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Vols. 3-4 are loose-leaf. ; v. 1. Introduction. Federal cases.--v. 2. State cases.--v. 3. Case supplement.--v. 4. Instructions, appendix, index-digest, and cumulative supplement. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Latin and English. ; Bibliography: p.xxxvi. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Two new chapters have been added for this third edition, one on Democracy and the other on the league of nations."-- Pref. to the 3d ed. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Intro -- Contents -- About the Authors -- Acknowledgments -- Chapter 1. Making Visible: Political Participation -- Chapter 2. Settling In: Immigrant Adaptation -- Chapter 3. Political Geography -- Chapter 4. Democrat, Republican, or None of the Above? -- Chapter 5. National Origin, Pan-Ethnicity, and Racial Identity -- Chapter 6. Civic Engagement: Secular and Religious Organizations -- Chapter 7. Making Sense of the Whole -- Chapter 8. Activists and the Future of Asian American Political Participation -- Appendix A. Conceptualizing Race and National Origin -- Appendix B. Survey Instrument -- Appendix C. Additional Bivariate Tables -- Appendix D. Multivariate Models of Participation -- Appendix E. Stages of Participation -- Appendix F. Survey Design -- Notes -- References -- Index.

Manifestos of political parties are considered the roadmap of any political party to work for the well-being of the people and to persuade them to vote for that party. The present research critically analyses the religio-political elements present in the manifestos published during 2013-2018 of three Pakistani political parties (PTI, PML-N & JIP). The researchers have employed Dijk's 2004, 2009 and Wodak 2001 analytical model to analyze the discourse of manifestos of PTI, PML-N & JIP. The levels of analysis include othering, lexicalization, allusion and authority. The research finds that these three political parties have associated religion with different social and political activities to do politics. The quantification of data in terms of religious representation highlights that PTI has made use of religious aspects 40 times, PML-N 214 times and JIP 236 times in their manifestos. Additionally, the research highlights that political manifestos are among the best sites for the investment of religio-political ideology.

In 1959, Reinhardt Koselleck published Critique and Crisis, in which he argued that the dominant tendency of political theory since the Enlightenment has been to subsume the political under the moral. Since then, other thinkers have echoed Koselleck's contention, and have described recent liberal political theory in particular as a 'flight from the political' (Freeden, 2005, 2008). In this situation, one of the main challenges confronting contemporary Western political theory is to end the flight from the political by clarifying what the concept of the political involves. But how is this to be done? The first step is to see what guidance can be got from five of the most notable recent responses to this situation, each of which would be defended with varying degrees of success as offering a genuinely political theory. One has been made by neo-Kantian liberal thinkers whose concept of the political is best represented by the work of Rawls. The second has been made by defenders of a very different form of neo-Kantianism generally called discourse theory and best represented by Jürgen Habermas. The third may be described as the agonal theory of the political, represented here by the work of Chantal Mouffe. The fourth response is the postmodern concept of the political, of which I shall take the late Richard Rorty as the main representative. Finally, there is the pragmatic, or modus vivendi, concept of the political represented by the thought of John Gray. After examining how these five influential schools of thought have attempted to theorize the political, I will turn to a small group of contemporary political theorists – notably, Michael Freeden at Oxford, Raymond Geuss and John Dunn at Cambridge, and Margaret Canovan, formerly of Keele University - whom I will suggest have been more successful than the representatives of the five schools just mentioned in pointing out the manner in which the future study of the political should proceed. In the final part of the paper I will consider, albeit briefly, how the concept of the political has been theorized in non-Western thought

The article attempts to study a political interview as part of political and ideological media content. The purpose of a political discussion is to explain and promote a specific political ideology. The politician also aims to shape the image of the party he/she represents. The interviewer is a journalist whose task is to monitor the changing roles of communicants. In such an interview, a politician tries to win the initiative. The interviewer strives to ensure that the addressee perceives the discourse of the interviewed politician. The politicians expect that they will be allowed to substantiate their position. The ultimate goal of political interviews is to reach an understanding with the audience on critical issues related to domestic and foreign policy issues. Among the main types of political communication, let us single out political communication, which is carried out by journalists and with the help of journalists. Such communication is also designed for a mass audience. Examples include interviews and analytical articles in the press written by journalists, political scientists or politicians (often with the help of media specialists). In this case, journalists draw the audience's attention to the current issue, suggest ways to solve it, report on the attitude of political organisations and their leaders to it, and help politicians achieve their goals. In this case, journalists draw the audience's attention to the existing problem, propose ways to solve it, report on the attitude of political organisations and their leaders to it, and help politicians achieve their goals. Politically passive citizens perceive political information mainly in the form presented in the media.

Enthält: Party system of Ukraine before and after Maidan : changes, trends, public demand. - S. 2-67 ; Political parties in Ukraine : current state, development and environment. - S. 68-73 ; Political parties in Ukraine : expert opinions. - S. 74-92 ; Current state and prospects of development of party system in Ukraine : expert assessments. - S. 93-105 ; Political parties and party system of Ukraine at present : public opinion. - S. 106-144 ; Party system of Ukraine at present : challenges, problems, public expectations. - S. 145-163

The authors advance a theory of the effects of political institutions on state policy. The theory explains how political institutions affect the ability of leaders to maintain themselves in office, why some political systems are more prone to policy failure than others, and why autocrats create mass political systems. The key characteristics of institutions in this theory are the sizes of a polity's selectorate and winning coalition. The authors derive hypotheses from the theory and test those hypotheses using a data set covering more than 2,700 leaders from all states in the period from 1816 to 1990. The statistical tests demonstrate that (1) large winning coalitions are associated with enhanced economic growth, (2) tenure is shortened by a large winning coalition but lengthened by a large selectorate, and (3) in the face of policy failure, leaders with a large selectorate are more likely to survive than those in systems with a large winning coalition. The authors conclude by discussing the implications of these results.