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In early 2006, the shores of Senegal became one of the main points of departure for the cayucos (boats) destined for the Canary Islands. While readmission agreements between Spain and Senegal are the focus of diplomatic preoccupations, the Senegalese government has taken up the argument of development versus the control of migratory flows in order to negotiate compensation from the Spanish authorities. This paper will show how, beyond these political negotiations, the development argument is also a core argument used by the deportee associations which are trying to become visible in the social arena in Senegal, and to acquire a number of resources.

This paper will explore the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights as an exemplar of political mythmaking, a genre of narrative designed to channel and thereby to quell social anxiety and to orient select groups toward desirable beliefs and practices. One of the Declaration's most fundamental and forceful elements is its enshrinement of the "inherent dignity" of each member of the human family. Drawing upon contemporary theorizations of mythmaking and sacralization, this article will elucidate the manner in which inherent dignity functions as the central item of sacredness within what we might call the "secular morality" of universal human rights. Adapted from the source document.

In this contribution the author argues that perception is not something a-historical, given for eternity, but that there is also - with respect to the shaping of our attention - a tension between historic change concerning the structures of perception and that which remains always beyond our attempts to symbolize, that is to negotiate the impossibilities of modern life. This means that in modernity we have a transformation of the ways of perception towards something which the author calls an >eventful seeingprivate public spaceprivate public spaceeventful seeingprivate public spaceprivate public space< as a space of the political has taken place in the last decades.

In this first installment of the Misinformation series, the author tackles complex socio-economic and political topics related to the economy of the United States, such as the federal budget, wasteful spending, the national debt, unemployment and social security. By breaking down each subject into laymans terms, the author clearly and concisely presents, in an unbiased manner, the facts behind the fake news, half-truths and general misinformation from the annoying headlines and memes cluttering social media on these volatile subjects. --

As nations around the world become closer and increasingly interdependent, the changing global context requires a parallel advancement of academic research. Theories developed for advanced democracies in the twentieth century now require complimentary additions, or perhaps diverging counterparts, to help explain the developmental processes of developing countries. To address these changes, scholars have created new theories or extended old ones to consider developing countries. However, despite the positive and thorough advancements thus far, the dynamic nature of countries undergoing development and transition, both economic and political, means that the work is far from finished. The literature on institutional developments in the political economy for advanced democracies is, while still evolving, well established. The theories supporting the research within this thesis rely on comparative capitalism studies and the varieties of capitalism approach focused on advanced democracies. The purpose of this thesis is, using the key tenants of comparative capitalism and the varieties of capitalism theory, to expand this literature to developing countries. After the introduction found in chapter one, chapter two suggests that developing countries with more coordinated economies should have more proportional electoral rule systems, which are a type of political institution. Chapter three continues along the idea of this subject by suggesting that these coordinated economies, which have more proportional electoral rules systems, according to chapter two, should produce more generous welfare states with higher government spending and more optimal welfare outcomes, such as low inequalities and low levels of poverty. This connective story can be explained by the co-evolution of economic and political institutions. In order to understand more deeply welfare state formation and variety, along with how welfare generosity affects welfare outcomes in developing countries, chapter four takes a closer look at one region in particular, Sub­-Saharan Africa. ; Alors que les nations du monde se rapprochent et deviennent plus interdépendantes, le contexte global changeant nécessite une recherche académique plus adaptée. Les théories développées pour les démocraties avancées au vingtième siècle ont maintenant besoin d'additions complémentaires, ou peut-être de contreparties divergentes, pour expliquer les processus de développement des pays émergents. Pour traiter ces changements, les académiques ont soit créé de nouvelles théories soit étendu d'anciennes pour les adapter aux pays en développement. Cependant, malgré d'encourageants progrès, la nature dynamique des pays en cours de développement, à la fois économiquement et politiquement, implique qu'une large travail reste à accomplir. La littérature sur les développements institutionnels dans le domaine de l'économie politique pour les pays avancés est, tout en évoluant, bien établie. Les théories qui soutiennent cette thèse viennent d'études de capitalisme comparatif (CC) sur les pays avancés. Cette thèse donne un aperçu de l'impact de la structure économique sur les institutions économiques et politiques, l'évolution de ces institutions, et comment ces institutions affectent l'état social d'un pays, avec une importance particulière accordée aux résultats de l'état social. Après un premier chapitre introductif, le chapitre deux suggère que les pays en développement caractérisés par des économies plus coordonnées devraient avoir des systèmes électoraux plus proportionnels. Le chapitre trois continue avec cette idée et suggère que les économies coordonnées devraient produire des états sociaux plus généreux avec de hautes dépenses gouvernementales. Aussi, ces pays devraient avoir des résultats sociaux plus optimaux, tels que des baisses d'inégalités et des niveaux de pauvreté. Cette évolution connective peut être expliquée par la co-évolution des institutions économiques et politiques. Afin de mieux comprendre la formation et la variété des états sociaux dans les pays en développement, le chapitre quatre ne considère qu'une région, Afrique Subsaharienne (AS). Ce chapitre considère aussi comment la générosité de l'état social influe les résultats de la protection sociale.

As nations around the world become closer and increasingly interdependent, the changing global context requires a parallel advancement of academic research. Theories developed for advanced democracies in the twentieth century now require complimentary additions, or perhaps diverging counterparts, to help explain the developmental processes of developing countries. To address these changes, scholars have created new theories or extended old ones to consider developing countries. However, despite the positive and thorough advancements thus far, the dynamic nature of countries undergoing development and transition, both economic and political, means that the work is far from finished. The literature on institutional developments in the political economy for advanced democracies is, while still evolving, well established. The theories supporting the research within this thesis rely on comparative capitalism studies and the varieties of capitalism approach focused on advanced democracies. The purpose of this thesis is, using the key tenants of comparative capitalism and the varieties of capitalism theory, to expand this literature to developing countries. After the introduction found in chapter one, chapter two suggests that developing countries with more coordinated economies should have more proportional electoral rule systems, which are a type of political institution. Chapter three continues along the idea of this subject by suggesting that these coordinated economies, which have more proportional electoral rules systems, according to chapter two, should produce more generous welfare states with higher government spending and more optimal welfare outcomes, such as low inequalities and low levels of poverty. This connective story can be explained by the co-evolution of economic and political institutions. In order to understand more deeply welfare state formation and variety, along with how welfare generosity affects welfare outcomes in developing countries, chapter four takes a closer look at one region in particular, Sub­-Saharan Africa. ; Alors que les nations du monde se rapprochent et deviennent plus interdépendantes, le contexte global changeant nécessite une recherche académique plus adaptée. Les théories développées pour les démocraties avancées au vingtième siècle ont maintenant besoin d'additions complémentaires, ou peut-être de contreparties divergentes, pour expliquer les processus de développement des pays émergents. Pour traiter ces changements, les académiques ont soit créé de nouvelles théories soit étendu d'anciennes pour les adapter aux pays en développement. Cependant, malgré d'encourageants progrès, la nature dynamique des pays en cours de développement, à la fois économiquement et politiquement, implique qu'une large travail reste à accomplir. La littérature sur les développements institutionnels dans le domaine de l'économie politique pour les pays avancés est, tout en évoluant, bien établie. Les théories qui soutiennent cette thèse viennent d'études de capitalisme comparatif (CC) sur les pays avancés. Cette thèse donne un aperçu de l'impact de la structure économique sur les institutions économiques et politiques, l'évolution de ces institutions, et comment ces institutions affectent l'état social d'un pays, avec une importance particulière accordée aux résultats de l'état social. Après un premier chapitre introductif, le chapitre deux suggère que les pays en développement caractérisés par des économies plus coordonnées devraient avoir des systèmes électoraux plus proportionnels. Le chapitre trois continue avec cette idée et suggère que les économies coordonnées devraient produire des états sociaux plus généreux avec de hautes dépenses gouvernementales. Aussi, ces pays devraient avoir des résultats sociaux plus optimaux, tels que des baisses d'inégalités et des niveaux de pauvreté. Cette évolution connective peut être expliquée par la co-évolution des institutions économiques et politiques. Afin de mieux comprendre la formation et la variété des états sociaux dans les pays en développement, le chapitre quatre ne considère qu'une région, Afrique Subsaharienne (AS). Ce chapitre considère aussi comment la générosité de l'état social influe les résultats de la protection sociale.

As nations around the world become closer and increasingly interdependent, the changing global context requires a parallel advancement of academic research. Theories developed for advanced democracies in the twentieth century now require complimentary additions, or perhaps diverging counterparts, to help explain the developmental processes of developing countries. To address these changes, scholars have created new theories or extended old ones to consider developing countries. However, despite the positive and thorough advancements thus far, the dynamic nature of countries undergoing development and transition, both economic and political, means that the work is far from finished. The literature on institutional developments in the political economy for advanced democracies is, while still evolving, well established. The theories supporting the research within this thesis rely on comparative capitalism studies and the varieties of capitalism approach focused on advanced democracies. The purpose of this thesis is, using the key tenants of comparative capitalism and the varieties of capitalism theory, to expand this literature to developing countries. After the introduction found in chapter one, chapter two suggests that developing countries with more coordinated economies should have more proportional electoral rule systems, which are a type of political institution. Chapter three continues along the idea of this subject by suggesting that these coordinated economies, which have more proportional electoral rules systems, according to chapter two, should produce more generous welfare states with higher government spending and more optimal welfare outcomes, such as low inequalities and low levels of poverty. This connective story can be explained by the co-evolution of economic and political institutions. In order to understand more deeply welfare state formation and variety, along with how welfare generosity affects welfare outcomes in developing countries, chapter four takes a closer look at one region in particular, Sub­-Saharan Africa. ; Alors que les nations du monde se rapprochent et deviennent plus interdépendantes, le contexte global changeant nécessite une recherche académique plus adaptée. Les théories développées pour les démocraties avancées au vingtième siècle ont maintenant besoin d'additions complémentaires, ou peut-être de contreparties divergentes, pour expliquer les processus de développement des pays émergents. Pour traiter ces changements, les académiques ont soit créé de nouvelles théories soit étendu d'anciennes pour les adapter aux pays en développement. Cependant, malgré d'encourageants progrès, la nature dynamique des pays en cours de développement, à la fois économiquement et politiquement, implique qu'une large travail reste à accomplir. La littérature sur les développements institutionnels dans le domaine de l'économie politique pour les pays avancés est, tout en évoluant, bien établie. Les théories qui soutiennent cette thèse viennent d'études de capitalisme comparatif (CC) sur les pays avancés. Cette thèse donne un aperçu de l'impact de la structure économique sur les institutions économiques et politiques, l'évolution de ces institutions, et comment ces institutions affectent l'état social d'un pays, avec une importance particulière accordée aux résultats de l'état social. Après un premier chapitre introductif, le chapitre deux suggère que les pays en développement caractérisés par des économies plus coordonnées devraient avoir des systèmes électoraux plus proportionnels. Le chapitre trois continue avec cette idée et suggère que les économies coordonnées devraient produire des états sociaux plus généreux avec de hautes dépenses gouvernementales. Aussi, ces pays devraient avoir des résultats sociaux plus optimaux, tels que des baisses d'inégalités et des niveaux de pauvreté. Cette évolution connective peut être expliquée par la co-évolution des institutions économiques et politiques. Afin de mieux comprendre la formation et la variété des états sociaux dans les pays en développement, le chapitre quatre ne considère qu'une région, Afrique Subsaharienne (AS). Ce chapitre considère aussi comment la générosité de l'état social influe les résultats de la protection sociale.

"Alle Kinder müssen zu wertvollen Menschen erzogen werden", forderte Margot Honecker, Erziehungsminister der DDR von 1963 bis 1989. Während liberale Jugendsoziologen die Jugendphase als Moratorium begreifen und damit Heranwachsenden Freiräume zubilligen, geltende soziale Normen infrage zu stellen und selbstbestimmte Lebensentwürfe zu erproben, ohne ihr Handeln in gleicher Weise verantworten zu müssen wie Erwachsene, wurden Jugendliche in der DDR danach beurteilt, inwieweit sie dem Ideal der "allseitig gebildeten sozialistischen Persönlichkeit" entsprachen. Nach Honeckers Ansicht wäre die freie Entfaltung des Individuums erst im Kommunismus möglich. Individuelle Entfaltung besaß für sie keinen eigenen Wert. Der politische Erziehungsanspruch erstreckte sich grundsätzlich auf alle Lebenswelten von Jugendlichen. Freiräume zur Selbstentfaltung waren in der DDR sowohl materiell als auch ideell eng umgrenzt, ein Umstand den der bundesdeutsche Bildungssoziologe Jürgen Zinnecker als "Jugendmoratorium in kasernierter Form" bezeichnete. Dem politischen Anpassungsdruck waren Kinder und Jugendliche in besonders starkem Maße ausgesetzt. Zwar richtete sich der Erziehungsanspruch der SED grundsätzlich auf alle Bürger, doch anders als Erwachsene hatten Kinder und Jugendliche noch keine eigenständige Stellung innerhalb des sozialen und gesellschaftlichen Gefüges gefunden und deshalb weniger Möglichkeiten, sich der politischen Einwirkung zu entziehen. Mit dem Jugendgesetz von 1974 wurde die sozialistische Persönlichkeit als Erziehungsziel festgelegt, dem auch die Eltern zu folgen hatten. Bildungschancen wurden schon frühzeitig von der Anpassung an vorgegebene Normen abhängig gemacht, abweichendes Verhalten konnte rigide bestraft werden und gravierende Folgen für den weiteren Lebensweg haben. Auch wenn die meisten Jugendlichen die Forderungen des Staates zu erfüllen schienen und ihre Verbundenheit mit der Politik der SED wann immer gefordert bezeugten, standen sie dieser Politik tatsächlich mindestens gleichgültig gegenüber. Der "Widerspruch zwischen Wort und Tat" war eines der gravierenden Probleme der Herrschenden im Umgang mit Heranwachsenden. Es gab aber auch Jugendliche, die bewusst Einschränkungen in Kauf nahmen, um ihre Vorstellungen eines selbstbestimmten Lebens verwirklichen zu können. Schon bei geringfügiger Abweichung von ausdrücklichen oder unausgesprochenen Vorgaben mussten sie mit erheblichen staatlichen Eingriffen in ihr persönliches Dasein rechnen. Die äußerste Form der Abweichung waren Ausreiseersuchen und Fluchtversuche. Jugendliche waren unter Antragstellern und "Republikflüchtigen" überproportional vertreten. Die Dissertation beleuchtet das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen staatlich vorgegebenen Lebenswegen und eigen-sinniger Gestaltung verschiedener Lebensbereiche von Kindern und Jugendlichen für die Jahre der Honecker-Herrschaft zwischen 1971 bis 1989 im Bezirk Schwerin. ; "All children must be educated to become worthwhile people", GDR Minister of Education from 1963 to 1989 Margot Honecker claimed. Liberal youth sociologists interpret adolescence as moratorium, indicating that youth need latitude to challenge current social, political, and moral norms, and to test autonomous life choices, without being responsible for their actions in the same way as adults. In the GDR adolescents were judged based on how closely they matched the ideal of the "generally cultured socialist personality". According to Honecker, the proper development of the individual would only be possible in communism. Maturation of the individual was not a value for her. Political compliance was demanded in all adolescent life worlds and latitudes for self-development were delineated materially as well as ideally. With respect to this, West German educational sociologist Jürgen Zinnecker spoke of a "barracked moratorium". Children and adolescents were particularly exposed to the political pressure to adapt. Admittedly, the educational aspirations of the SED targeted all citizens, but unlike adults, adolescents had not yet found their position in society and had thus less chances to evade political education. The law on youth, enacted in 1974, stipulated the "socialist personality" as a general educational goal to which parents had to aspire. Yet early age educational opportunities were conditional to the compliance to given norms, and deviant behavior could be punished rigidly and have grave consequences for the future. Although the majority ostensibly seemed to fulfill the claims by the state, and testified their loyalty with the politics of the SED whenever demanded, they regarded her policy at least indifferently. "Contradiction between word and deed" was one of the major obstacles of the ruling dealing with teenagers. But there were adolescents willing to endure restrictions, to realize self-determined actions. Minor deviance from implicit and explicit standards could cause grave consequences for one's existence. Attempts at flight and applications for exit permit were the utmost form of non-compliance. The number of adolescents among fugitives and petitioners was disproportional. The dissertation focuses on conflicts emerging from the tension between given life designs and autonomous organization of different spheres by adolescents for the years of Erich Honecker's reign from 1971 to 1989 in the district of Schwerin.

False political material is widely spread on social media, presenting significant problems for society. Much of this spread arises from the actions of individual social media users. This paper examines individual differences associated with participants' reports of having shared false material online. In two online studies with adult US residents drawn from a research panel (N=507, N=527), we tested the relationship of cognitive reflection (CRT-2), agreeableness (BFI-2), psychopathy (SD3), schizotypy (SPQ-BRU), and demographic characteristics with self-reports of having shared material later discovered to be false, and material known to be false at the time. Cognitive reflection was not associated with self-reported sharing, and neither were agreeableness, age, gender, education, or level of social media use once other related variables were controlled for. Across both studies, cognitive-perceptual schizotypy had a direct effect on both types of sharing, with higher scorers reporting more sharing of false material. Psychopathy had an indirect positive effect on both types of sharing, mediated by general tendency to share political material online.

Abstract In the Uluguru Mountains of Tanzania, an expansion in informal hosepipe irrigation by small-scale farmers has enabled the development of horticulture, and resulted in improvements in farmers' livelihoods. This has largely taken place independently of external support, and can be seen as an example of the 'private' irrigation that is increasingly viewed as important for sub-Saharan Africa. However, these activities are seen by representatives of government and some donors as the cause of environmental degradation and water shortages downstream, especially in the nearby city of Morogoro. As a result, there have been attempts to evict the farmers from the mountain. Negative narratives persist and the farmers on the mountainside are portrayed as a problem to be 'solved.' This article explores these tensions, contributing to debates about the formalization of water management arrangements and the place of the state in regulating and adjudicating rights to access water. We argue that a focus on legality and formalization serves to obscure the political nature of competing claims on resources that the case illustrates. Keywords: irrigation; Tanzania; ethnography; political ecology; water

The following paper investigates the role of political elites in the prelude to and trajectory of German transition and re-unification since 1989 and takes it as a point of departure to identify experiences transferable to the situation on the Korean peninsula. Thereby it builds upon the German experience and contextualises it within the international research on elite theory and political transition in order to distinguish between general results and those specific to Germany. The structures of North and South Korean elites as well as changes in these structures will be analysed in order to identify similarities and differences vis-à-vis developments in Germany. Lastly, in light of these underlying conditions some conclusions will be drawn concerning potential future developments in North Korea, thereby assessing the transferability of German findings as well as their potential for generalisation. In methodological terms, this paper is a comparison between Germany and Korea, albeit with an asymmetric comparative perspective, in the sense that the trajectory of transformation and re-unification is well-known in the case of Germany, while considerable uncertainty persists with regard to possible scenarios for the Korean peninsula.