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This article describes a disruptive approach that offers higher education students and faculty the experience of learning from world business leaders and interacting with fellow members at their institutions. The World Business Forum event was transmitted live to 36 higher education institutions in 19 countries. Webcast and social media discussions around the event were used to create both a local University community and a global Laureate community. The World Business Forum is a two-day event, produced by HSM Global that serves as a platform for the ideas and trends that are shaping the future of business. In 2011, twenty business and political leaders spoke at the event. Through its partnership with HSM, Laureate was able to broadcast the event to auditoriums on university campuses and to add live content and discussion around speakers, making the webcast relevant to an academic audience. Universities were provided with academic, technical and communication manuals to guide them through the implementation of the event on campus. The network-wide webcast had participation of 36 higher education institutions in 19 countries, and 56,400 viewers. The Laureatehosted Facebook page generated 2,900 "likes," 3,000 "posts" and 410,000 views and Twitter produced thousands of tweets from around the world. Both the participation on campuses and social media indicated that the webcast provided broad access to the event and created a global forum for students and faculty to participate in the event. ; SIN FINANCIACIÓN ; No data 2012

Il rapporto tra verità e democrazia è ripercorso nel confronto critico con il pensiero "post-moderno" e con il liberalismo. Per l'autore, entrambi, in modo diverso, attuano strategie di de-potenziamento che eludono e sviliscono la domanda di verità e sono fallimentari sul piano pratico: la neutralità dello stato rispetto alle diverse pretese di verità si trasforma in pericolosa indifferenza e gli automatismi del mercato globale non garantiscono la soluzione dei conflitti ma ne aumentano l'intensità. La sfida intrapresa da Julian Nida-Rümelin è quella di pensare ad un rapporto tra democrazia e verità in cui la domanda attorno alla verità rimanga intatta e cogente. La tesi è forte: la verità non ha bisogno di essere de-potenziata, per rendere possibile la democrazia; al contrario, la democrazia si realizza soltanto se il rapporto con la verità è saldo e continuo. Ciò non significa tuttavia che vi sia una lettura metafisica o dogmatica della verità. Facendo proprie le istanze habermasiane relative all'etica del discorso e forte delle analisi di Ludwig Wittgenstein attorno ai giochi linguistici, l'autore inquadra la verità nell'orizzonte del discorso aperto, attuato nella prassi comunicativa, indirizzato alla ricerca di relazioni fondative condivise. Collocato in contesti specifici, affidato alla pratica politica, è discorso "autentico veritiero ed affidabile", capace di illuminare il fondamento normativo della democrazia: "il necessario orientamento normativo del rispetto reciproco e del rispetto di se stessi".

Not so long ago it seemed that by the end of the 2000s interest in Central Asia from abroad had exhausted itself and there was nothing new to add to what had already been written about the region. The West, which paid the greatest attention to the region due to the presence of America and NATO in Afghanistan, appeared to have lost its geopolitical interest in Central Asia. Washington unofficially recognized Russia's "legitimate" interests in the region as part of the reset policy, probably in the hope that Moscow's influence would be trimmed by China's increasing presence in the same region. Now, however, everything has dramatically changed: on the one hand, the intention of Russia (led once more by Vladimir Putin, the "integrator of the post-Soviet expanse") to expedite the establishment of a Eurasian Union has given the West a scare. While on the other, Western strategists are frowning at China's mounting influence in Central Asia. The Iranian, Indian, and Afghan factors are also elements to be reckoned with in the geopolitical struggle around the region. In short, the rivalry has in no way fizzled out, instead it is entering a new phase. This is amply confirmed by the works analyzed below; their authors do not limit themselves to the geopolitics, security, and international status of Central Asia; they scrutinize the domestic problems and political and socioeconomic development of the region's individual countries.

Charter of Rights ; immigration law ; security certificates ; national security ; "The Sovereign Charter" takes as its starting point the Supreme Court of Canada's decision in Charkaoui v Canada, which struck down some portions of the security certificate process of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act as contrary to s. 7 of the Charter. Although this decision was hailed as a victory, I argue that Charkaoui redraws long-standing divisions along long-standing lines of alleged risk, allegiance and origin. I then explore the emergence of tentative shifts in jurisprudential conceptions of state sovereignty and extra-territoriality through a consideration of four post-Charkaoui decisions: the two judgments in the Omar Khadr matter, the Amnesty International claim regarding Afghan POWs detained by the Canadian military and a case with respect to an over- seas RCMP investigation. The article then develops three arguments about the dialectical process by which changing notions of sovereignty both determine and are reflected in the territorial reach of the Charter, and theorize this process as one in which rights continue to constrain ways of challenging disciplinary power at the same time as they minimally limit its reach. These three meditations consider rights and sovereignty as a juridical "act", through the lens of international law and in the context of biopolitics. ; "The Sovereign Charter : Security, Territory and the Boundaries of Constitutional Rights (2012-13) 44:2 Ottawa Law Review 353 ; Peer reviewed

Abstract Introduction In the present case we report on the mismanagement of a patient misdiagnosed with otosclerosis, who was subsequently found to have enlarged vestibular aqueduct syndrome bilaterally. This highlights the need to not only be vigilant in pre-operative assessment of otosclerosis but also in post-operative investigations of stapedectomy failures. Case presentation Our patient, a 56-year-old Caucasian Australian woman, lost the hearing in her right ear following a stapedectomy approximately 25 years ago. It is thought that preoperative imaging was not conducted, while an inadequate (unmasked) audiogram was used to formulate the initial diagnosis of otosclerosis. The hearing in her left ear deteriorated to the point that a cochlear implant was now being considered for her right ear. Imaging performed as part of our pre-cochlear implant battery revealed bilateral enlarged vestibular aqueducts and thus the decision to proceed with a right cochlear implant was made following discussion with our patient and her family in regard to not only general surgical risks but specifically the remote risk that the surgical drilling required during the procedure could risk a deterioration of the hearing in her left ear because of the enlarged vestibular aqueduct on that side. Conclusions This report illustrates a case of misdiagnosis and mismanagement of bilateral enlarged vestibular aqueduct resulting in profound hearing loss. Fortunately our patient has been successfully implanted with a right cochlear implant with remarkable outcomes.

In the institutional context of literature in Flanders Herman de Coninck (1944–97) was an important player (or "actor"). The author is well known as a poet, a literary critic and editor of the Dutch Granta-like magazine Nieuw Wereldtijdschrift (NWT). Academics and essayists have paid much critical attention to de Coninck's poetics and aesthetic views. In a recent anthology of Flemish poetry since the sixties, Hotel New Flandres (2008), he is called an innovative "paradigmatic poet" in the poetry system of Flanders. Much less known is his place in and relationship to the field of Afrikaans literature. Daniel Hugo published two anthologies with poetry of de Coninck in Afrikaans and Antjie Krog was invited by the Flemish editor to participate in NWT. Later on, these essays were rewritten and brought together in Krog's Country of My Skull. Reading prose and poetry by de Coninck and focusing on references to South Africa, we can study his perspective on Afrikaans (language and literature), his points of view on social and political developments in the post-apartheid era. The purpose of this article is to present documentary material to illustrate and comment on de Coninck's ideas on literature, language and society. This commentary on ideological and aesthetic opinions can form the basis for further discursive and institutional research with regard to the presence in and the image building of South Africa in the works by a canonized Flemish writer.

We run a standard income convergence analysis for the last decade and confirm an already established finding in the growth economics literature. EU countries are converging. Regions in Europe are also converging. But, within countries, regional disparities are on the rise. At the same time, there is probably no reason for EU Cohesion Policy to be concerned with what happens inside countries. Ultimately, our data shows that national governments redistribute well across regions, whether they are fiscally centralised or decentralised. It is difficult to establish if Structural and Cohesion Funds play any role in recent growth convergence patterns in Europe. Generally, macroeconomic simulations produce better results than empirical tests. It is thus possible that Structural Funds do not fully realise their potential either because they are not efficiently allocated or are badly managed or are used for the wrong investments, or a combination of all three. The approach to assess the effectiveness of EU funds should be consistent with the rationale behind the post-1988 EU Cohesion Policy. Standard income convergence analysis is certainly not sufficient and should be accompanied by an assessment of the changes in the efficiency of the capital stock in the recipient countries or regions as well as by a more qualitative assessment. EU funds for competitiveness and employment should be allocated by looking at each region's capital efficiency to maximise growth-generating effects or on a pure competitive.

AFD working paper ; 120, 58 p. ; The report is prepared with three main objectives: i/ Review of general information and scientific literature to be shared with members of the scientific committee and with other contributors to the seminar. ii/ Analysis of energy trends and carbon emission patterns, and identification of major issues related to low carbon scenarios analysis. iii/ Exploration of some topics for further debate and analysis : Overview on the dual climate change and development challenge, with emphasis on the scope for policy options related to the current debate on "Green Growth" ; retrospective analysis of CO2 emissions profiles in Thailand over 1990-2008 ; review of methodologies low carbon scenario The conclusion will address the rationale for Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions that could be implemented in the years to come. This report is built on documents and literature published prior to December 2009 and therefore does not deal with new issues considered as in a 'post Copenhagen Conference' perspective. ; Le document propose une approche générale sur les thèmes de la croissance verte, des combinaisons de stratégies énergétiques et climatiques, en particulier pour les pays émergents et dans la région Asie. Il développe une analyse des tendances énergétiques et des émissions de CO2 en Thailande. Il détermine les profils d'émission passés et futurs, en utilisant la méthode de la décomposition. La finalité est d'éclairer les enjeux d'une croissance moins intensive en émissions et de contribuer à l'identification des politiques climatiques.

The Cole Royal Commission enquiry into the building and construction (abbreviated to 'construction') sector recommended controversial workplace-relation reforms for that sector. The recommended changes are likely to be enshrined in legislation within the year. The Commission drew on analyses of industrial disputes that focused, in the main, on quite recent experience. This paper attempts to give a broader historical perspective on disputes in that sector by considering the pattern of disputes for the entire post-World War II period. Accordingly, data on disputes and employees during the entire period are gathered from Australian Bureau of Statistics current and archived sources. These data are classified according to sector (construction versus non-construction) and analysed. It is found that the strike rate has, on average, been greater in the construction sector than in the non-construction sector. However, there have been periods during which disputes in the construction sector have been relatively low. The most recent period was during the period of the Accord (1983-96), during which the strike rate in the construction sector fell relatively strongly. The analysis of this relatively broad historical period draws attention, among other things, to the possibility that the sort of strategies employed during the Accord years – strategies of cooperation and consensus building – may provide a more effective means of bringing industrial peace to the workplace relations scene of the construction sector than policies that are relatively confrontational.

This paper explores the dissemination of anti-Semitic themes, motives, and clichés in the k. & k. province of Bukovina, around 1900. It is argued that the abrupt unleashing of brutally anti-Jewish discourses in this most eastern province of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, after the anti-Semitic wave which had reached its peak in Vienna and in the center of Austria in the last decades of the 19th century, goes back to local social and national conflicts deeply rooted in the contradictions of the modernization process. The fact that the Romanian politician Aurel Onciul—originally involved in the liberal opposition to the political domination of the large estate-owners—posed as one of the beacons of this ideological approach, does not only reveal an opportunistic alignment of Romanian political groupings with the Christian Socialists under Karl Lueger after the 1907 imperial elections, but also illustrates the radically anti-modern trend in the political thinking of the emerging middle class that was to have serious consequences for the political development in post-World War Romania. This multi-layered deconstruction of this episode of Bukovina's history, under-researched in the academic literature to date, is based on a meticulous study of the printed press in the urban center of Czernowitz prior to 1914, which depicts the co-existence of linguistically- and nationally-diverse cultural spaces but also the "impossibility" of their inter-cultural integration.

The fall in 1955 of Tsähafé Teʾezaz Wäldä-Giyorgis Wäldä-Yohannes was an event of special importance in the political history of imperial Ethiopia. For nearly a decade and a half after 1941, Wäldä-Giyorgis had exercised power and influence second only to that of Emperor Haylä-Sellasé. Yet, this very power and influence seems to have contributed to his undoing. Those who were shunted aside or feared his growing powers joined forces to estrange him from the emperor and bring about his downfall. The document printed here provides a personal account of the central character, Wäldä-Giyorgis himself, on the buildup to the final moment in May 1955, when he was removed from his powerful position to that of a provincial governor. It underscores the central role played in that downfall by his erstwhile ally, Mäkonnen Habtä-Wäld, as well as the attempt of Church authorities to mediate between the emperor and the powerful minister. Above all, the document gives us a rare insight into the relationship between emperor and minister and the trauma that the breach represented to both. Further, the outward decorum and civility that pervaded the entire proceedings of what must have been a grave political crisis provides a striking contrast to the brusqueness, not to say brutality, with which political opponents – real or imagined – were disposed of in post-1974 Ethiopia.

Governing through speech: street parliaments, oratory practices and political subjectivation in Côte d'Ivoire In the course of Côte d'Ivoire's crisis, an extensive network of street "parliaments" and "agoras" was created by nationalist youth. The article shows how these parliaments worked effectively as an apparatus where, beyond mobilizing citizens, young patriots (jeunes patriotes) asserted themselves as moral and political subjects, using oratory and hermeneutic skills to unveil the "truth" of the Ivoirian conflict. Their "professionalization" as orators was linked to a specific form of governamentality, where the uttering of truth was given a fundamental role in governing citizenry and producing subjectivity. The article closes with a brief reflection on the transformations undergone by this governamentality in the post-conflict context, once the "parliamentary" apparatus has been erased. ; La crise en Côte d'Ivoire a vu se multiplier les « agoras » et « parlements » de la rue, devenus les hauts lieux de la mobilisation patriotique. Cet article montre que les orateurs de ces espaces se sont affirmés en tant que sujets moraux et politiques par la prise de parole publique et un travail herméneutique de « dévoilement » de la vérité. Mais il souligne aussi que ce processus de subjectivation s'est opéré dans le cadre d'un dispositif contraignant de professionnalisation de la parole patriotique s'apparentant à une forme de gouvernementalité. Il s'interroge alors sur le devenir de celle-ci dans un contexte de sortie de guerre qui a vu la destruction dudit dispositif.

Based on the case studies of India and Sri Lanka, the paper combines conceptual and empirical findings on power-sharing arrangements as a key to conflict management in deeply divided, post-colonial societies. The two countries were chosen because of the similarity of their ethnopolitical conflicts but also because of their differences in conflict management practices and outcomes. For the case study on India, I argue that by applying power sharing principles the conflicts resulting from demands of minorities, such as homeland and linguistic recognition, were met through provisions based on the principle of segmental autonomy; demands for proportional representation in political decision-making were met through the specificity of "centric-regional" parties and through policies of reservation; whereas demands for security, such as preservation of cultural identity were met through segmental autonomy as well as formal and informal blocking rights. Conversely, Sri Lanka was originally blessed with favorable conditions at independence, but sub-optimal political choices after independence turned "milder ethnic conflict" into a protracted civil war. I argue that a policy based on a majoritarian control system was at the root of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. Two interrelated claims are advanced. Based on the consociational approach, 1) in a deeply divided society, conflict regulation can be achieved only through adoption of power sharing arrangements; and based on the majoritarian "control" approach: 2) in a deeply divided society majoritarian practices will exacerbate rather than regulate a conflict.

Suspicion of Muslim minorities in Western countries did not start with the attacks of September 11, 2001. The post 9/ll period, however, amplified existing prejudice. Muslims have come under intense scrutiny on the chance that they might be terrorists and have been targeted by most of the counter-terrorist measures adopted since then. In the United States, the initial objective was to catch foreign radicals, as illustrated by the FBI's massive investigation called "PENTTBOM" which sought to identify aliens involved in the attacks. Additional measures such as the Absconder Apprehension Initiative (AAl) and the implementation of the National Security Entry-Exit registration System (NSEERS), adopted in 2002, targeted foreign Muslims. The enactment of new statutory provisions designed to identify and apprehend foreign terrorists was soon followed by a catch-all strategy targeting all Muslims living in the US. Furthermore, the broad definition of what constitutes a terrorist threat (as developed by the 2001 PATRIOT Act, the 2005 REAL ID Act, and the 2007 Protect America Act) has allowed US authorities to extend the list of terrorist offenses–leading to increased infringement on civil liberties in the name of security. Governmental discrimination also fueled prejudice against Muslims by providing ajustification for anti-Muslim sentiments. A large section of the public welcomed racial/ethnic profiling and various measures limiting the civil rights and the civil liberties of Muslims as a way to improve homeland security.