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This essay explores how the films Becket (1964) and The Lion in Winter (1968), both starring Peter O'Toole as Henry II, can start conversations about medieval sexuality, politics, and religion in the undergraduate classroom. All three of these topics are frequently imagined by students as monolithic in the medieval period; sex and sexuality, for example, can be reduced to heterosexual practices joylessly regulated by church law. Insofar as students have a conception of medieval political systems, these are usually imagined as both strictly hierarchical and inescapably oppressive. Medieval religion — usually Christianity — is also often imagined as an instrument of oppression and control. All these negative assumptions can be productively interrogated using these films. This essay explores how the films — colorful, tightly scripted, and featuring arguably some of the twentieth century's most celebrated actors — are useful teaching tools, both in an undergraduate course on the Middle Ages in cinema, and in a general medieval survey course. Becket, with its characteristically Anouilhian theme of realism vs. idealism, is a good starting point for discussing the complexities of medieval law, church politics and the church's social functions with students. The films also help to start useful conversations on the visibility and invisibility of medieval women in film. Finally, both films depict queer sexualities in ways that are at odds with much popular medievalism. Whether in The Lion in Winter's multiple transgressive sexual relationships, or in the visually explicit erotic tension between Burton's portrayal of Becket and O'Toole's Henry II, this essay examines how these films challenge students' preconceptions and create opportunities for analyzing relevant primary sources. As such, this essay discusses both pedagogical strategies and assignment options related to the two films. I argue that both films can encourage analysis of the Angevin Empire and its afterlives in popular culture, and that this analysis is broadly relevant to popular medievalisms.Banner image: The Lion in Winter (1968), Haworth Productions. Image taken from Filmdetail (www.filmdetail.com).

AbstractThe article argues that the secular Indian state and the Hindu nationalist movement are invested in restricting changes in religious membership in ways that intensify religious and caste-based inequalities. The secular state and the Hindu nationalist movement attempt to enforce a shared model of religion that takes the form of a fixed territory. In this model, changes in religious membership through conversion are restricted. An analysis of state-civil society interactions in India must therefore move away from a presumed opposition between state secularism on the one hand and religious nationalism and conflict within civil society on the other. The article draws on three cases: (1) nationalist debates over caste and religious conversion, (2) Hindu nationalist mobilization against religious conversion, and (3) state caste-based affirmative action policies that restrict benefits based on religious conversion.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Illustrations -- List of Tables -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- Chapter 1: Introduction: Region, Religion and Politics -- Chapter 2: Punjab: State, Society, Demography and Economy -- Chapter 3: Communal Consciousness and Identity in Colonial Era -- Chapter 4: Gurdwara Reform Movement and Shiromani Akali Dal -- Chapter 5: Akali Dal and the National Movement -- Chapter 6: Punjabi Suba Movement -- Chapter 7: Akali Politics in Reorganized Punjab (1967-1980) -- Chapter 8: Sikh Ethno-Nationalism, Akali Dal and Operation Blue Star -- Chapter 9: Punjab Accord and Elections -- Chapter 10: Post-Accord Insurgency and the Akali Response -- Chapter 11: Post-Militancy Return of Moderation -- Chapter 12: New Generation and Dynastic Politics -- Chapter 13: Akali Dal at 100: Trends and Challenges -- Chapter 14: Conclusion: Identity Politics and Accommodation -- Appendices -- 1: List of Abbreviations -- 2: Glossary -- 3: 100 Years of SAD: Timeline -- 4: Prominent Leaders who Steered, Influenced or Swayed Akali Politics -- 5: Akali Dal Factions -- References and Bibliography -- Index.

AbstractWe assess how likely Americans are to support political candidates who are Muslim, and the extent to which support for Muslim candidates is structured by "cultural outgroup antipathy"—generalized antipathy targeting cultural outgroups. We employ two survey experiments included in the 2007 and 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies that juxtapose a hypothetical state legislative candidate's Muslim faith with Arab ethnicity, African American race, and both Democratic and Republican party affiliation. Identifying a candidate as Muslim significantly reduces voter support and that reduction is largest among people with higher levels of cultural outgroup antipathy. The effect is consistent regardless of whether the candidate is also identified as being Arab or African American or is just presented as a Muslim. We also find that cultural outgroup antipathy diminished electoral support for same-party Muslim candidates among Democrats but not among Republicans.

Each human must be committed to preserving life. Each Christian should, likewise, protect life against today's social challenges. Cardinal Bernardin gently reminds us of our commitment to life, against all odds. A gift as rich as life itself that comes from a generous donor has to be cared for as sacred. We must do this both for ourselves and on behalf of those who cannot speak for themselves – i.e., all unborn children threatened with abortion. We must stand up to society when roles and rules are made for the good of selfish and elitist groups who want to do away with the old and the sick – i.e., our commitment against euthanasia. Once again, Cardinal Bernardin shows us the way to a Christian‐shaped society.

Bellesiles reviews 'The Cousins' War: Religion, Politics, and the Triumph of Anglo-America' by Kevin Phillips.

AbstractThe fight against terrorism prompts governments to differentiate between "good" religious practices and the "bad" ones. The simplistic dichotomy of "good" and "bad" Muslims has led to a cascade of criticism, but a fallacy underlying this dualism remains underexplored. This paper examines the "no true Scotsman" fallacy that is prevalent in the political discourse surrounding terrorism and religion. It argues that China's attempt to counteract the essentialist assumption about Uyghurs leads to a reinforced "good-versus-bad" dichotomous categorization of Muslims, reflected in the binary of "normal" and "illegal" in China's religious policy. This is a major contribution to the existing literature on politics and religion because, theoretically, this paper applies the "no true Scotsman" fallacy and "good" and "bad" Muslims dichotomy to explain the relationship between politics and religion; empirically, it provides a rich overview of the political nature of religious policy in China.