Avrasyacılığın doğduğu topraklar olan Rusya ve Türkiye örnekleri üzerinden değerlendirilmiştir. Eksen tartışmalarını sürdürürken kaçınılmaz olarak Türkiye'nin süregelen dış politika tercihleri ve dış politika eksenleri irdelenmiştir. Türk Dış Politikasının ana eksenleri olan statükocu ve batıcı yaklaşımların dış politik tercihlere olumlu ve olumsuz katkıları sorgulanmıştır. Avrasya bölgesinde jeopolitik ve jeostratejik gereklilikler üzerinde durulmuştur. Bu çalışma esnasında Avrasya Jeopolitiği bütün detaylarıyla incelenmiştir. Türk Dış Politikasında neden yeni bir eksen ihtiyacı olduğunu kavramak için Türkiye'nin Avrasya Jeopolitiği değerlendirilmiştir. Avrasyacılığın teoriden pratiğe izlemek için son dönemin en önemli fenomeni Alexander Dugin'in görüşleri masaya yatırılmıştır. Vladimir Putin'in Avrasyacılığı, Rus Dış Politikasında Avrasyacı örnekler çalışılmıştır. Rusya- Türkiye ilişkilerinde SU-24 uçak krizi ve 15 Temmuz sonrası yakınlaşmaların Avrasyacı düşünceyle bağlantıları sorgulanmıştır. Putin- Erdoğan ilişkileri, S-400 alım süreci, Suriye savaşı örneklerinde görüldüğü gibi bölgesel sorunlara bölgesel aktörlerin çözüm arayışları Avrasyacılık üzerinden okunmaya çalışılmıştır. Çalışmanın "Sonuç" bölümünde de görüleceği üzere, Avrasyacılık düşüncesi, Türk Dış Politikası için önemli bir seçenektir. Son dönemde batıyla, özellikle ABD ile ciddi sorunlar yaşayan, Avrupa Birliği üyelik süreci durma noktasına gelen Türkiye'nin, bölgesel ve küresel krizlerde çıkarları için Avrasya aktörleriyle birlikte hareket etmesinin gereği üzerinde durulmuştur. ; The aim of this study is to analyze the impact of Euroasianism over Turkish foreign policy instruments. In this study, while the historical background of Euroasianism is taken in the hand in parallel with its sociocultural, ideologic and geographical dimensions. Furthermore, its effect to political preferences illustrated from Russian and Turkish oriented examples where the ideology of Euroasnianism has emerged. Inextricably, while Turkish foreign policy has been demonstrating a slide swift, its decision making progress is evaluated. Also, The positive and negative contributions of Status Quoist and Westernist approaches, which are the main axes of Turkish Foreign Policy, to foreign policy preferences have been questioned. Geopolitical and geostrategic requirements in the Eurasia region are emphasized. During this study, Eurasian Geopolitics has been studied in detail. Moreover, in order to comprehend why Turkey needs to figure out new strategic objectives, the Turkish approachment toward Euroasianism is evaluated. In order to comprehend the Eurasianism from theory to practice, the views of Alexander Dugin, the most important phenomenon of the last period, were discussed. Besides, Vladimir Putin's Eurasianism, Eurasian examples in Russian Foreign Policy have been studied. Also, the impact of Euroasianist approach to Russian-Turkish relations is evaluated in parallel with SU-24 crisis and 15 july coup attempt. Putin-Erdogan relations, the S-400 procurement process, the Syrian war and regional actors are aimed to be brought into light in an obvious way by taking Eurasianism into consideration with various dimensions. As can be seen in the "Conclusion" section of the study, the idea of Eurasianism is a crucial option for Turkish Foreign Policy. In the following years Turkey has been struggling with western actors such as US and EU in the political field. The suspension of Turkish accesion to EU can be demonstrated as an important example to this. Therefore, in order to preserve the national benefits at the abroad, it can be put forward as a requirement for Turkey to move along Euroasianist actors in the international field.