Suchergebnisse

Contemporary American politics is notable for its high levels of anger and partisan antipathy. While these developments are attributable in large part to societal-level sociopolitical trends, I argue that they are also the result of politicians' deliberate and strategic attempts to elicit mass-level anger. In this paper, I analyze over one million tweets sent by members of the 116th Congress to demonstrate that political elites do appeal to anger and that the angriest of these appeals are most likely to come from the most ideologically extreme Members of Congress – that is, the most liberal Democrats and the most conservative Republicans. I further show that this relationship is stronger for Democratic politicians, and that authoring tweets with a greater amount of anger generates more engagement. The results suggest that as long as politicians have an incentive to appeal to mass-level anger, the divisions characterizing American politics are likely to persist.

This paper provides a general framework for analyzing political (in)stability in comparative political systems. It distinguishes different subgroups of a society, some of which have a potential for pursuing a redistribution of wealth in its broadest sense via constitutional or non-constitutional government overturns. Political instability implies a cycle of overturns and redistributions with no stable equilibrium. It will be shown that individual incentives for participating in overturn attempts hinge not upon specific distributions of wealth but are rather dependent on the respective structure and credibility of promises and threats within and across the different subgroups of the society. What is more, without credible commitments of the incumbent governments to a carrot-and-stick policy there will be the danger of endless over-turn and redistribution cycles, leading to failed states. For much the same reason, democratic constitutions contain effective measures against redistribution cycles. Stability within non-democracies, by contrast, can be explained by the fact that commitments among potential re-bels cannot be backed by formal institutions, whereas incumbent governments can use their legal surrounding for developing institutions that, in turn, help them to embed potentially threatening societal groups into a system of carrot and stick.

Applying Samuel Huntington's hypotheses on political modernization, the factors inhibiting political mobilization in Hong Kong in the 1950s & 1960s & the impact of economic development are examined. The emerging demands for democracy since the early 1970s are also explored, including the factors underlying this demand, its moderate nature, & the colonial government's response. In the early 1980s, the prodemocracy movement supported the Chinese recovery of the sovereignty of Hong Kong, which raised the community's expectations regarding political reforms. The prodemocracy movement formed an alliance with the conservative business community. However, this alarmed the mainland government in Beijing, which took measures to suppress the movement there, thus affecting confidence in the movement in Hong Kong with regard to developing democratic institutions after the British leave. Modified AA

This research study is aimed at investigating 1) the relationship between Thai youth leaders' levels of knowledge and understanding of democracy, of attitudes toward democracy and of the political behaviors, and 2) how their backgrounds and political culture would influence their level of political participation in the future. The participants in this study consisted of 1,064 members of the National Youth Council, and included representatives from all 76 provinces of Thailand. The result is that the majority of the participants had a) a high level of knowledge and understanding of democracy, b) a medium level of democratic political behaviors and culture, and c) a high level of interest in participating in politics in the future. การศึกษาวิจัยเรื่อง "ปัจจัยภูมิหลัง วัฒนธรรมทางการเมือง และการมีส่วนร่วมทางการเมืองของผู้นำเยาวชนไทย" มีวัตถุประสงค์สำคัญคือ การศึกษาความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างระดับความรู้ความเข้าใจต่อระบอบประชาธิปไตย ระดับทัศนคติทางการเมืองแบบประชาธิปไตย และพฤติกรรมทางการเมืองของผู้นำเยาวชนไทยและการศึกษาปัจจัยภูมิหลังและวัฒนธรรมทางการเมืองที่มีผลต่อการมีส่วนร่วมทางการเมืองของผู้นำเยาวชนไทย โดยศึกษาจากกรรมการสภาเด็กและเยาวชนแห่งชาติจาก 76 จังหวัดทั่วประเทศ จำนวน 1,064 คน ผลการวิจัยปรากฏดังนี้ ผู้นำเยาวชนไทยส่วนใหญ่มีความรู้ความเข้าใจต่อระบอบประชาธิปไตยและมีทัศนคติทางการเมืองแบบประชาธิปไตยในระดับสูง มีพฤติกรรมทางการเมืองและวัฒนธรรมทางการเมืองแบบประชาธิปไตยในระดับปานกลาง และผู้นำเยาวชนไทยส่วนใหญ่สนใจที่จะมีบทบาททางการเมืองในอนาคตในระดับสูง

Presents questions & contentious issues for the candidates in the 2000 presidential election in the US. In Youth Development, Bobby Austin encourages the respective candidates to establish a holistic approach to addressing youth development in the US. In Old Habits and Old Myths, Seymour Martin Lipset urges candidates to consider the legitimacy of the military budget, the creation of true educational standards, & the provision of social security. In Religion and Politics, Martin E. Marty stresses the need to examine the religious aspects of several hot issues, particularly international human rights & global military action. In Religion and a World Rule of Law, Richard D. Schwartz suggests that the remedy for Samuel Huntington's (1996) apocalyptic "clash of civilization" resides in the acceptance of a world rule of law. In Racism, Roger Wilkins pushes the presidential candidates to identify obstacles for achieving improved race relations within the US. In Utopia and Campaign Spending, Oliver Williamson exhorts the candidates to acknowledge the political & economic realities associated with campaign finance reform. J. W. Parker

This research is aimed to design reading materials for the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Syarif HIdayatullah Jakarta, due to the absence of such specific materials in the market. To produce satisfactory teaching materials, the researcher did some steps i.e. doing needs analysis, reviewing the principles of materials design and reading strategies, designing course framework, designing syllabus, designing the reading materials, and implementing the sample lessons. The needs analysis was intended to find out what the students needed and to find out the subjects the students learned from the institution in order to produce adequate reading materials. Based on the needs analysis, the researcher then identified the global aims of the course, thereby, the writer designed course framework. This course framework contained general points of reading themes and topics, information of classroom activities that followed up reading, the length of study session, the number of the course meetings, and the number of participants. The course framework became the basis to write the syllabus. Finally the syllabus became the basis for designing reading materials.

This is an editorial that argues that vast political changes are in the offing in the wake of the domestic & international leadership of George W. Bush & Tony Blair. A new political era is about to begin, though no one can accurately predict what it will consist of or what it will be called. One can be sure, however, that the theme of the new era will be change. Along these lines, the article draws tremendous parallels between the national campaigns of Barack Obama in the US & David Cameron in the UK, both of whom have made change the central theme of their campaigns. The old guard in the respective countries, meanwhile, is represented by the candidacies of Hillary Clinton & Gordon Brown. The editorial concludes that successful change can come about only through the application of virtuous political skills. R. Young

Abstract
The twentieth century may be characterised as an epoch dominated by migratory movements, marked particularly by the substantial human displacements precipitated by wars and revolutionary upheavals during its first half. Historiographical tendencies have often led to a narrowed concentration on select dimensions of political immigration, neglecting the broader spectrum of ideological currents that influenced these movements. A case in point is the insufficiently examined narrative of Russian monarchist factions in Western Europe during the 1920s and early 1930s, and the subsequent evolution or dissolution of their ideological tenets. This research undertakes a historiographical analysis, a comprehensive review of both domestic and international scholarly literature, and a thorough evaluation of ancillary sources concerning the activities of Russian monarchist entities in Western Europe throughout the 1920s and 1930s. The study specifically accentuates the chronological segment of the 1920s within the history of the Russian monarchist movement, illuminating their concerted efforts to formulate a political doctrine that not only aimed at the reinstatement of monarchical governance but also sought to present a counter-narrative to the communist manifesto propagated by the Bolsheviks, thereby attempting to establish a more compelling and pragmatic alternative.

WHEREAS THE OLD COLD WAR REALISM POSTITED AN "A PRIORI" LIMITATION OF POWER TO STATES, A NEW REALISM WILL HAVE TO BEGIN BY BREAKING THROUGH INHERITED PRECONCEPTIONS TO ENQUIRE WHERE POWER LIES IN THE PRESENT ENLARGED COMPLEX OF FORCES. THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES WHAT CIVILIZATION ACTUALLY IS AND TAKES AN INVENTORY OF CIVILIZATIONAL PERSPECTIVES. IT SUGGESTS THAT A MODEL OF GLOBAL GOVERNANCE HAS BEEN THAT OF A WEAK CENTER IN A FRAGMENTED WHOLE AND THAT THE ALTERNATIVES MAY BE EITHER A CONFLICTUAL ANARCHY OF REALPOLITIK OR A REGIME OF DOMINANCE BY ONE CONCENTRATION OF WORLD POWER.

The United States have been a determening factor in favour of Albania's existence as an independent country. For every researcher this is a very known fact. It was Presidnet Wilson who with his decisive verdict saved the territorial integrity of Albania whilsts there were certain plans with the intention of harming the albanian interest. The Albanian-American relations were at their best at the time of the government of King Zog. A great number of economic bilateral agreements took place in order to strengthen these relations. Diplomatic relations would disrupt with the takeover of Hoxha's communist government. The United States efforts to install in Albania a western democracy resulted unsuccessful. During the war and after, a US mission exercised his activity inside Albanian territory. This mission was led by Jacobs and Fultz. Enver Hoxha's request for recognition of Albania from the US government, received a responce in which the US would recognize Albania only after they analyzed the situation in Albania. Jacobs asked the Albanian government to recognize all political, economic and military agreements signed earlier by the US government and King Zog. This request was rejected by Hoxha, who sought recognition of the Albanian government without any condition. 1946 marked the final departure of the US Mission to Albania and the decay of US-Albanian relations. US were not ready to recognize a state that refused to practice free and democratic elections, a state that violated every human rights and freedoms. Albanians would had to wait half a century for the restoration of the diplomatic relations with the US. DOI:10.5901/ajis.2015.v4n3p259

Mode of access: Internet. ; VIVA Repository Copy 2014. ; 2