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This article extends the critique of finance to money itself. It argues that our understanding of money has been distorted by a series of myths about its origin and nature, in particular, the claim that money emerged from the adoption of precious metal coinage in market systems. These myths obscure the social and political history of money and the role of states in money creation and circulation. Neoliberal ideology, by contrast, adopts a "handbag economics" that treats the state as a dependent household rather than an economic actor in its own right. An alternative view of money is put forward that sees money as a social and political construct and not just a passive reflection of market activity. It is argued that the sovereign power to create money should be recognized, reclaimed, and democratized as a public resource.

The main aim of this paper is to determine whether aristocratic women exercised the same forms of direct political and military power in late medieval Scandinavia as they did elsewhere in Europe. The activities of four women involved in political and military conflicts substantiate that in order to reach their husband's or their own goals, wives, widows and even daughters acted against, expanded or transformed the gender norms often perceived to govern their scope for action - a scope which included exercising the most masculine and direct form of power by threatening with and arranging for the use of violence. Although their participation was typically the result of a husband or another man's activity, an independent position of power and access to key resources enabled widows and daughters to uphold conflicts or to start new ones. ; publishedVersion

This essay introduces a special issue focused on "Other Bandungs," which moves away from the focus on the high diplomacy of the 1955 Bandung conference to examine other conferences and gatherings across the Afro-Asian world. These gatherings speak to a broader participation of activists, intellectuals, cultural figures, and political leaders in the Afro-Asian moment. This collection thus disrupts hard divisions between state and non-state and warring Cold War blocs, while pointing to the changing social dynamics of internationalism in the Afro-Asian world. This essay points to the material dimensions enhancing and undermining transnational activity, from air travel and passport restrictions to the political economy of conference financing and Cold War patronage. Taken together, this essay frames these articles as an interconnected story of the multiple pulls of cultural and intellectual traffic in the post-colonial era.

This study aims to determine the extent to which the social participation of the community in legislative elections and to find out several factors that affect the high number of people who are not involved in the legislative elections in the electoral district Banggai III in April 9, 2014. Research locations are in six districts; Bualemo, Pagimana, Lobu, Bunta, Nuhon, and Simpang Raya, with a research population of 101.296 people, and the total sample of the study was 236 people. The results show that inadequate matters can be seen in 61% legislative election voting, 36% political discussion activity, 47% campaigning, 30% other group activities, and 37% individual communications. The results also show that positive and significant effects on society are social and economic status, geographical situation, parent affiliation, organization, political awareness, and encouragement to the government.

Our present understanding of innovation is closely linked to science and research
on the one hand and economy and industry on the other. It has not
always been so. Back in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the concept
was mainly used in religious and political discourses. In these contexts, actors
used it in a pejorative sense. Innovation, imagined as a radical transformation,
was considered a peril to the established social order. Such was
natural philosophers' understanding. This article documents Francis Bacon's
work as an eminent example of such a representation. To Bacon, natural philosophy
and innovation are two distinct spheres of activity. It is documented
that Bacon's uses of the concept of innovation are found mainly in political,
legal, and moral writings, not natural philosophy, because to Bacon and all
others of his time, innovation is poli tical.

This article is devoted to the concept of the «presidential republic». The author defines the main problems in the activity of political institutions in the frames of such system of government. The main threats of the social stability and political system are defined. The possibilities of transition of presidential regimes from the democracy to the authoritarianism are analyzed ; В рамках данной статьи исследуется понятие «президентская республика». Автор делает определение основных проблем в деятельности политических институтов в рамках подобной системы правления. Определяются основные угрозы стабильности общества и политической системы. Анализируются возможности перехода президентских режимов к авторитаризму. ; У рамках даної статті досліджується поняття «президентська республіка». Автор дає визначення того, якими є основні проблеми в діяльності політичних інститутів у рамках такої системи правління. Визначаються основні загрози стабільності суспільства та політичної системи. Аналізуються можливості переходу президентських режимів до авторитаризму

In the Nordic tradition, public cultural policy has been endowed with an enlightening and welfarepolitical aim. Nordic cultural policies are based on an overall socio-political objective of furthering the empowerment of the individual, universal enlightenment ("Bildung") and the continued democratisation of society (Nielsen 2003). Locally, an important actor is a municipal cultural sector that is one specialized sector in a municipality's administration. Cultural and art institutions (such as libraries, museums, theatres) are working under the cultural sector administration, although they might sometimes have their own separate administration. According to Gray (2002, pp. 82-83) the arts as a coherent policy sector within local government is weak because of low political salience and a fragmented field of activity, with many actors having a role to play in the provision of services and development of arts policies.

AbstractThe origins of the first supranational European community can be traced back to the bold and imaginative proposal drafted by Jean Monnet in early 1950. Yet his plan entered history under a different name: that of the statesman who offered his political backing – Robert Schuman. This article investigates the factors that made it possible for political leaders to accept this ground‐breaking idea. Furthermore, it investigates the source of Monnet's power and influence, which helped to persuade various leaders at different times. By adopting a transnational network approach, it concludes that policy‐makers' acceptance of the coal and steel plan was the result of Monnet's special method of persuasion, developed and refined over the years, and the activity of and pressure exerted by his close network of influential transatlantic friends.

Of all the rural social movements in the world, those in post-socialist Russia have been considered to be among the weakest. Nevertheless, triggered by the neo-liberal reforms in the countryside, state attention to agriculture and rising land conflicts, new social movement organisations with a strong political orientation are emerging in Russia today. This sudden burst of civil activity, however, raises questions as to how genuine and independent the emerging organisations are. Our research shows that many rural movements, agricultural associations, farm unions and rural political parties lack constituency, support the status quo and/or are actually counterfeits (what we call 'phantom movement organisations'). With this analysis, we aim to explain the nature of social movements in the post-Soviet countryside and offer an original contribution to the theory on and practice of rural social movements.

The goal of this article is to place the role that social media plays in collective action within a more general theoretical structure, using the events of the Arab Spring as a case study. The article presents two broad theoretical principles. The first is that one cannot understand the role of social media in collective action without first taking into account the political environment in which they operate. The second principle states that a significant increase in the use of the new media is much more likely to follow a significant amount of protest activity than to precede it. The study examines these two principles using political, media, and protest data from twenty Arab countries and the Palestinian Authority. The findings provide strong support for the validity of the claims.

Рассмотрен важный фактор партийной политики, один из критериев, который отличает настоящую партию, способную выполнять публичную политическую функцию – внутрипартийную демократию. Проанализированы факторы, при соблюдении которых политическая партия может считаться демократической. Приведены модели внутрипартийной демократии. Сделан вывод о необходимости регулирования внутренней деятельности партии для обеспечения надлежащего функционирования демократического общества. ; The important factor of party policy, which was analyzed, is one of the reasons, that indicates the true party. This party must be able to execute such a public political function as internal party democracy. The factors, observance of which will make possible for political party to be truly democratic, are also analyzed. The types/models of the internal party democracy are brought. The conclusion about the necessity to adjust the internal party activity for providing of the proper functioning of democratic society is made.

Abstract: Mainstream economists and social philosophers like Arendt and Habermas conceive work as an instrumental activity. This instrumental conception of work results from the way in which work is regarded: as a relation between men and nature rather than a relation between men. Work is then relegated to the private, non-political domain. Conversely, we argue that work entails a co-operative and intersubjective character, which endows work, as experienced by workers, with an inescapable political and public dimension. These analytical claims lead us to question the strict distinction between the public and the private in contemporary democratic societies and adopt a normative perspective. Major normative implications are that work-related issues should be transformed from private practices to public matters and that participatory workplaces should be promoted by public regulation. ; FCT.

В условиях меняющихся политических реалий в конце XX начале XXI в. американская внешнеполитическая стратегия интенсивно подвергалась переосмыслению и корректировке со стороны различных экспертных сообществ и групп. В представленной статье приводится краткий анализ деятельности Комиссии по национальной безопасности XXI в. (известной, как комиссия Харта-Радмана). Несмотря на значительный вклад Комиссии в создание Стратегии национальной безопасности 2002 г., ее работа изучена недостаточно в современной российской политической литературе. ; In the changing political realities in the late 20 early 21 centuries American foreign policy strategy was intensively exposed to rethinking and correction by various expert communities and groups. In presented article the short analysis of activity of the National Security in XXI Century Commission (known, as Hart-Rudman Commission) is resulted. Despite the big contribution of Commission to creation of National Security Strategy 2002, its work is studied insufficiently in modern Russian political literature.

I argue that decision-making processes by the president and the national security establishment and a conception of past US military operations as credibility-establishing precedents for future US military actions have tended to result in a fixation on political developments occurring in a relatively small number of nations. Together, these foreign-policy making routines produce a high degree of regularity in US military activities whose importance is not often appreciated in studies that emphasize more variable domestic political forces, such as diversionary theory, or traditional security concerns, such as realism. I use both a zero-inflated, negative binomial model and a proportional hazards model to illustrate the impact of past US militarized dispute behavior on the prospects for future military activity. I find that past US conflict behavior exercises the most important influence in both models.